Hollywood A-listers are more comfortable than ever with cloning their voice and likeness to create a new stream of income, despite the threat of viewer backlash to artificial intelligence.

Sunny Hostin of the popular daily talk show “The View” has licensed her image and likeness to AI production studio Fountain 0, which will make film adaptations of her novels.

“To be able to bring my novels to life in movie and TV form, and actually have my image inserted in the productions, so that audiences can relate to me through my stories beyond my role as an author, is incredibly exciting to me,” Hostin said in a statement.

“AI can give me a way to both more fully develop, and more fully immerse myself in, IP I have developed,” she said.

The Overton window for acceptable AI use in Hollywood continues to widen as Hollywood actors, television hosts, and influencers embrace cloning with protections and compensation. As high-quality synthetic re-creations become cheap and accessible, cloning has become a more desirable option for studios struggling with runaway production costs.

Audiences will be subject to more AI content on the big screen that’s indistinguishable from real human performances.

Fountain 0 is the producer behind “Dreams of Violets,” a fully AI-generated film inspired by anti-government protests in Tehran. The 75-minute drama was made with a budget of $2,000 without a cast or a crew, and was the first fully AI-generated film accepted at the Tribeca Film Festival.

“We are incredibly gratified that Sunny is willing to be the talent pioneer willing to step out and take advantage of this new form of creative expression,” said Ash Koosha, co-founder and CEO of Fountain 0, in a release.

The production company will be releasing its second fully AI-generated film, “Odysseus: The Fall,” later this year. The film uses the likeness of many people, including the film’s creator Koosha, who stars as Odysseus.

Fountain 0’s executive chariman told CNBC that the film is designed to ride the buzz around Christopher Nolan’s ‘’The Odyssey” and give people the opportunity to compare the height of human filmmaking with AI filmmaking.

Proponents of AI argue that it allows writers and creators to take on blockbuster-scale films without financial constraints. Many creators oppose AI because it could replace humans and was built using the unauthorized scraping of creative works used to train generative AI video and image models.

Online reactions to news of Hostin’s cloning were fierce.

“Basically, no film studio wants to give her the budget to turn her books into a movie with real actors, so she’s resorting to AI studios,” wrote one person on Reddit.

Hollywood has fought hard for protections from AI in the prolonged writers’ and actors’ strikes of 2023. SAG-AFTRA, the union representing about 160,000 actors and other performers, has been demanding informed consent, fair compensation, more control and transparency over the use of digital replicas.

The latest agreement, signed in June, introduced limits on studios’ use of digital replicas. The contract requires studios to notify actors before using their voices to create a replica. After a project is complete, actors must sign off and be paid the equivalent of an in-person performance if their replica is used.

Additionally, studios need to pay residuals to digital replicas used in reruns, and replicas cannot be used during a strike.

Hiring fully AI-generated characters such as Tilly Norwood, created without hiring a human performer, is not impossible but comes with a very high threshold for use under the 2026 union contract. Producers must notify the union in advance and prove the AI character brings “significant additional value” to the role.

Still, a fissure remains between those actors who stay morally opposed to cloning, and those who embrace this new reality.

ElevenLabs’ voice marketplace features clones of dozens of personalities — including actress Judy Garland, physicist Richard Feynman and popular characters such as Mr. Potato Head for creators to legally license and get compensated for their use.

This has created a contentious ecosystem in which A-listers are gaining millions from cloning with safeguards and building a new stream of passive income from their intellectual property, while early-career actors complain that their likenesses are being misappropriated and opportunities are being driven away. A massive lobbying effort is underway to institute a uniform standard for protecting an individual’s voice and likeness as property rights.

If you want proof of the widening chasm between the Trump administration and Latinos, look no further than California state Sen. Suzette Martinez Valladares and White House spokesperson Lauren Bis’ reaction to the same anti-Latino image.

Posted on the White House’s social media accounts this week, it’s a take on the logo for the beloved 1990s PBS cartoon “The Magic School Bus.” Same cheery font, same yellow bus blasting through the cosmos, same depiction of wacky teacher Ms. Frizzle and her cute chameleon sidekick Liz. But instead of a bunch of happy kids off to another adventure, the passengers are five handcuffed, brown-skinned, mustachioed men looking downward and dejected, all identical save for the colors of their T-shirts.

Bracketing this soulless scene are the words “The Magic Deportation Bus” — get it? Har har! The White House released the illustration to accompany an Aug. 24 Fox News headline gushing that Immigration and Customs Enforcement had arrested a “jaw-dropping number” of undocumented immigrants in the D.C. area over the last two weeks.

The post was the latest in a flood of racist, anti-immigrant images that the Trump administration has shared. But this one was so bad that it even offended Martinez Valladares, a Republican whose district stretches from the Grapevine to Victorville.

“Enforcing immigration law and securing the border isn’t anti-Latino. But this image wasn’t necessary or helpful,” she told me. “We can strongly support border security while expecting our government to communicate those policies without reducing a community to a stereotype. Being tough on illegal immigration doesn’t require turning Latinos into a caricature.”

Suzette Martinez Valladares, then a Republican assembly member and now a state senator, is pictured in 2022.

(Rich Pedroncelli / Associated Press)

Martinez Valladares isn’t any random Trump supporter. She’s co-chair of the California Hispanic Caucus, which represents the state’s GOP Latino legislators and was founded after a record number of them — nine — were elected in 2024. The group’s creation reflected the tsunami of Latino support for Trump that helped sweep him into the Oval Office for a second round and upended political thinking about America’s largest minority.

Such a critique from a politician of Martinez Valladares’ stature should set off fire alarms in the Oval Office as the midterms loom and the GOP needs Trump’s Latino supporters to hold the party line, right?

Nope!

When I asked the White House whether the “Magic Deportation Bus” was anti-Latino, spokesperson Bis whined in a statement that my query was “more race baiting by the media who are just mad the White House’s social media content is driving conversations with the American people about deporting illegal aliens. Is the L.A. Times really suggesting there has never been a deportation flight of just Guatemalans?”

Who’s doing the race baiting?

Nothing in the gross graphic suggests that Guatemala is the final destination for Migra Ms. Frizzle and her detainees. The men’s appearance is the only indication that they’re Latino — just the type of racial profiling that Trump’s immigration goons swear they don’t engage in, despite ample video and audio evidence to the contrary. While Latinos have long made up the majority of deportees, to portray the bus passengers as interchangeable clones who “look” Latino is as dehumanizing as you can get — but that’s par for MAGA.

Not only that, but the Fox News story that went with the icky illo said that ICE’s D.C. operation nabbed Jamaicans, Hondurans and Salvadorans, in addition to Guatemalans.

Trump and his minions famously never apologize, doubling down on their pendejadas when confronted with facts. Well, if Republicans wants any chance of holding on to Congress in the midterms and winning other key races, they need to beg Latinos for forgiveness, now that Trump has upended the lives of brown-skinned people, immigrants and U.S.-born alike.

A 1949 photo of undocumented immigrants boarding a bus for deportation to Mexico.

(Los Angeles Times)

Nearly half of Latinos voted for Trump two years ago, the best result ever for a Republican presidential candidate. Poll after poll released this year, each more dire for Trump than the last, show that those days are as distant a memory as affordable groceries. His approval ratings — and GOP hopes for the midterms — will continue to wither until he spends more time fixing the stagnant economy, ending the quagmire in Iran and stopping the deportation deluge.

To maintain his grip on power, Trump needs to inspire Latinos to stand by him, vote for his agenda and urge others to follow along. Instead, he faces frustrated supporters like David Hernandez, founder and chair of the Los Angeles County Hispanic Republican Club and host of the club’s weekly talk radio show.

Hernandez said he’s seen the perils of “unchecked” immigration at overcrowded hospitals and clinics. He also feels that in the race for California governor, Republican Steve Hilton’s attacks on Democrat Xavier Becerra’s alleged mishandling of migrant children while Health and Human Services secretary for the Biden administration will stay on the “front burner.”

The “Magic Deportation Bus” does nothing to highlight these issues, Hernandez said, describing it as “an immature cartoon failing to make any valid point.” Worse, the Navy veteran argues, it suggests that immigration agents plan to snatch children from schools.

“There is nothing funny about the issue,” Hernandez added, “that warrants this type of frivolous portrayal.”

I ran Hernandez’s and Martinez Valladares’ thoughts by Bis, noting their GOP bona fides without identifying them by name.

