NEWS

President Donald Trump is flying on the U.S. Air Force’s new VC-25B Bridge aircraft for the first time. The modified, Qatari-gifted Boeing 747-8i is taking Trump and others to North Dakota for the opening of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library and for other celebrations marking the 250th anniversary of the United States. The Air Force formally accepted delivery of the plane less than two weeks ago.

The White House has confirmed to TWZ that this is Trump’s first flight aboard the Bridge aircraft. The plane has been the source of controversy, including over its ability to adequately serve in the Air Force One role, something TWZ has questioned in detail in the past. The gifting of the jet from Qatar in the first place was also highly irregular, and the justification for needing it at all remains up for debate. The converted 747-8i has also been painted in a new scheme for U.S. executive aircraft preferred by Trump, which is a major departure from the Kennedy-era Air Force One livery that had been the standard for 60 years.

Decorative books, soft lighting, framed photos on new AF1, a gift from Qatar and retrofitted for presidential use by Trump. Some of the 1st images out publicly from @StevenCheung47, who is pictured with Ross Worthington, Natalie Harp, Karoline Leavitt, Meredith O’Rourke, Stephen… pic.twitter.com/jdVWNPvCmA

— Jennifer Jacobs (@JenniferJJacobs) July 1, 2026

For the first time, the VC-25B bridge aircraft has flown over the Washington, D.C. area with the callsign “AIR FORCE ONE.” @POTUS is on his way to North Dakota today. pic.twitter.com/VVwTbsyAKi

— Andrew Leyden (@PenguinSix) July 1, 2026

“This will be the first flight of what I think is maybe the greatest commercial plane ever built. I said to Boeing, what’s the best one? They said this is the best plane ever built. And you’re going to have the privilege of flying it, and I have the privilege also of flying it,” Trump told reporters before boarding the plane at Andrews Air Force Base. “I’m excited about the first flight.”

One of the Air Force’s two existing VC-25A Air Force One aircraft is serving as a backup for Trump’s trip today.

VC-25B-Bridge Makes Maiden Flight as AIR FORCE 1

US Air Force VC-25B-Bridge #AF83F3 is in the air from JB Andrews as AIR FORCE 1 for the first time.

USAF VC-25A #ADFDF9 is serving as SAM47 for this trip, a role that this aircraft hasn’t been in for years. pic.twitter.com/8fblf7iA6h

— TheIntelFrog (@TheIntelFrog) July 1, 2026

Bloomberg was first to report that the trip to North Dakota would be Trump’s first flight aboard the Bridge aircraft. NBC News had previously reported that the inaugural flight of the Bridge aircraft might come later in the week, taking Trump on a planned trip to Mount Rushmore in South Dakota on July 3. It is still very possible, if not probable, that the plane will take Trump to South Dakota, as well.

Reuters also reported back in May that the debut of the VC-25B Bridge jet might come during a July 4th flyover. The former Qatari jet was unveiled to the public on June 19, but it has been confirmed that it will fly over Washington, D.C. as part of the celebrations this weekend.

Significant questions do still remain about the Bridge aircraft’s ability to support the full spectrum of Air Force One mission requirements, especially given that the plane was modified for this role in just 10 months. U.S. officials and defense contractor L3Harris, which did the conversion work, have insisted that operational concerns have been addressed and have downplayed any potential risks.

“One of the first things we have to do on this aircraft, in conjunction with the U.S. government, is ensure it is safe. There was a lot of content and buzz on blogs and whatnot about is the aircraft secure? Is there anything that we wouldn’t want coming in on the aircraft? Somebody could listen in, something like that,” Jason Lambert, President of Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) at L3Harris, told TWZ in an interview last week. “I can assure you that was very effectively managed to the highest degree. Experts from the U.S. government, experts from L3Harris, experts in cyber security, electronic warfare, ensured that every square inch of that plane was clean, not only on the exterior but interior of the plane and all systems within. So I’ll say, there’s just electronic scrubbing, is how I would describe it, to ensure that it was safe and secure. Frankly, that work took place even before we were able to do any real work on the plane.”

“Survivability of the aircraft was something that was absolutely thought of, but I can’t comment on the specific systems on the aircraft yet. That’s one I’ll have to direct you back to the Air Force,” he added. Lambert also deferred to the Air Force when asked about hardening against electromagnetic pulses, command and control capabilities, and other core Air Force One requirements.

Readers can find the full interview here.

The Air Force’s two existing VC-25A Air Force One aircraft remain in service, as evidenced by the one serving today as a backup. Boeing is still working toward delivering two fully-equipped VC-25B jets around the end of the decade. The VC-25Bs are set to replace the aging and increasingly difficult to sustain VC-25As, which were converted from older 747-200 models. However, that program has suffered repeated delays and cost growth. The Air Force is also now operating an additional 747-8i, acquired from Lufthansa, as a trainer for aircrew and ground personnel. A second ex-Lufthansa 747 will serve as a source of spare parts for the expanded Air Force One fleet.

Trump’s inauguration flight today aboard the VC-25B Bridge jet makes clear that it is now firmly in the Air Force One rotation.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

“I am temporarily relocating to Kumalia.”

When Kaka Ali said those words over the phone on June 8, I nearly asked him to repeat himself. I had been speaking to him about farming and survival in northern Borno for nearly two years. Kumalia was where he was born, but it was also a place that most people had long stopped calling home.

The community is located within Monguno Local Government Area (LGA) in Borno State, northeastern Nigeria. The Boko Haram insurgency had emptied it in 2016, forcing residents to flee to Monguno town and Maiduguri, the state capital. The government never formally reopened the community. In the years that followed, its name surfaced mostly in conversations about what the insurgency had taken.

“Why would you go back there?” I asked. 

“The negotiations did not go through,” Kaka replied. 

I did not fully understand what he meant until weeks later.  

On June 21, I reached him again. I learnt that he had returned to Monguno to attend the funerals of four friends who were killed the previous day by suspected Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) terrorists while working on a farm near Kartari, a remote settlement close to Cross Kauwa town in Kukawa LGA, on the shores of Lake Chad. Twelve other farmers were also killed in the incident. 

The men had travelled to Kartari from different parts of northern Borno, drawn by the search for land to cultivate after farming had been disrupted closer to home. That same day, in Zabarmari, a farming community in Jere LGA, another 11 farmers were reportedly killed. By then, Kaka’s explanation about Kumalia finally made sense.

The warning had come months earlier at the onset of cultivation in February, when farmers across parts of northern Borno began receiving warnings from ISWAP terrorists not to farm this season. The message spread among returning farmers and community leaders through word of mouth.

“They approached farmers who had gone to Kartari and told them we must not cultivate this year,” said Musa Abubakar, a farmer from Cross Kauwa. “They also informed community leaders in villages close to them, and those leaders passed the message to us in other towns,” he said. 

According to Musa, farmers who wished to cultivate were instructed to relocate with their families to terror-controlled territories, locally known as Daula, and farm there instead. Many initially assumed it was another extortion attempt because for years, cultivating in parts of northern Borno had meant paying terror groups for access to land. In 2024, HumAngle documented how farmers in the region paid millions of naira in levies and so-called farming permits to ISWAP. This season, farmers pooled their money together, some contributing at least ₦50,000 each, hoping to negotiate their way back to their fields. However, the effort failed, and the warning held.

So they began looking elsewhere. Some moved toward the Lake Chad region. Others returned to abandoned communities. More than 100 farmers from Monguno, according to Kaka, relocated to Kumalia, where they erected makeshift shelters from sticks and dry grass to plant their crops. They plan to stay until the harvest season in November or December.

The women were not left behind either. 

“My sister is there,” Kaka, the 30-year-old father of two, said. “Many women went with their children. The older ones trekked with their parents. The younger ones are carried on their backs or transported in push carts.” 

Kaka’s older sister, Yabusam Ali, travelled with one of her children and left the others with their grandmother in Monguno. Other women made similar calculations, weighing which children could endure the walk and which would be safer left behind. Yabusam said conditions remain basic but manageable. 

“There is drinkable water there,” she told HumAngle. 

For now, that is enough. Kumalia has no schools, no health facilities, and no visible state presence. It is a settlement held together by necessity. Over the coming months, the community will once again have residents, not because it is safe, but because it has become the least dangerous option left.

Across Borno, the farming ban, enforced through violence and the threat of it, is reshaping how rural families survive. Some have abandoned cultivation entirely. Others have confined themselves to plots within sight of military positions. A growing number are returning to communities the state had given up on, betting that the promise of a harvest is worth living beyond its protection. Together, these choices are accumulating into something larger than disrupted planting seasons: a food security crisis taking shape incrementally, in the daily calculations of people who can no longer be certain what the harvest will bring, or whether there will be one at all.

The consequences extend far beyond the communities where cultivation has been disrupted. Agriculture remains one of Nigeria’s largest employers and a critical source of food for millions of households. The World Bank estimates that nearly four in every five rural households in Nigeria depend on farming, while livestock rearing is especially common across the country’s northern regions. When insecurity forces farmers off their land, harvests decline, market supplies tighten, and food prices rise.