“Take a ride on The Magic School Bus to your home country!” the White House spokesperson began. Only her heart knows whether the line was a callback to the offending social media post or a not-nice suggestion that I self-deport to wherever the hell she thinks I was born (I’m a native Anaheimer, by the way).

Bis went on to repeat her previous line that the Trump administration is just seeking to “innovate” conversations with Americans and that “our efforts to deport criminal illegal aliens are no exception to this.”

Way to listen to the concerns of the front-line soldiers your boss so desperately needs this November, Lauren!

Spending more time crafting weak-salsa anti-Latino jokes than improving the lives of Latinos — that’s the racist swamp the president and his team happily fester in.

But there’s one thing their putrid parody of “The Magic School Bus” got right.

Ms. Frizzle often shrank her steel steed and its occupants to microscopic sizes so they could explore places they’d never seen. That sure sounds like the historic collapse that Trump is experiencing with Latinos, no?

To use Ms. Frizzle’s catchphrase: Bus, do your stuff.

The Friedkin Group, Everton‘s American owners, will be risking the fury of their own fanbase should they agree to the sale of Harrison Armstrong to Nottingham Forest.

The notion that Everton could even consider parting with Armstrong sparked an instant reaction of disbelief and anger among supporters, with the teenager regarded as their brightest home-grown prospect for years and a big hope for the future.

As yet, there are no indications that Everton will accept an offer, but Forest’s interest is real, although it would be a real coup should they pull it off.

It would also send out worrying signals about the scale of TFG’s ambitions.

Manager David Moyes has been frustrated by the club’s lack of incoming transfer activity this summer.

Moyes made it abundantly clear after Wednesday’s 4-0 Carabao Cup second-round win at Championship side Preston that he wanted reinforcements.

His hope was that TFG would provide backing for further arrivals.

Since then, however, Everton‘s main creator Iliman Ndiaye has been heavily linked with Manchester City, and now Forest are ready to test their resolve over Armstrong.

How Moyes would view, or indeed explain, such a sale, would be intriguing. It would appear totally at odds with his stated intention of building a better squad.

And while Everton and their support may have to accept their prize assets being spirited away by clubs such as Manchester City, the idea that their most promising young player could be taken away by Nottingham Forest – a club they would be expecting to challenge or even surpass – may be harder to stomach.

That is why the manner in which Everton handle Forest’s approach for Armstrong, who has already excelled this season, may be a defining moment for TFG and Moyes.

Aug. 28 (UPI) — Belgium’s foreign minister on Friday summoned U.S Ambassador Bill White over an Instagram story the U.S. diplomat posted targeting the country’s health minister.

White posted an AI-generated image of Health Minister Frank Vandenbroucke on a cigar box, apparently mocking the minister’s efforts to change how alcohol companies display health warnings on products.

The box read, “Damages every form of joy in life,” while White captioned the image, “Who’s the biggest loser in Belgium?”

“It is unacceptable that an ambassador uses such insulting language against a member of government,” Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot said in a statement to Politico.

This is the second time White has been summoned over comments made toward the health minister.

In February, he accused Belgium of antisemitism over an investigation of three mohels for performing ritual circumcisions without a doctor present.

White called the move “ridiculous” and demanded Brussels drop its investigation.

He said Vanenbroucke was “very rude” and asked for his intervention in the case, adding, “You must make a legal provision to allow Jewish religious MOHELS to perform their duties here in Belgium.”

On Friday, White’s comments about the health minister also drew criticism from Conner Rousseau, who leads the political party Vooruit.

“Bill can be a funny guy,” said Rousseau, whose party includes Vanenbroucke, in a statement on Instagram. “But he knows nothing about healthcare.

“He only repeats what daddy Trump says. They only care about money, not our health.”

The crash occurred when a truck overtook another vehicle and struck the minibus, police say.

At least 27 people have been killed after a minibus carrying members of a church collided head-on with a haulage truck in central Zimbabwe, police say.

The crash happened at about 18:30 GMT on Friday near Chivhu, about 140km (87 miles) south of the capital, Harare, police spokesperson Paul Nyathi said on Saturday.

The truck was trying to overtake another vehicle when it crashed with the minibus taxi, which was carrying members of a popular African Christian denomination who were travelling for a conference, he said.

State-run broadcaster ZBC News, quoting a provincial government minister, said 23 people died at the scene, while others succumbed to their injuries after being admitted to a local hospital.

Footage shared on social media by ZBC showed the mangled minibus charred to a shell, with the truck on the opposite side of the road.

The crash occurred in a flat, remote stretch of road, with low vegetation lining the roadside and open terrain beyond.

The incident is the latest in a string of deadly crashes on Zimbabwe’s roads, which are riddled with potholes after years of underfunding and neglect.

For everyday transport, many Zimbabweans rely on the privately run minibus taxis, known locally as kombi, but they are often criticised for overloading.

In April, at least 18 people were killed when a minibus burst into flames on a highway in the south, while earlier that month a woman and her five children died when their vehicle collided with a haulage truck on another highway linking Zimbabwe and South Africa.

A woman has shared a video of her trip to a charming seaside town, where she said ‘time slowed down’ and visitors feel like they’ve stepped back in time

One Norfolk spot is one of those classic British seaside towns that has managed to hold on to its old-school charm. Set on the North Norfolk coast, it offers far more than just a day at the beach, with historic attractions, independent shops, local food and plenty of scenic walks.

A surprising attraction in Sheringham is hidden beneath the waves. The Cromer Shoal Chalk Reef, which runs along the coast just offshore, is described by North Norfolk tourism authorities as the longest chalk reef in the world, stretching for around 20 miles.

Sheringham sits along the coastline, just an hour’s drive north of Norwich.

At first glance, it might seem fairly ordinary, with a population of just 7,100 residents, according to the 2021 census. But most visitors quickly change their minds, with countless tourists claiming they feel as though they’ve stepped back in time upon arriving in this delightful town.

There’s no shortage of things to do, with an award-winning beach, breathtaking nature and parks to explore, as well as local and military museums to visit, reports the Express.

A traditional seaside beach

Sheringham’s Blue Flag beach is a big draw, with a long promenade, colourful beach huts and plenty of space to enjoy the coastline.

At low tide, patches of sand appear between the pebbles, while the rocky shoreline is ideal for rock pooling. The town has a much more traditional seaside feel than some of Britain’s busier resorts, with fishing boats, cafés and independent shops lining the streets rather than rows of large amusement attractions.

Ride a steam train

One of Sheringham’s best-known attractions is the North Norfolk Railway, also known as the Poppy Line.

The heritage railway runs between Sheringham and Holt, taking passengers through the Norfolk countryside on restored historic trains. With its old-fashioned stations and steam locomotives, it’s a particularly appealing way to see the surrounding area and adds to the town’s nostalgic charm.

A fishing town at heart

Sheringham’s roots can be traced back to its days as a fishing village, and that heritage is still visible today. Small fishing boats continue to operate from the town’s slopes, with crab and lobster among the catches associated with the area.

For anyone wanting to find out more about the town’s past, Sheringham Museum is well worth a visit. Its collections explore everything from fishing and farming to local life and the lifeboat service, alongside fossils and prehistoric discoveries from the surrounding coastline.

Taking to TikTok, one woman decided to share her experience of visiting the charming coastal town, describing it as a place ‘where time slowed down’.

“Sheringham – a cosy seaside town where time slows down. Colourful cottages, fresh sea breeze, and the sound of waves – it’s the kind of place that makes you want to stay a little longer,” she wrote in the caption of the video.

She went on to post her clip, which opened with a woman, dressed in a blue dress and wearing a sunhat, strolling along the platform at the train station. The footage was filmed from inside a vintage train, which immediately created the sensation of having stepped back in time.

The TikTok creator went on to share brief clips from their visit to Sheringham, highlighting the delightful high street decorated with colourful bunting strung above, before capturing a procession of older women dancing and parading through the town centre.

They then shifted their focus to the beach, where visitors were enjoying the scenery and taking part in various activities in the blue waters, despite the grey skies above.

Viewers were quick to rush to the comments section to share their thoughts, with many expressing their joy at how peaceful and beautiful the Norfolk town looked.

“I love Britain one of my favourite countries,” one person wrote.

Another viewer said: “This is not just a video. It’s like opening up to a brand new dimension of extraordinary power!”

DURING the school holidays I am a fan of making life as easy as possible.

So teaching my children to cook seems a major win, especially when it doubles as a fun day out.

I took my sons Henry and Nicholas, to a brilliant kids’ pasta making class at the Jamie Oliver Cookery School.

There are two London locations offering lessons for all ages and abilities, including joint parent-kid sessions – perfect for the summer break or weekends.

Our class was inside John Lewis’ flagship department store on Oxford Street, in a big, bright teaching kitchen.

Our instructor was Holly, who studied at culinary school, has written cookbooks and worked as a private chef.

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Holly explained what was on the menu and took us through the first part of the process – making our pasta dough.

It’s a great one for kids as the mixing and kneading allows them to get stuck in.

Standing in the flash kitchen with our ingredients laid out before us made us feel like we were on a cookery show.

The task does involve some skill, but no real prior expertise or fiddly equipment or techniques.

Holly and her assistant chef Robin circled the room and helped when needed, but gave the young cooks plenty of space to learn and explore for themselves.

Then, as our glistening, golden balls of dough ‘rested’ on our work benches, Holly brought everyone back together to explain how to whip up a quick tomato, basil and garlic sauce.

It was a new one on me, too, as I didn’t know you could make a delicious pasta dressing with just raw tomatoes and a grater – no cooking or chopping needed.

Then, while our sauce marinated, it was on to the rolling.

The kids loved it, and got the hang of the technique instantly, using the machine to gradually fashion a thinner and thinner dough.

Holly then showed the class how to use cutting tools to fashion tagliatelle, angel hair and farfalle (or ‘bow-tie pasta’, as we call them in our house).

The kids worked with care and precision to get their shapes spot-on and were delighted to see their tagliatelle appear like magic from the machine.

It was almost like grown-up Play-Doh!

The final step was to boil the pasta before stirring it into the pre-prepared sauce.

Clutching their steaming bowls of lovingly made pasta, the class wandered to the trestle tables in the cookery school’s dining room to enjoy lunch with lashings of grated parmesan.

Verdict from all the children: Delicious.

And for parents, what better way to spend a school holiday morning?

The only drawback for me has been that I am now being nagged to buy a pasta machine!

If you’re not a big fan of pasta, there are also classes in meatball-making,

Mexican street food, sushi, ravioli, Thai green curry and bread.

At this rate, I won’t have to worry about cooking in the holidays ever again.

That seems like money well spent to me.

Kelvin and Liz Fletcher share the highs and lows of farming on Fletcher’s Family Farm

Kelvin and Liz Fletcher shared fears for their Cheshire farm following a heartbreaking loss.

The couple shares the highs and lows of farming in their ITV series, Fletcher’s Family Farm. However, in the latest repeat episode, Kelvin and Liz faced a setback. They also bid a bittersweet farewell to their beloved alpacas as they needed to make space on the farm.

Kelvin Fletcher and Liz welcomed vet Angelica to the farm for a health check on their flock following the death of their beloved pet lamb, Aga.

“It kind of looks a bit chaotic, but this is the smoothest it’s ever happened,” Liz shared when referring to them rounding up the sheep.

Kelvin noted, “We’re improving. It just shows we are improving. With the ewes and lambs separated, it’s time for a not-so-pleasant job of the season.”

“Put your hand up if you want a poo bag,” Kelvin shouted to his kids, who seemed more than enthusiastic about picking up sheep poo.

The former soap star went on to share his fears, “To try to prevent losing any lambs, vet Angelica will take the poo samples collected today for testing so we can treat any early signs of infection.”

She explained to Kelvin, “As they grow up, they build some kind of immunity, but lambs are naive to them, and worms are everywhere at pasture, so we need to make sure that they have a good level of exposure when they’re young, which means that they will build up their immune response, but at the same time, the burden is not too high and make them sick. “

Sharing their previous loss, he continued, “We’re taking a belt and braces approach this year, as through the winter worms were a real problem and proved to be fatal for a couple of our lambs, including our beloved Aga. Aga was an orphan lamb, whom we fell in love with, but later lost to a worm infection.”

With all the samples collected, vet Angelica went back to the lab to test the sheep poo.

Luckily for the Fletcher family, the results came back all clear, as he informed viewers, “Angelica has been back in touch with the good news that the worm count isn’t dangerous, but as advised, we still treat them.

“It’s not the easiest job to do, but such an important one, and this time it was such a great team effort. Right, so now it’s that simple chase and getting them back out, back out in the pasture. “

Fletcher’s Family Farm is available to watch on ITVX.

A new plan by California lawmakers to help fund the state’s struggling journalism organizations could advance in the coming days but faces an uncertain future.

Assembly Bill 2222 would create refundable tax credits for California local news organizations based on the number of journalists they employ, which in practice would provide direct cash infusions to participating newsrooms.

The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Christopher M. Ward (D-San Diego) earlier this year, is the latest effort to provide a lifeline for the news industry. There has been much talk both in California and globally about government support for journalism. But this is potentially the largest relief plan to date, with the state tax board estimating it would make more than $40 million available to newsrooms annually. The bill passed the Assembly and needs approval from the Senate to reach the governor’s desk.

Publishers, journalists and their unions have long argued that online search and social media platforms are harming the journalism business by eating up advertising revenue while publishing content they don’t pay for.

Previous attempts by California lawmakers focused on forcing Google, Meta and other platforms to pay their share, but this proposal has a unique solution to funding the program.

Ward described the bill as an important step in keeping a strong press corps in California, which he said is more important than ever in an era of digital misinformation.

Ward said the bill would “strengthen democracy” and “keep the lights on” in newsrooms. He cited President Trump’s own attacks on the press. “We thought, ‘What more can California do to help support them?’” he said.

Trump’s efforts to strip public radio and television stations of federal funds and the steep downward profit-losing trend for commercial newsrooms has meant, Ward said, that newsrooms have severely scaled back operations. Rural areas in particular have altogether lost their news sources, with many forced to shut down.

The amount of advertising to local newspapers declined by 82% — a $40 billion drop — since 2000, Pew Research Center said in 2023. And almost 40% of all local U.S. newspapers have vanished, according to an annual report on the state of local news put out by Northwestern University’s Medill journalism school.

A report last year by data firm Muck Rack and Rebuild Local News, a nonprofit advocating for government help for the journalism sector that is sponsoring AB 2222, estimates there has been a 75% decline in the number of local journalists per 100,000 of population in the U.S. since 2002.

The law, if approved, would work by assigning a “job retention credit” of $20,000 per journalist for up to five positions, and after that $15,000 for every additional journalist. Part-time positions would be awarded half-credits. It also stacks an additional $15,000 credit for each new hire, to incentivize expanding journalist headcounts.

To pay for the credits, the bill would amend California’s tax code to align with a little-discussed component of Trump’s “Big Beautiful” tax bill that expanded taxes on some companies by eliminating a deduction for executive salaries of over $1 million annually.

It is common practice for the state to consider aligning its tax code with the federal structure to make filing taxes easier and administering them more cheaply. But California has not yet sought to adopt this federal tax expansion.

As a tax measure, AB 2222 requires approval from a supermajority two-thirds of the Legislature, no easy task in an election year and with a fast-approaching deadline for lawmakers to approve bills Monday, which marks the end of this year’s legislative session.

The California Taxpayers Assn. and groups representing business interests such as the California Chamber of Commerce oppose the bill because it raises taxes on employers that they argue already face billions of dollars in new taxes. They contend that the higher costs will be passed along to consumers, and they also take issue with funneling a new funding source to a niche industry without going through the budget process.

“Financing an industry-specific tax credit with a tax increase on an unrelated group of taxpayers is an unsound way to budget,” the taxpayers association wrote in its letter of opposition.

Republican lawmaker Carl DeMaio of San Diego has vocalized his opposition in discussions of the bill, criticizing the idea of providing funding to outlets that make political endorsements. DeMaio did not provide a response to a request for comment about his current position on the proposal.

The bill’s backers are hopeful it will wriggle through this legislative session and land on the governor’s desk.

Yet they are not sure whether Newsom will sign it. In the past, Newsom has been reluctant to greenlight laws that tinker with the state budget after those fiscal discussions conclude in the first half of the calendar year.

The governor’s finance office issued an analysis opposing the bill for not including a cap on the tax credits, thus creating “unlimited fiscal liability to the state,” and argued the bill mainly subsidizes existing activity rather than encouraging the creation of new jobs.

An analysis by the state’s Franchise Tax Board — the agency that levies personal and corporate income taxes — found that the funding stream would bring $29 million in new revenue to the state’s general fund in the 2026-27 year and $58 million the following year.

Meanwhile, the estimated amount of the tax credit for local news organizations would be $19 million the first year and $43 million the second year. After accounting for the tax credits as well as the administrative costs, the budget would still see a net increase of $10 million and $15 million in those years.