The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), a food security monitoring and forecasting initiative, estimates that between 21 and 22 million people across northern Nigeria will require humanitarian assistance during the June-to-August lean season, driven by escalating conflict, lower-than-expected household food production, and constrained access to food. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) similarly projects that more than six million children across northern Nigeria will experience acute malnutrition this year, with conflict, displacement, and reduced access to food among the principal drivers.

Kaka had already made these calculations. “Are you not afraid of attack from the terrorists, or of being mistaken for one by troops?” I asked him. “We will die even if we don’t go,” he replied. “So, it is all the same.”

Flags on the farm

Just as Kaka mentioned, several farmers in northern and central Borno say the people who first heard the warnings were often those who had gone ahead of the rains to clear their fields. 

In Monguno, Koso Abubakar said farmers preparing their land were approached and warned against cultivation. They returned to town carrying the news, and from there, the message spread from household to household. In Cross Kauwa, a farming and fishing community on the shores of Lake Chad, the warning reached those working near Kartari, a remote settlement under Kukawa LGA. Community leaders received it and relayed it to surrounding towns.

In Lassa, a farming community in Askira-Uba LGA in southern Borno, it arrived with violence. Andrew Adamu, a farmer there, said suspected terrorists attacked and flogged women they found working on their fields at the beginning of the season. “They said nobody should farm there,” he said. “They [the women] said they had mounted their flags on those lands.” 

The flags, a territorial marker used by terror groups across the region to signal control, were understood immediately. Few people in Lassa are now willing to venture beyond the land immediately surrounding the town.

Musa, a farmer in Cross Kauwa, said the warning came with an additional condition in the northern Borno community. He said that farmers willing to cultivate were instructed to relocate permanently with their families to terror-controlled territories and continue to farm there while paying levies instead. The requirement to relocate permanently was new. The levies were not. But this time around, levy negotiations failed in some places. 

However, in parts of southern Monguno, some farmers were reportedly permitted to cultivate after paying ₦50,000 each. The inconsistency stirred speculation that the restrictions reflected internal disagreements among ISWAP commanders rather than a unified policy. 

“It was said that two Amirs controlling two farming villages had a dispute over farming fees,” Kaka explained. “The Amir controlling where we farm said he would not allow anyone to farm this season. The other Amir said farmers were welcome to cultivate in his territory after paying this year’s levy.”

HumAngle could not independently verify the claim.

When negotiations collapsed, the consequences began to accumulate. In Lassa, Andrew said, women were beaten while working on their farms. In Auno, Konduga LGA, a 55-year-old farmer was attacked and killed while working on his land earlier in February, according to residents. News of his death, Aja Bukar, another farmer, said, spread quickly through surrounding communities, confirming what many had hoped was merely a threat. 

Then, on June 20, 15 farmers were killed near Kartari while working on their fields. Bashir Suleiman, a farmer from Doron Baga, said the victims included four farmers from Monguno, six from Kukawa town, three from Baga, and two from Cross Kauwa. 

In Cross Kauwa, Musa said most farmers have stayed away from their fields since. The few still cultivating have been permitted by the military to plant low-growing crops, such as beans and groundnuts, within a fixed distance of the community’s defensive trench. Beyond that line, he said, most no longer believe the harvest is worth the risk.

The return to Kumalia

For the first time in nearly a decade, Kumalia has residents again. Not many, and not enough to resemble the farming community it once was before the insurgency emptied it in 2016, but enough to bring movement back to a place which has long given up — children’s voices have returned. Smoke rises from cooking fires in the morning. The fields are being planted. And temporary shelters made from sticks, ropes, and dry grass stand across parts of the settlement. 

Getting there, however, is not easy. According to Modu Baluye, a farmer who also relocated to Kumalia, reaching the settlement takes five hours of walking over terrain most vehicles cannot cross. “We travel by foot,” he said. “There is no means of transportation except push carts.” The shelters, he said, are simple: stick frames with dry grass roofing, which offers little protection from rain or wind, but they are enough to house families for the months between planting and harvest.

For years, displacement pushed families out of places like Kumalia and into towns where security forces could better protect them. Now, insecurity around farming is pushing some of those same families back, not into safety but into a different kind of exposure: too far from the state to be protected, yet close enough to armed groups to be noticed.

Communities across northeastern Nigeria have learned, often through grief, that living or farming in remote and ungoverned territories can attract a different kind of violence during military operations. Aerial surveillance, in vast terrains where terror groups move through civilian spaces, collect levies, and use local markets, must be able to distinguish between farmers and fighters. In places like Kumalia, unrecognised by the government, absent from any official resettlement record, populated by people living in makeshift shelters on cultivated open land, that distinction is not guaranteed.

In April 2026, reports showed that more than 30 civilians were killed when a Nigerian Air Force strike hit a village market in Jilli, a remote settlement between Gubio LGA in Borno State and Geidam LGA in Yobe State. Military authorities described it as an active terrorist enclave. Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum later acknowledged that the area’s market had been officially closed due to terrorist activity, yet civilians were among the dead. It was not the first such incident. In 2017, a military aircraft bombed a displaced persons camp in Rann, Kala-Balge LGA, killing more than 100 people including aid workers. And in 2024, HumAngle documented cases in which fishermen around Lake Chad were reportedly misidentified during military operations.

Farmers in Kumalia are aware of this history. It sits alongside the warnings from ISWAP, the distance from town, and the inadequacy of their shelters. It is part of what they weighed before they went.

The price of survival

Every morning before sunrise, Esther Danjuma sets up her stall on the roadside outside the Divisional Council Church (DCC) Internally Displaced Persons’ camp in Shuwari, Maiduguri. She heats cooking oil, prepares her bean paste, and waits for the first customers. By the time most people in Maiduguri are awake, she is already working. 

The 26-year-old was displaced from Amuda in Gwoza LGA years ago. Until recently, she measured time by farming seasons, not calendar months. Before the warning reached Chabbal, a farming community in Magumeri LGA where she and thousands of others from the DCC displacement camp cultivate each season, she grew sorghum, sesame, and groundnuts. Last year, she harvested five bags each of sorghum and sesame and three bags of groundnuts. This year, she planted nothing.

“I never thought I would sell kosai,” she told HumAngle. She earns at least ₦3,000 daily. This helps her care for herself and her elderly grandmother at the camp, she said.

A few shelters away from Esther lives Andrawus Yakubu. While Esther replaced farming with a small business, Andrawus has replaced it with whatever work presents itself each day. On some days, he works at construction sites. On other days, he digs pits, cuts logs, or takes on manual labour wherever opportunities arise. The work is irregular and physically demanding, but Andrawus says he cannot afford to be selective. “I will do whatever legal thing that my strength can do,” the father of nine told HumAngle.

For years, Andrawus supplemented his household income through farming in Limanti, a rural community in Konduga LGA. Like many displaced residents of the DCC Shuwari camp, he relied on the farming season to feed his family and reduce their dependence on the market. Last season, he cultivated four hectares of land, harvesting five bags of millet, 12 bags of groundnuts, and eight bags of beans. This season, however, the farming restrictions have forced him to abandon farming. 

Others have chosen to leave Borno altogether. In Auno, Aja Bukar said the killing of a farmer earlier this year convinced many residents that remaining in the area was no longer worth the risk. Some households, including his, have since relocated to Damaturu in neighbouring Yobe State, hoping to find safer opportunities elsewhere.

These different responses – the roadside stall, the day labour, and relocation to another state – all lead back to the same question: what can replace a harvest, if anything?

Agriculture remains the backbone of rural livelihoods across Borno and the wider North East. In Borno, farming is not only an occupation but also a source of sustenance for families; it is how they feed themselves, pay school fees, buy medicine, and prepare for the long dry season. Yet years of conflict have steadily eroded that foundation, limiting access to farmland, disrupting markets, and deepening food insecurity.

When farmers abandon their fields, the consequences ripple far beyond the households directly affected: Harvests decline, local markets receive fewer supplies, and children and other vulnerable groups bear the greatest nutritional burden. The effects are felt not only in the villages where cultivation stops, but across communities that rely on those harvests for food and trade.

The region has been here before. In 2023, HumAngle documented how repeated attacks on farming communities forced many residents to abandon cultivated fields, leaving crops worth millions of naira to wither or be destroyed. A year later, the trend persisted, contributing to worsening food insecurity and malnutrition among vulnerable households, particularly children.

What is unfolding this season is not unique to Borno. Across the North West and North Central, terror groups have used similar tactics to control access to rural farmland, taxing farmers, threatening communities, and displacing those who resist. In Zamfara, HumAngle reported in June that farmers were displaced despite paying millions in levies. Another report the same month showed that 17 farmers were killed in Maradun while working their fields. In 2024, Reuters reported from Katsina that attacks on farmers were driving up food prices. According to SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based consultancy, 1,356 farmers have been killed across Nigeria since 2020.

The scale of what is at stake is significant. UNICEF estimates that around three million children may require treatment for severe wasting in 2026, with conflict-affected northeastern states carrying a disproportionate share.  

Across Borno, people are making decisions whose consequences they cannot yet fully see.

Poland won’t transfer additional MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters to Ukraine because Kyiv won’t provide drone production technology information, the country’s defense minister and deputy prime minister said. The move represents a pivot from policies of the previous Polish government and comes amid worsening relations between Kyiv and Warsaw.

As we have previously reported, under former President Andrzej Duda, Poland donated 14 of its MiG-29s to Ukraine, becoming the first country to commit to supplying combat jets to Kyiv. However, under new Polish President Karol Nawrocki, who was elected last August, the country is now seeking something tangible in return for the Fulcrums.

“I proposed what I believe was a very partnership-based approach. MiGs in exchange for drones,” Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who serves as defense minister and deputy prime minister, told the Polish Polsat News outlet. “The Ukrainians initially agreed, but they did not honor this arrangement, so there will be no MiGs for Ukraine because Poland does not have drones or the capability to use them.”

TWZ cannot independently confirm the Polish defense minister’s claims.

The Polish defense minister lauded Ukraine’s defense technology.

“Ukraine has such significant capabilities in the field of drones that, in return for the military equipment it has received, it could have shared its know-how with Poland and provided partial access to its technologies,” he said.

Kosiniak-Kamysz added that he was not criticizing the previous administration’s policies toward Ukraine.

“I’m not going to bash them over this issue; that’s far from my intention,” he told Polsat. “They did the right thing—in fact, I’d go further: I would have done the same. They acted correctly, and Ukraine was in a much more difficult situation back then.”

The Polish move echoes U.S. President Donald Trump’s stance on Ukraine and the NATO alliance writ large. The American leader has frequently criticized the Biden administration for giving Ukraine military aid with no compensation and NATO for not doing enough to pay for its own defense.

Kosiniak-Kamysz’s pronouncement about halting the Fulcrum transfer follows Nawrocki’s confirmation last December that Poland would transfer the additional MiG-29 fighter jets to Ukraine in exchange for counter-drone systems.

“After the unnecessary and unclear public uproar surrounding this issue—unfortunately, public opinion has been somewhat misinformed about this matter—we are seeking a symmetrical strategic partnership,” Nawrocki said during a press conference with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. “This exchange of MiGs for anti-drone systems does not contradict our policy.”

It is unclear exactly what drone technology Poland was seeking or what Ukraine refused to provide. Ukraine has yet to comment on the matter. However, Kosiniak-Kamysz’s comments come as Polish-Ukrainian relations are spiraling downward.

Earlier this month, Nawrocki stripped Zelensky of the Order of the White Eagle, Warsaw’s top award, escalating a row between the allies over the memory of WWII.

“Zelensky had infuriated Warsaw this month by naming a military unit after an insurgent army that took part in massacres against Poles in WWII,” AFP reported.

For much of this conflict, Poland has been one of Ukraine’s staunchest allies, serving as a logistics hub and providing military assistance. As we noted earlier in this story, Poland’s initial donation of MiG-29s opened the door for the transfer of dozens of others from several NATO nations. That was followed by the eventual provision of F-16 Vipers and later French Mirage 2000 fighters.

Despite receiving more modern fighters: “Zelensky has noted that Ukraine requires MiG-29 aircraft because its pilots are already trained to operate them,” according to the Ukrainian United24 media outlet. “He added that transitioning to F-16 fighters requires lengthy retraining, temporarily reducing combat readiness, whereas MiG-29s would allow Ukraine to maintain operational air capabilities more immediately.”

Uncrewed systems will be at the heart of the UK Armed Forces in the future, under a more than $6.6-billion initiative that looks to transform all three services and the way they fight. Perhaps most dramatically, the new defense plan will see the Royal Navy sacrifice its future destroyer for a “hybrid,” distributed concept, with autonomous vessels being paired with crewed ones. But there are equally far-reaching measures set to reconfigure the British Army and Royal Air Force (RAF) around uncrewed and autonomous capabilities, some of which remain very high-risk as they are still deep or even early in development.

In a speech today, U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer set out his government’s long-awaited Defense Investment Plan. The aim of this is nothing less than “keeping the country safe for years to come,” the government said, and for this, the UK Armed Forces will lean heavily on autonomous systems. Most of these don’t currently exist in physical form, at least as far as we know. At the same time, the effort stresses the rapid fielding of capabilities. This illustrates just how ambitious, and risky, the plan is.

The Defense Investment Plan provides a budget of more than £5 billion ($6.6 billion) over four years just for drones and related capabilities. This is part of a much larger overall spend on defense, amounting to £298 billion ($395 billion) over the same period. This sum also includes £15 billion ($20 billion) of additional spending on top of last year’s Spending Review.

By the end of the decade, Starmer asserted, the proportion of U.K. GDP spent on defense will be higher than at any time during the last 30 years and is in line with NATO ambitions to reach a level of 3.5 percent of GDP.

The government points to the conflicts in Ukraine and Iran, specifically, as evidence of the need for a “drone transformation.”

“Drones are rapidly reshaping warfare, with cheap systems destroying high-value targets and innovation cycles measured in weeks, not years,” the government said, in announcing the plan. “Ukraine uses roughly 200,000 drones a month to defend itself from Russia’s barbaric invasion, while at the height of the Iran conflict, 700 offensive drones were being launched per day,” it adds.

Royal Navy

The changes forecast for the Royal Navy have so far garnered the most attention.

As part of a previously announced plan to create a so-called “Hybrid Navy,” the service will receive four new types of uncrewed vessels that will operate in conjunction with crewed warships and aircraft.

Of these new vessels, the Type 91 will be an uncrewed missile platform, serving as a ‘floating magazine’ to increase the overall firepower of the fleet. A combination of air defense, long-range land attack, and anti-ship missile capabilities seems likely, although any armament fit will likely be readily changeable and highly modular. The lessons of the conflict in the Red Sea provided dramatic evidence of how quickly missile cells can be depleted in an intense air-warfare environment.

Also uncrewed, the Type 92 vessels are described as “sense platforms” and will have a primary anti-submarine warfare (ASW) tasking. As such, they will ensure the Royal Navy’s sensor reach is extended further into the North Atlantic, where the Type 92s will support previously ordered frigates in the hunt for Russian submarines.

The Type 93 is defined as an extra-large uncrewed underwater vessel and is intended as an adjunct to crewed hunter-killer submarines. They will carry both sensors and weapons (presumably torpedoes) to help search and destroy enemy submarines. This is an area in which the Royal Navy has been struggling particularly, with significant gaps in its fast-attack submarine force due to limited availability.

Finally, the Type 94 is another uncrewed sense platform, but is optimized for air defense missions. It will use its sensors to look for aerial threats on behalf of both the fleet and in support of homeland missions.

The Types 91 and 94 will eventually be tied together by at least six Common Combat Vessels, which will form part of a networked Maritime Air Defense system. Arriving in service in the 2030s, the crewed Common Combat Vessels will serve as the “brains” behind this architecture, and the overall system will eventually take over the air defense tasking currently handled by the Type 45 destroyers.

The Maritime Air Defense system and the Common Combat Vessels, which are widely assumed to be roughly frigate-sized vessels, supersede earlier plans for the new Type 83 destroyer. This was previously expected to replace the Type 45 in the late 2030s, although for some time now its future had appeared threatened by increasing Admiralty interest in ‘arsenal ship’ concepts like the Type 91.

The Hybrid Carrier Air Wing outlined in the Defense Investment Plan is something we have discussed before.

In its last Strategic Defense Review, the U.K. Ministry of Defense introduced it as follows:

“The Royal Navy must continue to move towards a more powerful but cheaper and simpler fleet, developing a ‘high-low’ mix of equipment and weapons that exploits autonomy and digital integration. Carrier strike is already at the cutting edge of NATO capability, but much more rapid progress is needed in its evolution into ‘hybrid’ carrier air wings, whereby crewed combat aircraft (F-35B) are complemented by autonomous collaborative platforms in the air, and expendable, single-use drones. Plans for the hybrid carrier air wings should also include long-range precision missiles capable of being fired from the carrier deck.”

While there is no further mention of the deck-launched long-range precision missiles at this point, the Defense Investment Plan does note that Project Pantheon will serve as the development effort for the Hybrid Carrier Air Wing and will include trials of unnamed jet-powered drones alongside the F-35B.

While not referred to specifically, the Royal Navy has already outlined its ambition for ‘cat and trap’ drone operations aboard U.K. carriers, which is known as Project Ark Royal.

If realized, the project will see the two Queen Elizabeth class carriers start to operate drones that can undertake a variety of missions and then increasingly heavier, complex, and higher-performance ones. Later on, full catapult-assisted takeoff but arrested recovery (CATOBAR) capability could also add fixed-wing crewed aircraft, as we have explored in the past.

Larger fixed-wing drones are an aspiration that the Royal Navy is already working toward under Project Vixen, which you can read more about here.

As we have discussed in the past, there are many technological hurdles ahead as the Royal Navy looks to introduce carrier-capable drones. Beyond the launch and recovery systems, it will also need to develop control stations, datalinks, unique procedures, and much more to ensure the drones can be safely and effectively integrated within the carrier air group, for example. Even working out the intricacies of deck handling and flow integration involving drones combined with crewed fixed-wing jets and helicopters will be a considerable effort.

Project Pantheon certainly looks like it will move all of this ahead, although it should be noted that the size of the jet-powered drones for the program has not been stated. Already, the Royal Navy has conducted trials involving smaller, jet-powered drones, with the QinetiQ Banshee Jet 80+, best known as a target drone, being launched from HMS Prince of Wales in 2021. Even the Banshee could provide a suitable platform for a rapidly introduced decoy or one-way attack munition.