“It’s fully paid for,” said former state senator Steven Glazer, who is a passionate proponent of the bill. Glazer during his Senate term pushed similar legislation that was ultimately shelved in a deal with tech giants.

In recent years California lawmakers have also weighed tax credits for Hollywood jobs. In June, lawmakers approved a major expansion of the funding allocated each year to the state’s film and television tax credit program, moving to raise that cap to $750 million from $330 million. The legislature is also considering a bill that would provide some $100 million in annual funding to post-production work.

The newsroom bill is designed specifically so as to be as neutral as possible on the medium — whether print newspapers, digital news sites, ethnic media or television broadcasters — as well as the business model of the newsroom — whether for-profit, nonprofit or publicly subsidized. The point is to prevent the government from having strong influence or being able to pick winners and losers in the industry, said Matt Pearce, a director of policy for bill sponsor Rebuild Local News, which successfully backed similar legislation in Illinois.

“You have practically the whole range of the local news world represented in some form. Big, little, independent,” Pearce said.

Pearce formerly worked as a reporter at The Times, and served as president of Media Guild of the West, the union that represents Times journalists.

The bill is also supported by the California News Publishers Assn., of which the Los Angeles Times is a member.

What’s more impressive: Dylan O’Leary, the 25-year-old rookie football coach at San Dimas High, or Dylan O’Leary, the math teacher who graduated from UCLA and got his master’s at La Verne?

He’s good in both roles. San Dimas has started 2-0, with wins over Glendora (24-21) and Chaffey (44-8). His father, Tim, was a longtime baseball coach at Covina. Dylan spent four years as an assistant coach at South Hills.

He used to be a three-sport athlete at San Dimas, which has long used the Wing-T offense in football. When O’Leary was interviewed for the job, one of the first questions was, “Are you going to run the same offense?”

He was truthful in saying no.

San Dimas has switched to a spread offense. O’Leary has helped himself by adding lots of experienced assistant coaches and former head coaches.

Even though O’Leary is young, he’s earned respect in the classroom and on the field. He’s a full-time math teacher with a teaching credential. Even when he was 22 and teaching math to 17- and 18-year-olds at Chino Hills, few were skeptical about his youth.

“I’ve never really had an issue with my age,” he said.

In a time when it’s tough getting a full-time teaching job at such a young age and when coaches are mostly walk-ons, O’Leary is in position to make himself very valuable.

And, if the wins keep piling up, San Dimas might need to put a fence around his classroom so no one steals him away.

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email eric.sondheimer@latimes.com.

Aug. 28 (UPI) — The Trump administration on Friday asked the Supreme Court to allow the Pentagon to ban transgender individuals from serving in the military.

A federal appeals court ruled in June that the military’s attempts to remove transgender Americans was “both arbitrary and based upon animus.”

On Friday, Solicitor General John D. Sauer appealed to the country’s top court to reverse the ruling.

“The court asserted that the policy likely denies equal protection because it reflects invidious discrimination against trans-identifying people,” Sauer wrote in his petition. “That gravely erroneous holding warrants this Court’s review.”

“The authority of the U.S. military to determine who may serve in the Nation’s armed forces is a matter of exceptional importance,” he added. “Whether the Constitution prohibits the military from exercising that authority by adopting a policy like the one here is a recurring issue, which has arisen before and will likely arise again absent this Court’s review.”

President Donald Trump has targeted transgender service members since the first days of his second administration.

He signed an executive order saying transgender troops’ health needs are “inconsistent” with service in the military.

The National Center for LGBTQ Rights and GLAD Law sued in February, and the federal appeals court in the District of Columbia agreed with the plaintiffs.

Judge Robert Wilkins said the ban on transgender service members “appears driven by the bare desire to harm a politically unpopular group.”

“We are confident the Supreme Court will affirm that the Trump administration cannot base policies on hostility toward a group of people,” said Jennifer Levi, GLAD Law senior director of transgender and queer rights, in a statement.

“As the Trump administration’s own attorneys admitted, these are qualified individuals who are meeting all military standards,” Levi added. “There is no reason to waste millions of taxpayer dollars to kick out thousands of highly trained, skilled, and decorated troops based on nothing but hostility and this administration’s political whims.”

The Supreme Court is on summer recess and will return on Oct. 5.

The 23-year-old French forward would bolster new boss Andoni Iraola’s squad after the departure of Mohamed Salah.

Liverpool have ‌finalised an agreement to sign France forward Bradley ⁠Barcola from ⁠European champions Paris Saint-Germain in a deal worth up to 123 million pounds ($166m), media reports said, with the 23-year-old set to become the latest high-profile addition to Andoni Iraola’s squad.

The 20-time English champions ⁠will pay a package worth 106 million pounds ($143m), with add-ons potentially rising to 17 million pounds ($23m), for Barcola, the BBC reported on Saturday. The Athletic reported that he is set to sign a five-year contract.

Barcola joined PSG from his boyhood club Olympique Lyonnais in 2023 and went on to enjoy a trophy-laden spell in the French capital, winning back-to-back Champions League titles in 2024-25 and 2025-26, three Ligue 1 crowns and two French ⁠Cups, among other honours.

He made 152 ⁠appearances in all competitions for PSG, scoring 39 goals and supplying 37 assists.

He had two years remaining on his PSG contract.

Barcola would be the ⁠latest addition to new manager Iraola’s squad following the close-season arrivals of ⁠Uruguayan defender Ronald Araujo on loan, ⁠French centre back Jeremy Jacquet and Spanish forward Victor Munoz.

Liverpool’s attacking options currently include British record signing Alexander Isak, Cody Gakpo, Rio Ngumoha and ‌Munoz as the Merseyside club adjusts to life after talisman Mohamed Salah’s departure. Forward Hugo Ekitike is ‌sidelined ‌with a long-term injury.

Liverpool host Nottingham Forest on Saturday.

The former BBC child star is leading a completely different life away from the spotlight

The Queen’s Nose star Victoria Shalet looks almost unrecognisable over 30 years since she rose to fame.

Fans of the nineties show will remember the actress playing Harmony in the children’s programme, which was based on Dick King-Smith’s novel of the same name.

It followed Harmony, a 12-year-old who was gifted a magical 50p coin by her uncle Ginger. The coin had powers to grant wishes when Queen Elizabeth II’s nose was rubbed.

Leading actress Victoria starred on the show from its debut in 1995 until season four, when the story took a new direction without her character.

But her career didn’t end there, Victoria went on to appear in TV shows like The Quest and Midsomer Murders.

The London-born performer also had memorable movie roles in the 1995 horror Haunted and 2003 drama Eroica. But even Victoria’s biggest fans would struggle to recognise the actress now, almost 15 years since her last role.

The 44-year-old is now a psychotherapist for individuals and couples, working in areas including abuse, grief and child-related issues.

Victoria recalls her past life on her website, writing: “Before becoming a psychotherapist, I spent over two decades working as an actor in film, television, theatre, and radio.

“This immersive experience of observing and portraying the human condition deepened my curiosity about why we do what we do—and how our internal world shapes our behaviour and relationships.”

She has previously opened up about leaving the industry, confessing that she simply lost her spark for performing.

Speaking to Glamour, she explained: “From the age of six, I was acting, but I got to my early twenties and realised my heart just wasn’t in it.

“Then I had some therapy myself and it really did make me re-evaluate what I wanted from life. I did a foundation year in counselling and knew I wanted to take it further.”

Victoria went on to describe the moment everything changed, sharing: “The crunch came when I was accepted onto a training course that would qualify me to be a therapist.

“On the same day, I got a call-back from an audition to be a regular in Holby City. When I didn’t get the part, I saw it as a sign that I had to give up acting altogether to do the three-year course. I had to make a choice and I’ve never regretted it.”

Old episodes of The Queen’s Nose are currently available to watch on YouTube

The trajectory of the political transition that many Venezuelans await since January 3 seems to have been clarifying over the past few weeks. The first expected milestone is the reform of the Supreme Court of Justice, although it remains to be seen how many of the new magistrates will be independent and how many tied to factions of the chavista elite. The expectation is that, before the end of the year, the agenda will include a new board of rectors for the CNE and the long-awaited electoral calendar. In Panama, María Corina Machado had opened to negotiating these matters directly with Delcy Rodríguez, but the United States decided to manage the institutional opening through a small group of opposition figures, former lawmakers from Primero Justicia and Voluntad Popular in the 2015 National Assembly. The discomfort of Machado and her inner circle with this decision is no secret. The opposition leader has stated that she does not intend to stand in the way. Individuals linked to her team and party have raised doubts about the negotiation’s initial legitimacy and early progress, while other longtime opposition figures have welcomed the recent releases of political prisoners and the roadmap the US has outlined.