The Royal Navy’s elite amphibious and special operations-capable light infantry force, the Commandos, are also earmarked for further investment including “new high-speed boats and the latest drone and autonomous technology.”

Less surprising was the government’s commitment to strengthen the U.K.’s nuclear deterrent, including allocating more than £63 billion ($83 billion) over the next four years to fund the four Dreadnought class ballistic missile submarines and the SSN-AUKUS nuclear attack submarines, as well as a new warhead for British Trident submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs).

‘£64bn will be invested into renewing the UK’s nuclear deterrent’

The money will go into building new submarines, developing a new sovereign warhead, and buying 12 F-35A fighter jets, to guarantee “British and European security”, Starmer says
https://t.co/vzwgATWaj2 pic.twitter.com/9tf0Wc2mFG

— Sky News (@SkyNews) June 30, 2026

British Army

Moving on to the British Army, this service will benefit from more investment into “inexpensive expendable autonomous systems and loitering munitions.” This will include around $66 million boost over the next 12 months for the Army’s Rapstone program, which will pay for additional first-person view (FPV) and interceptor drones.

The British Army gets a new uncrewed ground vehicle (UGV) program, as yet unnamed, which plans to rapidly develop and produce uncrewed vehicles and associated mission systems via U.K. industry.

In the air, Project Nyx will provide the British Army with up to 24 autonomous armed drones that will operate in a crewed-uncrewed teaming arrangement with the service’s recently upgraded Apache attack helicopters. Planned to be operational by 2030, the drones will be outfitted for reconnaissance, precision strike, and electronic warfare.

Lastly, under Project Corvus, up to 24 surveillance drones will replace the British Army’s much-troubled Watchkeeper drone system, carrying out intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition, and reconnaissance (ISTAR).

Royal Air Force

While standout announcements for the Royal Air Force are fewer than for the other services, the flying branch does secure around $10.6 billion for the Global Combat Air Program (GCAP) over the next four years. This should drive forward the effort to a next-generation stealth fighter for the Royal Air Force, alongside Japan and Italy. 

More intriguingly, the Defense Investment Plan mentions a “new, national Collaborative Combat Air program,” which would appear to supersede various earlier ‘loyal wingman’-type programs. The Collaborative Combat Air program aims to develop “new autonomous fighter jets which will fly alongside crewed jets,” and a demonstrator is expected to be in the air by at least 2030.

As part of the nuclear deterrence budget, the Royal Air Force will also receive the 12 F-35As that will be armed with U.S.-owned B61-12 tactical nuclear bombs, allowing them to join NATO’s nuclear mission. You can read more about that plan — and questions about its feasibility — here.

Finally, the Storm Shroud system will provide the Royal Air Force with a new uncrewed electronic warfare drone, which will enter service this year. The Storm Shroud has already been trialed in exercises and is equipped with the Leonardo BriteStorm stand-in jammer, which you can read more about here.

All three services will benefit from an initiative to boost munitions and weapons stockpiles, a growing concern for militaries across the board, which has been highlighted by depletions through transfers to Ukraine and conflict in the Middle East.

The United Kingdom will spend £11 billion ($14.5 billion) to increase U.K. stockpiles, including long-range strike weapons, low-cost cruise missiles, and one-way effectors. Conceivably, a lot of these efforts will be kickstarted by separate projects originally launched to provide Ukraine with U.K.-made weapons. By 2030, there is a plan to build at least six new energetics factories as part of an overall increase in national munitions production capacity. 

Less obvious are the cuts that the British Armed Forces will face in some areas.

The government says it will phase out its Storm Shadow air-launched cruise missiles, many of which have already been transferred to Ukraine. The plan says that “We are now pivoting to the next generation of low-cost cruise missiles,” without providing further details.

Also facing the axe are more than 30 Wildcat and the oldest (Mk 6A variant) Chinook helicopters, as well as plans to upgrade a satellite communications system.

A drone-based defense plan

By putting drones squarely at the forefront, Starmer’s long-delayed Defense Investment Plan is certainly eye-catching. It also comes with immense developmental risk, involving many concepts that remain unproven in the real world.

However, there are still plenty of stress factors, not least the demands of senior officers from all three services for additional funding.

Tensions around the Defense Investment Plan have already led to fierce discussions between the Ministry of Defense and the Treasury. These came to a head when John Healey resigned as defense secretary earlier this month.

In an effort to placate criticisms, Starmer added another £1 billion ($1.3 billion) to the defense budget after Healey walked. However, Healey had reportedly been pushing the Treasury for a total rise closer to £18 billion ($23.8 billion).

I want the Defence Investment Plan to be a success. And I thank the MOD officials who’ve worked so hard over many months on it. I welcome the extra funding and focus the Treasury has ceded over the last couple of weeks. (1/6)

— John Healey (@JohnHealey_MP) June 30, 2026

The government has also responded to criticism that it is moving too slowly to address emerging threats and changing security demands.

“The Defense Secretary [Dan Jarvis] has spent the last two weeks refocusing the Defense Investment Plan so that it prioritizes getting the latest kit into the hands of military personnel,” the MoD said.

So, there we have it. The U.K. government has injected $6.6 billion into a defense plan that aims to do no less than reconfigure the British Armed Forces as “a flexible, integrated force with attack drones flying alongside Army helicopters, RAF jets made invisible from enemy detection with new drones, and a hybrid Royal Navy made up of crewed and uncrewed vessels.”

It is a bold vision and one that will face further challenges, not just in terms of cost and technological hurdles, but also from senior officers who will still question whether traditional crewed platforms — as well as all other military requirements — are adequately funded.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

We are living in a time of deep rupture. From Gaza to Ukraine, Myanmar to Kashmir, the United States to Europe, polarisation has become the defining rhythm of our age. Dialogue is no longer just difficult – it is risky. Leaders speak in absolutes. Humiliation and fear spur violence. In this context, the role of the mediator is more fragile, more necessary, and more human than ever.

At the centre of this episode is William Ury, cofounder of Harvard’s Program on Negotiation and one of the architects of modern conflict resolution. Through his life’s work, we trace the hidden anatomy of peace: How trust is built when no one believes in it, how negotiations survive egos, trauma, and political pressure, and how humanity is preserved when everything pushes towards dehumanisation.

Ultimately, The Possibilist reveals that peace is not the domain of diplomats alone. It belongs to all of us. In our homes, our workplaces, and our communities, we all carry a form of power. Political power may change laws – but moral power, the power of empathy, courage, and presence, can change hearts.

A film by Fatima Lianes

“I’m still begging for people to help me get him out.” A mother’s plea as rescuers race to reach people trapped beneath collapsed buildings after twin earthquakes struck Venezuela. Al Jazeera’s Teresa Bo reports.

At the G7 summit in Evian-les-Bains, France, on June 17, Kenyan President William Ruto revealed that his country was nearing a critical minerals agreement with the United States. Far more significant was Kenya’s insistence that its rare earths, lithium, graphite, copper, nickel and niobium be refined and processed domestically rather than exported as raw materials. This was not simply another minerals deal; it was a signal that African governments are trying to rewrite the extractive bargain.

That demand, long voiced but rarely enforced, is beginning to reshape African resource governance. Namibia has prohibited exports of unprocessed lithium, cobalt, manganese, graphite and rare earths. Mali is constructing a 200-tonne-a-year gold refinery while requiring more local refining. Ghana will begin buying 30 percent of large-scale gold output from July 2026 to strengthen local refining and reserves. Across the continent, governments are increasingly requiring natural resources to create industries at home before generating profits abroad. The turn is not confined to critical minerals; it reflects a wider push to keep more value from natural resources at home.

Kenya’s move comes as the global race for critical minerals intensifies and Africa assumes greater strategic importance. Lithium consumption rose by almost 30 percent in 2024 as countries accelerated investment in electric vehicles, battery storage, renewable energy systems and advanced manufacturing. The International Energy Agency (IEA) projects lithium use will increase fivefold by 2040, with graphite and nickel requirements roughly doubling.

This commodity boom differs in one crucial respect: The supply of critical minerals cannot expand rapidly. New mines often take well more than a decade to move from discovery through permits and development to first production, even as global demand continues to accelerate. The IEA estimates that, under its Stated Policies Scenario, announced mining projects will leave lithium supply 40 percent short of projected demand by 2035. Countries seeking secure supplies therefore have greater incentives to invest where the minerals already exist, giving African governments more room to negotiate local value addition, technology transfer and industrial investment.

For generations, the continent’s economic role has been brutally simple: Dig, ship and buy back the finished product. The transition minerals boom offers a rare opportunity to reverse that relationship. But this will require reliable power, transport, finance and skills, not export bans alone.

Mining is only the first step. The greatest wealth is created further along the production chain, when minerals are refined, processed and assembled into products that command far higher prices than the ore that left the ground. United Nations data illustrates how rapidly export value rises along the lithium-ion supply chain. In 2022, global exports of lithium ore and brine were worth about $20bn. Battery materials generated $51bn, cell components and battery packs $106bn, and electric vehicles $135bn.

Africa’s challenge is to move further along that chain. Every additional stage completed on the continent captures more income, creates more skilled jobs and embeds more technology before a single battery reaches the market.