At Caracas Chronicles, we sat down to talk with Guillermo Aveledo Coll, a political scientist, expert in Venezuelan political history, and researcher of the ideas that have shaped its parties and conflicts. Aveledo views the unfolding dialogue favorably. He believes general elections must take place in Venezuela as soon as possible, though not without first tying up loose ends related to the broad recognition of any electoral process and the stability of future governments. He also discussed the dynamics that could emerge among political parties amid a transition, both within the anti-chavista camp and inside the chavista movement. Much like Marco Rubio in January, he made reference to the Spanish Transition. Finally, he reflected on our last transition to democracy (1958–1968) and how Rómulo Betancourt and Acción Democrática adapted to move forward in the face of adversity.

Recently, María Corina Machado used a term typical in transition frameworks. She said that the transition to democracy cannot be an elite pact made behind the people’s backs and without a popular mandate. Does the agenda unfolding between a commission of the Delcy government and the Delegated Commission of the old 2015 National Assembly fall into the category of an elite pact? You have been a defender of the legacy of the Puntofijo Pact. Is an elite pact problematic in these particular circumstances?

What we are seeing, which points embryonically toward an elite agreement, will have to be filtered through the will of the population, because the ultimate source of legitimacy in a democratic republic passes through it. The Puntofijo Pact was a concrete agreement on political rules among parties. However, had those parties lacked inherent legitimacy and a firm foothold, those rules might have overwhelmed them. In those elections, an independent candidate backed by one of the historic parties, Rear Admiral Wolfgang Larrazábal, obtained a very high percentage of the vote and came in second. So it could very well have been something that surpassed them, that swallowed them up.

Venezuela will need elections. It also needs the freedoms and guarantees for those elections to take place. Not because winning them without those guarantees is impossible, but because the opposition’s victories haven’t been recognized without them, while a government win leaves reasonable doubts regarding legitimacy. And if a fundamental actor in that social recognition, María Corina Machado, remains sidelined, there is all the more reason. But that alone does not fix the system; once an agreement on guarantees, freedoms, and institutional restructuring is reached to allow a new electoral process, we will be talking about another stage—the delicate process of Venezuela’s redemocratization.

Moving on to the US and the difference between what Marco Rubio says, for example, and what Machado says. I believe the US approach, at least initially, was to seek a more gradual path. Machado rejects gradualism, connecting with majorities desperate for improvements in their day-to-day lives. Do you view gradualism as desirable in this case, or does it bring risks?

Right now, it is not a matter of desirable or undesirable. It must be viewed carefully. What does gradualism mean in this context? If it means the indefinite postponement of elections, then I agree there should be no gradualism. Elections must happen sooner rather than later. Now, must other things happen before elections? Of course. Certain decisions are necessary. For many Venezuelans, the existing electoral institution is neither trustworthy nor advantageous; going to an election feels risky—not so much because of the voting machines or the system itself, but because of the allocation rules, which heavily favor the plurality or the majority.

“If you keep the current allocation system, there will be such complete steamrolling that a significant yet minority sector will find itself far more diminished than political reality dictates.”

They are rules of steamrolling. If you have a 5-4 distribution, the practical result becomes 6-3; if you have a 3-1, it becomes 4 or 4.5 to 1. That poses a problem because we are in a process that did not open through social pressure overthrowing the system. The system is still there, and its existence must be dealt with. Today, the system is making concessions that, propaganda aside, respond to external pressure. Saying that nothing will change and that all this is meaningless is a different matter. If, instead, gradualism means taking the necessary steps to promote those elections so the outcome is recognized and governance is secure, then it is logical. These processes tend to be gradual when they happen.

What should come first: presidential elections, legislative elections, or both at once?

The broader the possibility for popular expression, the better. It is convenient for a new government, of any political line, to have significant parliamentary support. In my view, general elections—or at least national general elections covering national jurisdiction, including overseas voting—are advisable. This would generate two branches of power: the Legislative and the Executive. If we maintain the proportions that society currently suggests, it would likely be a moment of overwhelming majority for one sector over another. Politically, that is not necessarily desirable. What do I mean? For the stability of the present and future process, there needs to be a form of representation closer to the national mindset. Today, the PSUV represents a significant minority, but a smaller one than in other historical moments. We will see how that translates in an environment of freedom, without infringement, and without pressure from the bureaucracy or the State as an employer. Perhaps the result could be different for chavismo now. But relying on polls that indicate a four-to-one or three-to-one gap, if you keep the current allocation system, there will be such complete steamrolling that a significant yet minority sector will find itself far more diminished than political reality dictates.

“It is likely that chavismo as an entity will take various forms and fragment. Is it convenient for it to disappear? I think doing so artificially is dangerous.”

That is not necessarily a good start. Democratic zeal and sectarianism in other transitions have weakened a democracy’s ability to respond and advance—which is ultimately what all democratic sectors want. I prefer a solid democracy with a significant, albeit limited, representation of chavismo over the alternative, simply because of what they represent in political life. Furthermore, remember: they could not be extracted—or rather, removed—from power as a structure. That carries weight. Does that mean I wish for an authoritarian leftist force like chavismo turned out to be at the height of its power? No. I believe there should be a force representing the political identity that chavismo is—as a cultural, political, and ideological identity that existed before fading due to its own dynamics. Who holds the broad banner of chavismo today? I do not know. The ones in Miraflores? I don’t know if they are indisputable figures within that movement, or if the discontent and dismay throughout this period generate fragmentation.

As happened in other transition experiences, the government party sometimes splits once it opens up, gets overtaken, and the opposition takes power. It is probable that chavismo as an entity will take various forms and fragment. Is it convenient for it to disappear? I think doing so artificially is dangerous. From 1945 to 1948, the majority force believed no other party was democratic. That gave us 10 years of harsh dictatorship. I prefer to see chavismo divide around democracy: some supporting the transition and others supporting an authoritarian or violent return to power, allowing us to face them within that framework.

A few years ago, there was much talk about the decline of Venezuelan opposition parties, even the idea that these parties are dead. A set of parties, to an extent heirs to the old two-party system, retain certain references and machinery. What are the challenges for these parties moving forward, beyond the known consequences of prolonged repression and State harassment? Can they grow stronger?

The dynamics will emerge naturally. Obviously, parties retain elements of historical legitimacy, identity, and roots, but a sifting process toward other options is very likely. My desire, of course, is for a party bloc to form around democracy. But then we face the issue of the primus inter pares. María Corina Machado is the leader and the most popular political figure in Venezuela’s recent history—the most individually popular since the death of Chávez. She holds a massive advantage, though that isn’t necessarily true for her party, Vente Venezuela. I don’t mean to diminish Vente’s value. That is why a bloc, agreements, and that collective notion are more suitable. Some argue this spirit broke after the start of negotiations, that the spirit of Panama was lost. I see it more as a pivot toward the direction Panama points. It is not the form the Panama Agreement indicated, but it aligns with the expectations it set. These are not completely unfamiliar actors; an abnormal arrangement is not being forced upon Venezuelan society.

Now, should the parties emerge? That will happen in due time. It took time for the Spanish Right to consolidate after Adolfo Suárez’s UCD and the dissolution of Francoist parties. Those fell into oblivion and later merged into a party representing that world sociologically, which became the People’s Party (PP). In the case of the Spanish Left, the multitude of cacophonous acronyms from the Spanish Civil War and exile sifted into the PSOE, which had the advantage of being a historic party. It didn’t acquire a new personality, but it began gathering people from other parties, both left-liberals and more heterodox leftists. Here, it could very well settle into one, two, or three major parties forming a bloc. What is the concrete difference between Voluntad Popular, Un Nuevo Tiempo, and Acción Democrática in ideological terms? Or between the other Democratic Unity parties and Vente Venezuela? “Oh, Vente is liberal-capitalist and the others are not.” Are the others not pro-market? Let’s be clear, they have been for a long time. It’s not that they are neoliberal, but they aren’t socialist in the sense of nationalizing the means of production. We should keep that in mind.

Regarding the Venezuelan Left, Chávez was the first major charismatic figure linked to that world who swallowed all leftist parties. That is the essence of PSUV. The Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) and the Unitary Platform positioned themselves as its antithesis: “What unites all of us who hold these ideological differences? The desire for democracy.” What might happen is that a single party—new or distinct—swallows the archipelago of parties that emerged under this system. But it is very probable, as seen in other processes, that a different party system will emerge. What is desirable? That they be democratic parties. What is desirable? That extremist parties, meaning those that do not believe in elections or democracy, can operate legitimately. That would be a danger to them. In its 20-year history, PSUV has opposed pluralism and free, competitive elections; that is how it operated from power. Could it act differently from another perspective? It might, as happened with other parties in different transitions. The PP is an example.

Returning to María Corina, who will likely be a central figure in the upcoming period, I wanted to discuss Rómulo Betancourt, the most prominent figure of our former transition. She once admitted he’s the best president Venezuela ever had. Betancourt both excelled at building consensus during that era and was firm in protecting his State project from extremes. Is he a useful reference point now? What lessons does Betancourt offer María Corina, and what are not lessons?

An important lesson is that he spoke with people who had sent him into exile and prison, admitting them into the new status quo. The only person directly excluded from the system was Pérez Jiménez. Of course, those individuals had also been victimized by the dictatorship, enabling new understandings. With others, Betancourt had built a wall of fire. But in general, he skillfully won over the military and business sectors—building bridges he failed to establish during his first presidency, a lesson in how radicalism can fail. I believe that is a crucial example. Acción Democrática held massive majorities, yet could not sustain its first mandate. In his second term, Betancourt did not take power with an extraordinary majority, yet he gathered more allies. Are the allies of the Unitary Platform enough to support such an administration? If tomorrow there is a National Assembly with an overwhelming majority from a pro-Machado party—whether Vente or another—and the minority or that sector is steamrolled, you will have fewer allies to govern under very difficult circumstances. You may have a non-governing minority, yes, but you will face more discontented voices outside. In that scenario, you should be striving to reconcile.

“What concerns me is that a government led by María Corina—one desired by millions of Venezuelans, including myself—could become unstable because we tried to do too much too soon.”

Of course, there is the idea that reconciliation should be with the masses rather than the elites. Fantastic—I believe that is a genuine aspiration. But one must also consider that part of these sectors belong to those parties. How do the thousands of party militants who helped execute the 2023 primaries or the 2024 voting tally collection feel? Discontent may be brewing there, which does not serve us well. Naturally, demanding total calm and moderation from María Corina—asking her to step away from her historic trajectory—is difficult. Her distrust is not entirely unfounded: major adversaries who have acknowledged her leadership in recent months and years have also acted against her. Perhaps that is why a more institutional coordination between the Unitary Platform and Vente—which I found desirable to allow greater cohesion—never materialized. That places a burden on the parties as well: how much can they demand when their representation is small?

How can an organized Venezuelan society exert influence over this juncture?

By trying to support the possibilities opening up in this scenario, even regarding the most politically committed sectors. The success of the process in Caracas depends largely on restoring, sooner rather than later, the freedoms that allow political dynamics to settle into something genuine and verifiable. It benefits Venezuelan society to lean in that direction. Society must also organize its own demands; democracy requires tolerance and pluralism, but it also requires contestation. There is significant leadership representing that, but society itself must reorganize because organization has been limited and stunted for years—with very few exceptions—by repression and constraints on civil society. Here, I would like to return to María Corina Machado.

Sure, go ahead.

I spoke of Betancourt and what that implies for her, including steadfast leadership. But there is also the need for flexibility toward the Armed Forces and awareness of that function’s demands. That said, María Corina Machado should not be afraid to be herself, to maintain her standard and vision. It has worked well for her so far, despite many problems, risks, and sacrifices. It would feel somewhat pretentious of me to tell her: “Look, María Corina, do this one way or another.” What concerns me is that a government led by her—one desired by millions of Venezuelans, including myself—could become unstable because we tried to do too much too soon.

In what areas do you see risks?

To me, the main risk is having powerful adversaries emboldened by instability and by the difficulty of building consensus around the tough decisions a new government will have to make—serious, ground-breaking decisions that will require broader support. Disregarding support and consensus as unnecessary could become a problem.

Are privatizations a concern for you, or perhaps the issue of justice?

I am concerned about the inability to make the most grave decisions. The privatization of PDVSA is largely advanced through the Hydrocarbons Law; we are heading toward a framework where PDVSA remains significantly reduced. The disarmament or political neutralization of the judiciary is already on the table, so they won’t need to drive that from scratch. But issues of redistribution, labor rights, and State restructuring—deeper discussions where initial instincts may not be fully adequate to foster understanding—could create serious challenges. I do not mean to minimize her support, but popular backing has often failed to prevent adversaries from becoming emboldened and supplanting democracy during historical transitions. And I do not want us to return to an authoritarian system.

If anyone wants to know what “big-boy” football in Southern California looks like, Santa Margarita’s 21-20 road win over Corona Centennial on Friday night gave fans everything they expected from two powerhouse programs.

“There was greatness on that field,” Santa Margarita coach Carson Palmer told his players afterward.

From cornerback Caron Williams producing a pick six on the final play of the third quarter to Mighty Mouse 5-foot-4 running back Adrian Petero rushing for 108 hard-earned yards in 23 carries to run out the clock, the Eagles (2-0) are proving they are no one-hit wonder after winning last year’s Southern Section Division 1 championship over Centennial.

“Even if I can’t find a hole, I’ll make one,” Petero said.

Unlike that 42-7 loss at the Rose Bowl, Centennial rallied from a 14-0 deficit. An 11-yard touchdown run by Braylin Drake with 7:33 left put the Huskies within 21-20. But Santa Margarita’s Jake Martin deflected the PAT attempt, and the Huskies (1-1) never got another opportunity to score against a defense with top linemen, young and sensational linebackers and defensive backs who engaged in hand-to-hand combat with one of the best receivers in the nation in Quentin Hale.

Santa Margarita’s defense celebrates a pick six by Caron Williams (21) at the end of the third quarter from 30 yards.

(Craig Weston / For The Times)

Centennial was at a severe disadvantage by not having two potential starters available on its offensive line because of injuries. Then the Huskies lost a third lineman in the third quarter. Quarterback Jaden Jefferson was left having to run for his life from the outset but used his instincts and intelligence to find ways to succeed. He passed for 192 yards with touchdowns of seven yards to Hale and 24 yards to Kennie Leggett. He adjusted to the pass rush by scrambling up the middle for gains of 11 and 15 yards. Hale caught seven passes for 105 yards.

For some unknown reason, Williams, a junior, now has five of his six career interceptions against Centennial. He said the pick six was no surprise.

“I saw it coming,” he said. “I saw the quarterback’s eyes.”

“Defense suffocating,” is what Palmer told his players in his postgame talk, and he was right.

Santa Margarita’s defense controlled much of the first half because of its ability to put pressure on Jefferson. It wasn’t until Centennial’s final possession of the first half, when trailing 14-0, that Jefferson finally started to connect with Hale. Jefferson got the ball to Hale for a touchdown, rolling left and throwing off his back foot to find Jefferson in the back of the end zone.

Santa Margarita’s defense lost nine of its 11 starters to graduation and was supposed to need time this season to develop, but the guy who wears No. 99 for the Eagles, Kingston Jimmerson, had two sacks in the first half. He’s 6-foot-2, 270 pounds, only.a sophomore and likes to manhandle ballcarriers.

“When he’s a senior, he’s going to be an All-American,’’ Williams said.

Also contributing was 6-5, 225-pound freshman lineman Kaleb Herndon and linebacker Cruz Nunez, a transfer from JSerra. Then there’s freshman linebacker Aydan Steen, who contributed two huge tackles in the second half in critical situations.

Short touchdown runs by Petero and Jaion Smith accounted for Santa Margarita’s first-half touchdowns. Centennial fumbled on its first possession to set up Petero’s two-yard TD run.

The last time Centennial coach Matt Logan was on the same field with Santa Margarita, his face with bright red at the Rose Bowl. He blamed himself for his team’s poor performance. “We weren’t prepared to play football that night,” he said.

This time, the Huskies were able to stay close with the help of a defense that sacked Santa Margarita quarterback Fletch Palmer three times. Cal-bound Miles Schirmer was effective on the defensive line.

“The defense played phenomenal,” Logan said. “We were not on the same page on offense. The kids didn’t waver and kept fighting.”

EVER watched a TV show or film and wished you could live in the characters’ worlds for a day?

Now, a growing number of iconic TV and film properties are opening their doors to fans to book to stay overnight.

Gavin and Stacey viewers, for example, can book the exact house that was home to Uncle Bryn (played by Rob Brydon) on Airbnb.