Refining minerals is not an end in itself. It is the first step towards building the productive capabilities that distinguish manufacturing economies from extractive ones. Around every refinery cluster, engineering companies, chemical producers, equipment manufacturers, laboratories and specialist suppliers can emerge. Taiwan’s experience offers a broader lesson: With sustained policy, skills and supplier networks, industrial capabilities built in one generation can create higher-value industries in the next.

Africa’s growing confidence reflects a profound shift in supply chain politics. In a market this concentrated, countries that combine mineral deposits with downstream ambition can negotiate stronger terms. What has changed is not simply demand, but dependency: China is the dominant refiner for 19 of the 20 strategic minerals tracked by the IEA. For copper, lithium, nickel, cobalt, graphite and rare earths, the top three refining countries control 86 percent of processed output. The continent should demand beneficiation, meaning the processing of raw materials into higher-value products before export, alongside technology transfer and industrial investment before those resources enter global supply chains.

History offers a cautionary lesson.

Gold, diamonds, copper and oil generated billions of dollars in exports across the continent, yet most resource-rich economies remained dependent on exporting raw commodities rather than manufacturing higher-value products.

The colonial economy was built around those outward flows. In what is now Zambia, copper from Nkana, Mufulira and Nchanga moved through Ndola and across the rail network to Beira, the Mozambican port that linked the Copperbelt to overseas smelters and factories. Across the Gold Coast, in present-day Ghana, cocoa from Kumasi travelled by rail to Sekondi and later Takoradi before entering Britain’s chocolate industry.

Today’s export restrictions, refining mandates and beneficiation policies seek to disrupt that flow. The prize is to capture the industries built around those minerals before they take root elsewhere.

The real wealth in Africa’s transition minerals boom will not be measured by what leaves its ports, but by what never has to. Every tonne of lithium refined, every battery precursor produced and every stage of manufacturing completed before export shifts more income, technology, investment and skilled employment onto the continent.

Research by Publish What You Pay suggests that expanding higher-value mineral processing across Africa could generate an additional $32bn in annual exports, add up to $24bn to the continent’s gross domestic product and create about 2.3 million jobs. More importantly, it would leave behind industries, technologies and expertise that outlast the minerals themselves.

Nigeria’s Dangote refinery provides Africa’s clearest demonstration of what beneficiation can achieve. Located in the Lekki Free Zone outside Lagos and built at a cost of about $20bn, the 650,000-barrel-a-day facility is Africa’s largest single-train refinery.

Since beginning production in early 2024, the refinery has helped transform Nigeria’s energy sector. For decades, the country imported much of its refined fuel, spending billions of dollars in foreign exchange. The refinery now supplies much of the domestic market while exporting petrol, diesel and jet fuel to Ghana, Cameroon, Togo, Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast.

Between February and March 2026, Nigeria’s clean petroleum exports more than doubled from about 100,000 barrels a day to 214,000 barrels, while helping anchor a new industrial ecosystem of marine infrastructure, storage terminals, petrochemical plants and fertiliser production.

Indonesia exemplifies the same principle.

After banning exports of unprocessed nickel ore on January 1, 2020, Indonesia became a leading producer and exporter of processed nickel products. The country targeted $21.3bn in foreign investment in mining and processing projects, while the value of its nickel product exports rose from less than $1bn in 2015 to nearly $20bn in 2022. New smelters, refineries, battery-material plants and electric vehicle manufacturing have expanded rapidly, though the boom has also brought environmental and labour concerns.

Africa’s transition minerals require the same strategic intent. If Zambia refines copper, Zimbabwe processes lithium, the Democratic Republic of the Congo produces battery precursors, and South Africa manufactures battery components, engineering firms will expand, chemical industries will grow, and skilled workers will find opportunities at home instead of abroad. Railways will carry higher-value products instead of raw ore, tax revenues will become more stable, and manufacturing will increasingly replace extraction as the main driver of long-term economic growth.

No African country needs to manufacture every component of an electric vehicle or every battery cell. Copper, cobalt, lithium, graphite and manganese are spread across different economies, making regional integration an economic necessity rather than a political aspiration. Shared power systems, transport corridors, research institutions, standards and integrated markets will determine whether Africa exports minerals or manufactures products.

That makes the African Continental Free Trade Area indispensable. Properly implemented, it can turn isolated mineral deposits into regional manufacturing systems by lowering trade barriers and allowing countries to specialise. Together, African economies can develop an integrated industrial base that none could achieve alone.

Africa has lived through too many extractive booms that enriched others first. Copper built industries across Europe and North America while Zambia remained dependent on raw exports. Cocoa supplied Britain’s chocolate manufacturers while Ghana captured only a fraction of the value added.

The global energy transition gives Africa its best opportunity in generations to rewrite that history.

Africa can finally mine, beneficiate and industrialise on its own terms.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

Swedish defense firm Saab announced today that it had signed a contract to provide 16 Gripen E fighters to Ukraine. Once they arrive in the country, the jets will likely provide Ukraine with its most capable combat aircraft, and the development comes after Stockholm agreed to donate up to 16 of the previous-generation Gripen C/Ds to Ukraine. Handover of the Gripen C/Ds in Ukraine is slated to take place in early 2027, while the Gripen Es are scheduled for delivery starting in 2029.

The deal was signed between Saab and the Swedish Defense Materiel Administration (FMV), the governmental procurement agency acting under the Swedish Ministry of Defense. The order is valued at around SEK 24.6 billion (approximately $2.5 billion) and will be booked in the third quarter of this year.

Saab is scheduled to deliver the new jets to the FMV between 2029 and 2030, after which they will be transferred to Ukraine.

In addition to the 16 Gripen E fighters, the contract also includes spare parts and associated items and equipment.

“I am deeply proud that Sweden and Saab can now enable the provision of Gripen E to Ukraine, bringing a world-class fighter that will transform the Ukrainian Air Force’s capability. This will significantly strengthen Ukraine’s air defense and help ensure the nation can protect its people and safeguard its future,” said Micael Johansson, President and CEO of Saab, in a statement from the company.

The same statement also outlined particular features of the Gripen series that it says make it ideal for operations with the Ukrainian Air Force:

“Gripen is designed to address advanced threats in demanding environments. Operational flexibility and resilience enable operations from short stretches, temporary runways or roads, supporting dispersed operations and high availability. The software-based architecture facilitates continuous upgrades and adaptation to evolving operational requirements. With low maintenance requirements and fast turnaround, Gripen provides an advanced and cost-effective fighter capability that is easy to operate and maintain.”

These qualities, not restricted to, but notably baked into the Gripen design philosophy, are something we have explored as long ago as 2022, in the context of potential deliveries to Ukraine. In our previous coverage, we noted:

Designed during the Cold War to meet the Soviet threat, the Gripen was engineered for efficiency, durability, and ease of operation under wartime conditions. It was specifically designed to be serviced and rearmed by small teams — often including conscript personnel — while operating from dispersed locations such as roads and improvised airstrips instead of traditional air bases. The aircraft’s entire concept centers on maintaining combat operations in demanding environments, including prolonged cold-weather conditions.

Gripen – Always combat ready

Even with its existing fighters, the Ukrainian Air Force has developed tactics and equipment to operate these jets from dispersed locations around the country. Prior to the current conflict, Ukrainian fighters were training to make use of highways as alternatives to traditional runways.

Already, the Gripen C/D represents a significant advance, but, as noted, these are previous-generation jets, and they are secondhand aircraft drawn from Swedish stocks to expedite delivery.

Compared to the Gripen C/D, the Gripen E, as you can read about here, is a very different proposition, despite its superficially similar appearance.

In contrast to the older jet, the Gripen E has a bigger fuselage that accommodates approximately 30 percent more fuel and has a more powerful General Electric F414 engine, plus a total of 10 hardpoints for weapons and other stores. The cockpit is entirely revised, and the pilot is provided with a single Wide Area Display (WAD), replacing the three separate displays in the Gripen C/D.

The Gripen E can carry up to seven MBDA Meteor beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles, weapons also compatible with the Gripen C/D, although in the new aircraft these are integrated with the Leonardo ES-05 Raven active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar, and the Leonardo Skyward G infrared search and track (IRST) sensor.

The ES-05 Raven is set to be the first AESA fighter radar for Ukraine. Arrays of this kind bring a significant boost to modern combat aircraft. In comparison with traditional mechanically scanned array technology, an AESA can find and track a target at a much greater range, more quickly, and with a greater degree of accuracy. This also applies to smaller threats, including those with limited radar signatures, or flying at very low levels, which older radars find much harder to detect. This makes it especially relevant to hunting drones and cruise missiles, which are small targets often encountered by Ukraine en masse.

One particular feature of the ES-05 Raven on the Gripen E is the fact that the radar is mounted on a rotating repositioner, also known as a swashplate. As you can read about here, this enables the electronically scanned antenna, which is normally fixed in a forward position on fighter aircraft, to be slewed to the left and to the right in order to increase its field of view.

As we have discussed in the past, the Meteor would provide Ukraine with a class of air-to-air weapon that it badly needs to redress the balance against Russian fighter jets.

The Meteor is among the most capable air-to-air missiles in operational service anywhere in the world. Thanks to its ramjet propulsion, which can be throttled during different phases of flight, the Meteor is generally considered to be effective against certain types of targets out to around 130 miles.