Based on the iconic Barry Island in Wales, it is decorated just as it was in Bryn’s ‘bachelor paradise’ during episode three of series three.

It can house six guests across two bedrooms, with two nights in September for three guests setting you back £455.

But it’s not the only filming location you can walk onto. 

More on filming locations

Sea For Yourself

Where The Odyssey was filmed: Locations in Scotland, Greece and Italy

Where the Love Island 2026 villa is: Filming location for series 13

Here are 10 iconic TV and film sets around the world where you can spend the night…

De Vere House (Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows – Part 1)

While it may not be Hogwarts, you can also have a magical stay sleeping at Harry Potter’s birthplace and childhood home in Godric’s Hollow.

Located in medieval Lavenham, the Grade I-listed De Vere House was built in the 14th century and features four-poster beds and traditional stone fireplaces.

You can separately book one of the two ensuite rooms, which have access to a guest sitting room where you can toast marshmallows and crumpets over the fire.

The stay also includes a full English breakfast and fluffy robes – but sadly no flying broomsticks.
You are required to book two nights minimum, which costs from £390.

Yew Tree Farm (Miss Potter)

Experience a slice of history by booking the exact home owned by Beatrix Potter herself in the 1930s.

The Grade II-listed 17th-century Lake District property also doubled as Hill Top Farm in the 2006 Miss Potter movie starring Renée Zellweger and Ewan McGregor. 

The three-bedroom holiday rental comfortably sleeps six and comes with dark oak beams, four-poster beds, and antique furniture that belonged to Beatrix Potter. 

Guests can enjoy the surrounding fells, meet roaming Herdwick sheep, and relax in a private outdoor hot tub on the estate.

You can typically book the property out for around £750 per night.

The Spice Bus (Spice World)

It’s not only bricks and mortar filming locations that you can book. 

Spice Girls fans can have a night in the Union Jack-decorated Spice Bus, which featured in the 1997 pop movie Spice World.

Parked on the Isle of Wight, the original 1978 Bristol double-decker bus is now a cozy retreat that sleeps up to three people from £99 a night.

While it can be booked for nostalgic stays, it could also be the ideal party or hen do backdrop too.

Highclere Castle’s London Lodge (Downton Abbey)

Downton Abbey fans can step into the world of the privileged family by checking into filming location Highclere Castle.

While you can’t sleep in Lord Grantham’s main bedroom, you can stay on the Crawley family’s estate at the restored London Lodge for from £350 a night.

During the day, guests can wander the estate’s rolling parklands and enjoy views of the main castle facade. 

Porthpean House (About Time)

Nestled right above the coastal waters in St Austell, Cornwall, this 19th-century manor served as the beloved family home of Tim (Domhnall Gleeson) and his dad (Bill Nighy) in Richard Curtis’s About Time film. 

Known off-screen as Porthpean House, the 12-bedroom property sleeps up to 21 guests and opens straight out onto rolling lawns that lead down to a secluded beach. 

Guests can spend their time in the grand drawing room complete with a piano, play croquet on the grass, or potter barefoot down to the water just like the Lake family. 

Not only is it available for private family rentals, but also weddings too. 

Lostwithiel Manor (Poldark)

This wildcard rental is The Lostwithiel Manor Estate that sits deep in the Cornish countryside, four miles from Lostwithiel.

It’s a property perfect for a wedding, or special event due to its sprawling size.

Lostwithiel Manor that has been the filming location for so many shows from The Three Musketeers, My Cousin Rachel, Delicious starring Dawn French and of course, Poldark.

One guest said: “Fires and candles lit every morning. Flowers from the garden on the tables. Relaxed, attentive staff with a genuine love of the house and its history.”

The nine-bedroom property has a library, gallery, a drawing room with a working fireplace, and a beautiful garden room.

If you fancy getting married or having a party at a filming hot spot, head to Oliverstravels.

Bella Swan’s House (Twilight)

If you grew up watching Twilight, you will recall the iconic 1930s home used for the interior and exterior filming of Bella and Charlie Swan’s house.

Costing around $450 (£350) per night, the Oregon property has been kept as a homage to the 2008 hit film.

Movie memorabilia and photographs fill every room of the five-bedroom property, and you can even eat at the same dining table where Charlie and Bella shared their meals on screen.

Villanelle’s Art Nouveau Apartment (Killing Eve)

Many Killing Eve fans will recall the striking flat that assassin Villanelle stayed in during the third season of the show. 

Located in Barcelona‘s trendy Gràcia district, it features lofty ceilings and stained-glass details.

Not only can you soak up the stunning architecture in the two bedroom flat, which is around £232 per night, but you also get access to a garden pool.

King Harald, Europe’s oldest monarch, was viewed as a reformer who embraced inclusivity.

Norwegians are saying goodbye to King Harald ⁠⁠at ⁠⁠the Royal Palace in Oslo where he lies in state, with many well-wishers remembering a unifying leader who was on the throne for 35 years.

A national period of mourning was declared in the Nordic kingdom following the death of Europe’s oldest monarch on Friday, aged 89. Thousands have gathered in the capital since then to pay their respects and lay flowers. He was known in Norway as a reformer and the embodiment of a tolerant and open nation who embraced inclusivity.

“He has meant a great deal and has been a unifying king,” Line Stousland, 49, told AFP news agency. “He has been a king of the people, like a grandfather to the whole nation”.

King Harald died in Oslo University Hospital where he had been since August 17. He was suffering from haemolytic anaemia, a condition caused by an abnormally rapid destruction of red blood cells that leads to fatigue and shortness of breath.

A date for the funeral has not yet been set.

Flags are flying at half-mast throughout Norway with portraits of him in gala uniform spotted everywhere, from bus stops to offices, shops and public buildings.

As Norwegians mourned, the transition to a new reign began immediately. Harald’s 53-year-old son, who will be known as King Haakon VIII, became Norway’s new ‌‌monarch the moment his father passed away. He is due to ‌‌take the oath in front of parliament on Tuesday, when he will swear to defend Norway’s constitution and laws.

Haakon takes over a monarchy hailed for its modernity and modesty, but which has been beset by a series of recent scandals. Earlier this year, two high-profile Norwegian politicians and the crown princess were linked to the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

A police investigation was opened into former Prime Minister Thorbjorn Jagland on suspicion of corruption, while the princess’ 29-year-old son, Marius Borg Hoiby, the new king’s stepson, was sentenced in June to four years in prison on two counts of rape and 32 other charges, including domestic violence.

“An era has ended. A new one begins. The king is dead. Long live the king,” Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store said in a speech shortly after meeting the new monarch. “We will remember King Harald for his love for his people, for his humour and warmth and for his unwavering faith in us.”

WHAT if there were a destination as beautiful as Santorini or Mykonos without the crowds and sky-high prices?

Whisper it, but the tiny butterfly-shaped Aegean island of Astypalea could be Greece’s best-kept secret.

It has white-walled, blue-domed churches, idyllic beaches with turquoise coves and spectacular sunsets that paint the sky in shades of gold, pink and orange.

Chora, the capital, is perched on a conical hilltop overlooking the bay.

At the top sits a Venetian castle, surrounded by sugar cube houses which cascade down the hillside.

Its eight red-roofed windmills evoke the vibe of Mykonos.

AWESOME WELLS

I visited trendy seaside town with quayside pubs, pretty beach & holiday park

SANDS GREAT

I visited Euro island with TUI flights, kissing bridges & underwater sea walks

Yet, unlike its more popular neighbours, you’ll find yourself admiring the views in blissful peace.

And you can enjoy a trip around the historic citadel and a seafood dinner on the coast for less than the price of a cocktail on the more popular islands.

We took a British Airways flight to Kos before catching a ferry, which whisked us to Astypalea in under two hours.

The best way to arrive on any Greek island is by sea and our first close-up glimpse of this one left us spellbound.

As it emerged from the shimmering sea, it instantly rekindled awe-inspiring memories of our first visit to Santorini on our honeymoon, more than four decades ago — before the crowds arrived.

Which is probably why you shouldn’t leave it too long before you visit Astypalea.

It’s cheap and easy to get around, and with no giant cruise ship crowds pouring on to the streets, sometimes it feels like you have the place to yourself.

We stayed at the Arhitektoniki studios, which cling to the side of a cliff a short drive from Chora.

The well-equipped rooms combine traditional island charm and simplicity with a luxurious modern touch.

There’s a kidney-shaped swimming pool and a sun terrace overlooking the bay with spectacular views of the citadel.

It’s a pleasant ten-minute walk from here to Livadi beach, with a row of lively beach restaurants, bars and shops.

Astypalea has become a model for sustainability after the municipality and the Greek government teamed up with Volkswagen to develop a unique climate-neutral transport system.

All the hire cars are electric and there are charging points everywhere. All power comes from solar and wind generation.

If you don’t want to drive, just use the Astymove app to book an Astybus — an on-demand electric minibus service which will pick you up within 15 minutes and take you to your destination for just three euros.

It’s not just the transport that’s eco-Greco, the restaurants are, too.

We were served a delicious meal at Ducato di Astypalea, which ensures all its ingredients are sustainably sourced and prices remain refreshingly reasonable.

Be sure to try the delicious Asty pasta. At Aiolos Pizza we enjoyed the thick, homemade spaghetti, incorporated into the island’s cuisine when it was part of Mussolini’s Mediterranean empire. It’s best eaten with rosto — slow-cooked pork or lamb.

There’s no better way to work off lunch than meandering through Chora’s narrow, stone-stepped streets towards the castle to enjoy the view from the top.

Close by is the blue-domed church of Panagia Portaitissa, built in 1762 and the spiritual centre of the island.

Maltezana, named after the Maltese pirates who once wreaked havoc here, is just five miles from Chora — ideal for a day trip.

It features a beautiful sandy beach, some fine fish tavernas and some recently excavated Roman baths.

It’s also worth a trip to Vathi on the northeastern side of the island.

Close by is the Cave of Drakos, which is adorned with stalactites and stalagmites of many colours and was once used by marauding pirates to hide their treasure.

If two weeks of peace and quiet are too much, you can easily hop to a more lively island for a contrast.

We opted for Naxos, the largest island of the Cyclades, four hours away by ferry.

The first thing you see as you dock is the Portara — a colossal marble doorway which is all that is left of the Temple to Apollo, built in 530BC.

The seafront bustles with restaurants and shops and has a vibrant nightlife.

The best place to stay is on the south side of Naxos town.

Princess Mare Hotel is less than a two-minute walk from sandy St George’s beach and barely ten minutes to the seafront restaurants and ferry terminal.

Naxos is famed for its marble and many famous artworks and buildings — including parts of the Acropolis in Athens — are made from it.

Try exploring one or two picture-postcard mountain villages.

Aperathos and Chalki have pretty shops to explore and tavernas with spectacular views.

Naxos Bus Transfer does a full-day island highlights tour, which includes a stop for lunch.

It also takes in the statue of Apollo — though modern historians argue it is Dionysus — at Kouros.

It is 35ft long, weighs 80 tons and hasn’t moved in 2,000 years, either because it was too heavy or somebody didn’t pay the bill.

It’s only a two-minute drive from here to Apollonas beach, ideal for a swim or to relax in one of the shaded beach tavernas.

Before you leave Naxos town, be sure to explore the streets leading up to the 13th-century castle.

It’s a beautiful, labyrinth-like maze of historic, cobblestone and marble-paved alleys originally designed to confuse invading pirates.

As well as blooming bougainvillea, stray cats, art galleries, boutiques and tiny, centuries-old stone chapels, there’s a little museum at the top with a lovely rooftop bar.

After cramming so much into our three days in Naxos, it was good to return to the slower pace of life in our newfound hideaway, Astypalea

But secrets such as this rarely stay hidden forever. So whatever you do, don’t tell too many people . . . 

THEY’VE spent years dodging questions and dishing out the classic “never say never” when asked about a reunion for The Saturdays.

Now it looks like Frankie Bridge and Rochelle Humes might have finally found a way to make everyone happy – and The Sun can exclusively reveal when and how.

There are always rumours that the girl group – who went on hiatus in 2014 – will perform at Mighty Hoopla festival and we can reveal Frankie and Rochelle, both 37, are closer than ever to making it happen. 

Earlier this year This Morning host Rochelle revealed her son Blake, five, is desperate to see his mum on stage and just this month Loose Women panellist Frankie confirmed she would be up for the LBGTQ pop bonanza, saying “the gays deserve it”. 

A well-placed insider said: “It’s getting to the point now where Frankie and Rochelle are close to saying yes just so everyone stops asking them about it. 

“A Saturdays set at Mighty Hoopla would go down a storm and but looks like that’s about as much as they’d be prepared to commit to.

“Offers have been made, there have been talks and – while it’s far from confirmed – for the first time it looks like everyone is keeping an open mind.” 

The Saturdays line-up also included Vanessa White, Una Healy and Mollie King and when asked about their decision to go their separate ways more than a decade ago, Rochelle recently told Jamie Laing on his Good Company podcast that it came down to money. 

She said: “For a period of [time], music artists were making money touring. 

“The tours and the brand deals were where you would make your money. The records weren’t for us.

“So we’d be the face of a shampoo and all have our own scent – that’s where we’d make our money. Those brand deals were really important to us and so was the touring.”

Meanwhile Frankie has repeatedly stated in recent years that she feels “too old” to be a pop star, firmly telling OK! Magazine previously: “I don’t think it will happen.” 

So it is no surprise that it’s Frankie and Rochelle, who first shot to fame as members of S Club Juniors in 2001, are the ones calling the shots on if and when a Saturdays comeback takes place – and they’ve made their conditions clear. 

Our insider added: “Frankie and Rochelle have been pop stars since they were 12 so they’re comfortable with that chapter being closed now. 

“If they say yes to a reunion gig, they’ve made it clear they’re not interested in recording new music or going on the road again. Their families come first.”

In a stark contrast to the attitudes of Frankie and Rochelle, Una, 44, has been championing a full-scale return for The Saturdays pretty much since they announced their hiatus. 

But she’s not had it easy. Speaking to Patrick Kielty on The Late Late Show previously, Una confirmed that The Saturdays had made a pact that they would only reunite if all five members were on board – and she was having trouble convincing everyone. 

She said: “They all went very quiet on me. I put it out there to them [in their WhatsApp group chat], when Girls Aloud were back together [in 2023], I was like, ‘we should be doing it again’. 

“There was just silence. I thought to myself, ‘tumbleweed’. So I sent a gif of tumbleweed into the group chat and there were still tumbleweeds. They didn’t even do a little laughing emoji back. That was a bit, ‘ouch’. You know?”

We’re told that, for now at least, Una is taking what she can get – and pinning her hopes on the Mighty Hoopla coming off.

“Just to have everyone nearly on the same page for a one-off gig is more than Una expected to happen,” our source said.

“But they all know that one performance will never be enough for her and it won’t be long until she’s back to her old tricks in the group chat.”

Watch this space.

About five miles separate Agoura and Westlake high schools, but there seemed to be a great deal more distance between them Friday night, as host Westlake throttled the Chargers 38-7 in a nonleague game.

Most of that gap came via the right arm of sophomore quarterback Ford Green, who dissected the Chargers, completing 14 of 18 passes for 257 yards and four touchdowns. For Green, and the Warriors (2-0), the victory eliminated any lingering doubts about their season-opener last week, a thrilling, 32-26 triple-overtime win against Newbury Park. Though Green threw two touchdowns last week and ran for the winning touchdown, he threw two interceptions and tallied only 139 yards through the air.

Against Agoura (1-1), Green completed his first 10 passes and finished the first half with three touchdowns and 219 yards. He added a fourth touchdown in the third quarter. Westlake finished the scoring in the fourth on a one-yard plunge by running back Nazir Esanbor and a 35-yard field goal by kicker Gabriel Goroyan.

“Last week showed how we fight as a team when we come together, but tonight showed how we can dominate,” Green said.

Though graced with two top-flight receivers in Charles Davis and Demare Dezeurn, both of whom have committed to Cal, Green spread the wealth Friday, completing passes to six Warriors. Those included a 14-yard strike to Davis on the Warriors’ first possession and a 57-yard touchdown pass to freshman Drew Gamboa later in the first quarter. Green also completed a 58-yard second-quarter touchdown pass to Erik Green and a 29-yard pass to Dezeurn early in the fourth.

While praising Green’s composure, accuracy, consistency and feel, Westlake coach Rick Clausen also singled out the offensive line.

“Obviously Game 1 wasn’t what we were looking for, but they practiced really hard this week and focused on what they needed to work on and didn’t worry about the exterior stuff,” he said, “They gave [Ford] the chance to succeed.”

Ford trumpeted the depth of his receiving corps.

“I trust every single one of my receivers that they can get the job done and they did,” he said. “And we’re a brotherhood, a family, and the ball gets spread out. Even if one guy is doing really well, I know every one of them will be ready when it’s their time.”