The Meteor also features an active radar seeker for the terminal phase and a two-way datalink that feeds it with in-flight updates as it flies out to its target and provides information to the pilot in the launch aircraft.

Meteor

All Gripens can also be armed with the AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) that arms Ukraine’s F-16 fighters as well as several of its ground-based air defense systems.

The jet also includes a new Saab Electronic Warfare System (EWS), featuring a 360-degree spherical Missile Approach Warning System (MAWS).

Less obvious is the Gripen E’s avionics architecture, which is designed to enable the rapid insertion of new hardware and updated software applications to take on new missions. Customers are also able to design and develop their own software to introduce new technologies and systems to keep pace with ever-evolving threats.

Furthermore, Ukraine will be able to maximize the potential of its Gripens by operating them in conjunction with its two Saab 340 airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft equipped with Erieye radar that have been donated by Sweden.

The Saab 340 AEW&C can serve as an airborne fighter control platform by detecting and tracking Russian targets, prioritizing threats, and directing friendly fighters to intercept them. Using its datalink system, the aircraft can also provide mid-course guidance updates to missiles after launch. This allows fighter pilots to engage targets without necessarily activating their own radar. Instead, a missile can be assigned a target before launch, fired, and then receive continuous guidance updates from the AEW&C aircraft until it reaches the target. The Erieye radar is also notably effective when tracking ground and maritime targets.

Brazil was the first export customer for the Gripen E (also taking the two-seat Gripen F version), with its decision to buy the fighter influenced to a significant degree by the opportunity to establish a domestic production line. It was followed by Thailand, which secured a small batch of Gripen E/Fs to bolster its existing Gripen C/D fleet, and Colombia, which is also buying Gripen E/Fs. Meanwhile, Sweden has ordered 60 Gripen Es, the first of which was delivered to an operational unit last year.

Otherwise, the commonality between the aircraft will ensure that the Gripen E is easier for the Ukrainians to introduce.

According to Swedish officials, the training of Ukrainian pilots and technicians on the Gripen C/D is already underway and will be expanded this fall.

These Gripen Es could be just the start of a much bigger program.

The long-term ambition remains 100-150 Gripen aircraft. However, this transfer only exists as a statement of intent for now, as we have previously reported.

A similar letter of intent covers a plan for Kyiv to buy up to 100 Dassault Rafale F4 fighters from France over the next 10 years. These Rafales are at least as advanced as the Gripen Es, and superior in some respects, but there remain glaring questions about whether they can both be procured, especially in such numbers.

The Gripen E is an even bigger deal for Ukraine than the Gripen C/D. The Ukrainian Air Force has already received Western-supplied F-16s and a smaller number of Mirage 2000s, but still relies heavily on its Soviet-era fighters. The MiG-29 Fulcrum, in particular, has been continually adapted to carry new weaponry, both Western-supplied and locally developed, but these are all aging jets and the fleet overall has been steadily reduced by attrition.

Taken together, the Gripen C/D and Gripen E will provide Ukraine with a modern, networked fighter force unlike anything it has operated before. Combined with long-range Meteor missiles and Erieye AEW&C support, the aircraft will significantly enhance Ukraine’s ability to challenge Russian airpower and defend its airspace, and it will also be able to deliver precise attacks against surface targets.

Perhaps more importantly, these Swedish-made jets will bring the Ukrainian Air Force into a new era in which it is spearheaded by advanced, Western-made combat aircraft.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Chinese stocks advanced after fresh manufacturing data pointed to sustained factory expansion and President Xi Jinping reaffirmed his commitment to promoting high-quality economic development. The upbeat market reaction reflected growing optimism over the resilience of China’s industrial sector and the continued strength of technology and innovation-driven industries.

However, investor sentiment remains tempered by concerns over uneven economic growth, with persistent weakness in consumer confidence, the labour market and the property sector continuing to weigh on the broader recovery.

Strong factory activity boosts market confidence

China’s manufacturing sector expanded for a seventh consecutive month, marking its strongest quarterly performance since late 2020. The data reinforced expectations that industrial production remains a key pillar of economic growth despite ongoing challenges in other parts of the economy.

The stronger-than-expected factory activity provided investors with reassurance that export-oriented manufacturing and industrial output continue to support China’s recovery.

Xi reiterates commitment to high-quality growth

President Xi Jinping renewed his pledge to pursue high-quality development, signalling that Beijing remains committed to an economic strategy centred on technological innovation, industrial upgrading and sustainable long-term growth.

The remarks reinforced expectations that policymakers will continue prioritising advanced manufacturing, strategic industries and innovation rather than relying solely on traditional stimulus measures to support the economy.

Technology sectors continue to outperform

Technology-related stocks led gains as investors increased exposure to sectors expected to benefit from China’s industrial and technological ambitions. Chipmaking equipment, biotechnology and software companies posted strong advances, reflecting continued confidence in industries viewed as central to China’s long-term economic transformation.

The rally highlights investors’ preference for sectors with stronger earnings potential and policy support.

Traditional sectors show signs of broader participation

Alongside technology stocks, gains also spread to agriculture and property-related shares, suggesting investor optimism is gradually broadening beyond high-growth industries.

Although these sectors continue to face structural challenges, their recovery indicates improving market sentiment and expectations that policy support could help stabilise weaker areas of the economy.

Economic recovery remains uneven

Despite encouraging manufacturing data, investors remain cautious about China’s broader economic outlook. Consumer spending continues to be constrained by weak confidence, labour market pressures and the prolonged downturn in the property sector, creating an uneven recovery across different parts of the economy.

The divergence between strong industrial performance and softer domestic demand continues to shape investment strategies and policy expectations.

Future Outlook

Chinese markets are likely to remain supported by resilient manufacturing activity, continued policy backing for innovation and expectations of further measures to sustain economic growth. However, the durability of the rally will depend on whether improvements in industrial production translate into stronger domestic consumption and broader economic recovery.

Investors will closely monitor upcoming economic data and government policy announcements for signs that Beijing can address persistent weaknesses in the property market, employment and consumer confidence while maintaining momentum in high-value manufacturing and technology sectors.

With information from Reuters.

Adverse weather does not dampen Mexico’s party as the cohosts storm into the last 16 by beating Ecuador.

Mexico turned on the style at their iconic Azteca Stadium on Tuesday, brushing Ecuador aside 2-0 to break their FIFA World Cup knockout curse dating back 40 years.

The round-of-32 match was delayed for an hour due to stormy weather, and when it started, the co-hosts flew out of the blocks, mounting wave after wave of attacks.

In a supercharged atmosphere, Julian Quinones gave Mexico a deserved lead midway through the first half with a thunderous strike, and then turned provider for Raul Jimenez.

Ecuador desperately needed to wrest back the momentum after the break but struggled to shift through the gears, with the home side largely in control.

Mexico had not won a World Cup knockout game since 1986, when it last hosted the tournament.

Tuesday’s win means Mexico are now unbeaten in 10 World Cup games at the Azteca and will fancy their chances against England or the Democratic Republic of Congo in the round of 16.

Mexico were one of only three teams in the group phase to win all three of their matches, alongside title favourites France and reigning champions Argentina, and did not concede a single goal.

Ecuador finished third in their group, scoring just two goals.

Gilberto Mora, 17, was named in the starting line-up for Mexico, becoming the second-youngest player to start a knockout match at the World Cup finals behind Brazil legend Pele in 1958.

The home team started on the front foot, refusing to allow a shell-shocked Ecuador to settle.

Jimenez wasted a glorious headed chance in the seventh minute, and Mora flashed just wide.

At the other end, John Yeboah muscled his way into the penalty area in a rare foray forward for the visitors, clipping the outside of the near post.

Mexico took the lead in the 22nd minute when Saudi-based Quinones received the ball from Roberto Alvarado and tore down the left before driving into the box and unleashing an unstoppable shot past goalkeeper Hernan Galindez, raising the roof.

The first hydration break failed to change the script, and Mexico doubled their lead after half an hour when Quinones fed Wolverhampton Wanderers striker Jimenez, who fired a rocket into the top corner.

Raul Rangel produced a fine save to keep out another Yeboah effort, as Ecuador got a foothold in the match, but chances kept flowing at the other end.

Ecuador coach Sebastian Beccacece made several changes after the break in an effort to find a way back into the match. But Mexico, largely content to sit back, still looked the more threatening team, with Cesar Montes twice going close.

Ecuador substitute Kevin Rodriguez poked just wide with just over a quarter of an hour remaining, but their chances ran out. Piero Hincapie was sent off in stoppage time after covering his mouth during a confrontation with an opposition player to cap a miserable night for Ecuador.

Mexico will hope the Azteca, which hosted the World Cup final in 1970 and 1986, works its magic again in the last 16 on Sunday.

From the quarterfinals onwards, all the matches at the World Cup will be taking place in the United States.

Footage shows two NASA astronauts stepping outside the International Space Station to replace a malfunctioning wrist joint on a robotic arm. The joint failed during normal operations and did not move as expected. It took 7 hours and 20 minutes.

DEVELOPING STORYDEVELOPING STORY,

AI firm says it will begin restoring access to Claude Fable 5 and Mythos 5 after removal of export controls.

The United States government has lifted its restrictions on foreign access to Anthropic’s most powerful AI models, the company has announced.

Anthropic said late on Tuesday that it would begin restoring access to Claude Fable 5 and Mythos 5 from tomorrow after the US Department of Commerce notified the company that it had removed its export controls.

“We’re grateful to our users for their patience, and to everyone who worked with us on redeploying the models,” Anthropic said in a statement posted on X.

Anthropic’s announcement came shortly after US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said that his department had been coordinating with the company on the approval of its frontier models.

“Over the past two weeks, we have worked closely with Anthropic to analyze and approve Fable 5 to ensure alignment across the US Government and strengthen America’s leadership in AI,” Lutnick said in a post on X.

Anthropic abruptly shut off Claude Fable 5 and Mythos 5 last month after US President Donald Trump’s administration ordered the company to restrict all foreign nationals, including company employees, from accessing the models.

On Friday, the San Francisco-based company said that it had been granted approval to provide the models to US organisations that “operate and defend critical infrastructure”, and that it was working with the government to restore general access for the public.

More to follow…

Caracas, June 30, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has created a Presidential Commission for the Assessment of Housing and Infrastructure Habitability following the 7.2- and 7.5-magnitude earthquakes that struck the country on June 24.

The commission, chaired by structural engineer Francisco Garcés, began its work on Monday, June 29, in the states of La Guaira and Miranda, as well as in Caracas, carrying out scientific and technical evaluations of buildings, bridges, overpasses, and road infrastructure.

The inspections will deliver a traffic light-style assessment system developed by the Venezuelan Seismological Research Foundation (FUNVISIS) and the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) to classify the level of structural damage through a rating system that is easily understood by the public.

“We have created a traffic light system to determine whether a building is habitable, using the colors green, yellow, and red, so that this commission on housing and infrastructure can decide whether a home is safe to continue occupying,” Rodríguez said during a televised broadcast on Monday.

Under the system, green identifies homes that are structurally stable and safe for occupancy without significant risk. Yellow indicates buildings with moderate or partial damage that require repairs before they can be safely reoccupied, while red designates structures that have suffered total loss or critical structural damage.

“We have found buildings whose structural systems—beams, columns, and frame structures—have not sustained significant damage. However, the masonry has been severely affected. This means these buildings are repairable but cannot be inhabited until damaged walls and enclosure elements are removed and rebuilt,” Garcés explained to Venezuelan media.

The commission brings together specialists from the Ministry of Habitat and Housing, the Ministry of Public Works, the Venezuelan College of Engineers, the Venezuelan Chamber of Construction, Funvisis, and the Engineering Corps of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces.

It is also supported by several academic institutions and will coordinate efforts with governors’ and mayors’ offices from the hardest-hit regions.

“We have deployed several teams of engineers specialized in structural engineering,” Garcés added. “After receiving training in the use of the damage assessment forms, they are able to determine the condition of a structure and recommend the appropriate course of action.”

The acting government has also launched training programs so that professors, graduates, and senior engineering students with the required technical background can join the inspection teams. Authorities say the initiative likewise aims to address public fears among residents who remain hesitant to return to their homes.

Rodríguez additionally announced plans to build thousands of new homes by the end of the year.

According to official figures, the earthquakes have left 189 buildings completely destroyed as well as 585 structures with severe damage or partial collapse. There have been 38 hospitals and 44 shopping malls affected, and 1,645 additional structures, mainly bridges and roads, have sustained damage.

Multiple corporate media outlets have launched claims that the buildings from Venezuela’s Great Housing Mission (GMVV) were especially damaged by the earthquake. However, analysis from open-source tracking of damaged buildings has shown that only a very small percentage of affected structures belong to the housing mission. Former President Hugo Chávez launched the massive program in 2011 to provide housing at next-to-no cost for working-class families.

So far, Venezuelan authorities have reported 1,943 dead, 10,571 injured, and over 15,000 displaced families as a result of the double earthquake. The disaster has seen emergency teams arrive from 27 countries to assist in search-and-rescue operations. For its part, the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) has deployed multiple military assets and is managing operations at Simón Bolívar International Airport, the South American country’s main air hub.

Alongside the disaster in Venezuela’s northern central region, the Caribbean nation has been struck by further emergencies in recent days. Torrential rains caused rivers to overflow in western Portuguesa state, leaving an initial toll of 100 displaced families. Further west, firefighters have been working to bring forest fires under control since last Friday.

Edited by Ricardo Vaz in Caracas.

Mexican fans gathered outside Ecuador’s team hotel using loudspeakers, horns and motorcycles to disturb their rest, ahead of their round of 32 knockout match. The Ecuadorian soccer federation said it has filed a formal complaint with organizers.

Trump has launched a slate of crypto-friendly policies since returning to the White House for a second term.

A new government report has shown that United States President Donald Trump made millions from cryptocurrency and settlements with media companies last year, raising questions about possible conflicts of interest.

On Tuesday, the US Office of Government Ethics released annual financial disclosure forms for both Trump and his vice president, JD Vance.

One 927-page document itemises all of Trump’s reported assets and income for 2025. They include more than $1.4bn from his family’s cryptocurrency ventures.

Trump received more than $500m from World Liberty Financial, a crypto venture he and his sons co-founded. The president also reported another $635m from the sale of his $TRUMP meme coins.

The report suggests that investments in digital assets now generate one of the largest tranches of Trump’s income, overtaking even the real estate empire he inherited from his father.

The revelation is likely to intensify scrutiny of Trump’s policies.

Since returning to the White House in January 2025, Trump has launched a slate of crypto-friendly policies as he seeks to make the US the “crypto capital of the world”.

Early in his second term, for instance, the president announced that his government would create a national strategic cryptocurrency reserve to help ensure the stability of certain digital assets.

He also hosted the first-ever White House cryptocurrency summit.

The forum included several technology leaders that had been under investigation during the administration of Trump’s predecessor, Democrat Joe Biden.

But Trump reversed those actions. In February 2025, for instance, the Securities and Exchange Commission announced it would drop charges against Coinbase, the largest US-based cryptocurrency exchange, after it was accused of acting as an unregistered broker.

Other digital currency firms came under suspicion for fraudulent transactions.

Trump has coupled the shift away from government oversight with efforts to champion new legislation, including the GENIUS Act.

The law, passed in Congress in July 2025, created a general regulatory framework that required stablecoin, a type of cryptocurrency, to be backed one-to-one by US dollars. Advocates said the law would help to make cryptocurrency more mainstream.

“The entire crypto community: For years, you were mocked and dismissed and counted out,” Trump said during the law’s signing ceremony. “You were counted out as little as a year and a half ago, but this signing is a massive validation.”

But Trump’s increasingly close ties to the cryptocurrency industry have drawn criticism for its potential for corruption.

Last week, five Democratic senators, including Elizabeth Warren and Richard Blumenthal, called on their Republican colleagues to join them in forcing Trump administration officials to testify under oath about their cryptocurrency dealings.

They pointed to investments from the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in World Liberty Financial, the company the Trump family co-owns with government envoy Steve Witkoff’s sons.

Those investments, they argued, “raise questions about what more the UAE may receive — or may have already received – at the expense of U.S. national security after investing in the Trump family crypto company”.

The five Democrats urged immediate hearings on the matter.

Sometime in the next few weeks, the decommissioned Ticonderoga class guided missile cruiser ex-USS Mobile Bay, the 7th example of her class built, will be sent to the bottom of the Pacific Ocean by friendly forces, according to the San Diego Union-Tribune. The Tarawa class ex-USS Peleliu (LHA-5) amphibious assault ship will also be pummeled to its doom by friendly fire. These are two very high-profile and vastly different targets, which will make for a uniquely interesting pair of SINKEX drills. The event will take place during the 30th Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) biennial international maritime exercise.

RIMPAC 2026 began June 24 and runs through July 31; however, the date and manner of the sinking are not yet known. The sinking exercise (SINKEX) is the capstone event at each RIMPAC, though the type of surplus ship used varies.

Mobile Bay was decommissioned in 2023 and determined ineligible to be placed on the National Register of Historic Places a year later, sealing its fate.

USS Mobile Bay (CG 53) Outbound – August 18, 2023 – San Diego, California

Commissioned on Feb. 27, 1987, Mobile Bay took part in a number of major events during its 36 years in service.

“The ship’s operational history includes the 1989 evacuation of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon; launching 22 Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles (TLAMs) in support of Operation Desert Storm and the evacuation of thousands of people displaced by the volcanic eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in the vicinity of Subic Bay, Republic of the Philippines during Operation Fiery Vigil in 1991,” according to the Navy. It also participated in the “U.S. Coast Guard Law Enforcement Detachment (CGLED) seizure of 10.5 metric tons of cocaine approximately 800 miles southwest of Acapulco, Mexico, and launching TLAMS in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003.”

USS Mobile Bay CG-53 in Desert Storm

In addition to the date of its sinking being so far unknown, we also do not know how Mobile Bay will be struck. These events are used to test out a variety of weapons systems and crews to see how they perform. This often includes the ship being hit by many different kinds of weapons.

In the most recent SINKEX, for instance, we wrote that a U.S. Air Force B-2A Spirit bomber fired an AGM-158C Long Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRASM) at the ex-USS Juneau during Valiant Shield 2026 in the Western Pacific. You can read more about that in our story about that here. Oftentimes everything from torpedoes to short-range missiles to rocket artillery to airborne gunfire is used to maximize the sacrifice of the retired hull.

Mobile Bay, which took part in RIMPAC 2022, is one of four Ticonderoga class cruisers set to be disposed of by a SINKEX. In addition, the ex-USS Vella Gulf, the ex-USS Antietam and the ex-USS Port Royal are all facing the same fate, according to Navy records.

The ex-USS Valley Forge was the first of the decommissioned Ticonderogas to be sunk, during target practice in Hawaii in November 2006.

The Ticonderogas carry Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles (TLAM) and serve as air and missile defense batteries and command and control platforms. They are also equipped with Harpoon anti-ship missiles and MH-60R Sea Hawk helicopters, and execute anti-submarine warfare operations. 

Built in the 1980s and early 1990s, these cruisers primarily provide the backbone of a carrier strike group’s air warfare capabilities.

There are nine ships in this class still serving in the Navy. Of those, a half dozen are slated to be decommissioned in the coming years, while the remainder — USS Gettysburg, USS Chosin and USS Cape St. George — have been modernized or are close to finishing modernization and will serve out toward the end of the decade.

The effort to keep these ships afloat has been costly and controversial, which you can read more about in our story about the process here.

The Navy is billing RIMPAC 2026 as the largest in the history of these exercises.

“Thirty nations, over 30 surface ships, five submarines, 15 national land forces, more than 206 aircraft and 30,000 personnel will train and operate in and around the Hawaiian Islands during the exercise,” the Navy said in a release. “RIMPAC provides a unique training opportunity while fostering and sustaining cooperative relationships among participants that are critical to ensuring the security of sea lanes and stability across the region.”

It will be interesting to see how the ex-Mobile Bay is ultimately disposed of. We will provide an update when more information is available.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

The attacks targeted a secondary school in the northeastern town of Lassa, in Borno State.

At least 37 students remain missing after gunmen raided their school in northeast Nigeria, according to local officials.

The attack occurred on Monday when assailants from the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) group stormed a secondary school in the town of Lassa, in Borno State, which has faced years of violence by armed groups.

The AFP news agency reported on Tuesday that at least 37 students remain missing following the attack, which occurred while they were sitting exams.

At least three people were killed in the attack, including a soldier and a teacher, according to the military, who initially said that authorities had rescued 10 of them and that only one remained missing.

The “list of students in captivity”, showing the students’ genders and their parents’ mobile phone numbers, was shared with journalists by the area’s local government councillor, Ijagla Ijabila.

An intel source also showed AFP the same list.

Borno Commissioner for Education Lawan Abba Wakilbe told reporters in Lassa that 25 female students, 11 male students and one staff member were still being held, reported the Reuters news agency.

Abba Wakilbe added that eight people, including the school’s vice principal, have been freed.

Kidnapping for ransom, especially of students, has become a common tactic for both armed groups and non-ideological “bandit” gangs operating across the country’s conflict-hit north and centre.

While the 2014 kidnapping of hundreds of schoolgirls from the town of Chibok by members of Boko Haram remains Nigeria’s most infamous, school abductions continue to be prevalent across the country.

In May, gunmen kidnapped more than 40 pupils – who remain in captivity – from Borno State’s Mussa village.

That same month, armed men rounded up dozens of schoolchildren from three schools in Oyo State – a rare attack in southwest Nigeria, considered to be the safest region in the country.

Nigeria has been fighting an armed uprising since 2009, concentrated in the northeast.

While violence has waned since the peak of the conflict a decade ago, analysts have warned of an uptick in attacks since last year.

Negotiations are underway to reopen several Ugandan media outlets after the military ordered their closure, intensifying concerns over press freedom and political interference in the country’s media landscape. The shutdown, which targeted newspapers, television and radio stations owned by Kenya’s Nation Media Group, has drawn international criticism from human rights organisations and foreign lawmakers, adding to scrutiny of Uganda’s record on civil liberties.

The closures were ordered by Uganda’s military chief, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who said the outlets would remain shut without his approval but did not publicly explain the reasons for the decision.

The military’s decision forced several leading newspapers, television channels and radio stations to suspend operations, with security personnel preventing staff from accessing their offices. The disruption has affected one of East Africa’s largest independent media organisations and raised concerns over the military’s growing influence over civilian institutions.

Nation Media Group has confirmed that discussions are taking place with military authorities to restore operations. While negotiations are continuing at multiple levels, employees remain locked out of company premises, underscoring the uncertainty surrounding the timeline for resuming normal broadcasting and publishing activities.

International criticism intensifies over press freedom

The shutdown has prompted strong condemnation from human rights organisations, which argue the move represents another attempt to suppress independent journalism. International observers have warned that restricting media operations undermines freedom of expression and weakens democratic accountability in Uganda.

Political spotlight falls on Muhoozi Kainerugaba

The incident has further focused attention on military chief Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who has increasingly become a controversial political figure through his public statements and actions. Widely viewed as a potential successor to President Yoweri Museveni, Kainerugaba has faced repeated criticism over his treatment of political opponents, civil society groups and independent media.

Diplomatic pressure adds to domestic scrutiny

The media shutdown has also attracted international political attention, with senior US lawmakers calling for a review of Washington’s security relationship with Uganda. The episode risks increasing diplomatic pressure on Kampala over governance, human rights and the role of the military in restricting fundamental freedoms.

Future Outlook

The immediate focus will be on whether negotiations lead to the reopening of the affected media outlets and the restoration of normal operations. Beyond the current dispute, the incident is likely to intensify domestic and international scrutiny of Uganda’s commitment to press freedom, with potential implications for its diplomatic relationships, human rights record and political environment ahead of future leadership transitions.

With information from Reuters.

We now have our first look at a Chinese modular, road-mobile, electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS) catapult actually launching a drone. The system, which consists of multiple specially-designed trucks linked together, first emerged right at the end of last year and was soon loaded onto the deck of a cargo ship. The same vessel, named Zhong Da 79, was used to showcase a new family of containerized weapons, sensors, and other systems, images of which went viral in a big way online. It has now also been confirmed that the truck-mounted EMALS catapult is part of that family.

Video of the truck-mounted EMALS catapult in use first began circulating widely on social media earlier today, but exactly where or when it was shot is unclear. The footage looks to have originally accompanied a Chinese-language social media post from the Beijing Institute of Technology’s School of Mechanical Engineering. Screenshots said to be of the post show it was primarily on news about the development of the full family of containerized weapons and other systems, which we will come back to later on.

The video, seen in full in the social media post below, starts by showing a propeller-driven drone being launched from a mobile EMALS catapult made up of three trucks. The drone in question has a high-wing monoplane planform with a v-tail and tricycle landing gear. When the system first appeared publicly last year, it was shown in a four-truck configuration, and paired with stealthy collaborative combat aircraft (CCA)-like drones, or what were more likely mockups thereof.

The footage continues on, showing three EMALS catapult trucks traveling in a group, unlinked, in a convoy, before joining together. The convoy clip notably shows what look to be covers on top of the trucks that do not appear to have been previously seen. There are what appear to be hinges or at least large straps on the side to hold them in place.

Covers would help protect the system from the elements during transit. It might also help mask its true purpose, though the trucks have other very distinct features, including a very prominent locking point at the front. The possibility that the covers hinge to either side also raises the question of whether the system could be configured to fold out to create a wider runway, though there is no evidence of this so far.

The video also reveals that the trucks have an extreme all-wheel steering capability that allows them to turn in a roughly flat circle, even when joined together. This would allow for the launching of aircraft in any direction as long as their sufficent space to turn the complete system. This would be key for pointing aircraft into the wind ahead of launches, especially in confined spaces with limited room to maneuver. This is an essential capability for enabling this concept overall. It would be extremely hard, if not impossible, to do this with normal steering, especially to account for any major shift in the wind’s direction.

The footage caps off with another clip of the drone being launched and then one of Zhong Da 79 as it was seen earlier this year with the various containerized systems, at least some of which turned out to be mockups, onboard.

As seen earlier in this story, the video is circulating along with a graphic showing the full family of containerized weapons and other capabilities. This includes versions armed with launchers for land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, as well as surface-to-air missiles. There are also ones that contain either a single Type 1130 30mm close-in-weapon system (CIWS) or two Type 726 close-in defensive launchers. There are also containerized radars, electronic warfare systems, and command and control suites. The graphic also notably shows a container loaded with a single EMALS catapult truck and another with a disassembled drone inside that looks very much like the one seen being launched in the opening clip.

Annual production of 2,000 of these containerized systems, collectively, is now being targeted, according to a machine translation of the apparent social media post from the Beijing Institute of Technology’s School of Mechanical Engineering that is the original source of the video.

The social media post from Beijing Institute of Technology’s School of Mechanical Engineering also says 70 other entities were also involved in the development of the various systems showcased on the Zhong Da 79. The China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC), China North Industries Group Corporation (NORINCO), China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation (CASIC), China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC), China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC), and the Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC) are explicitly named.

Not on this list of named organizations is Tiantao Technology, a company that has been publicly discussing plans for a ground-based electromagnetic catapult system made up of modular wheeled segments since at least August 2025. As TWZ previously noted, Tiantao Technology’s renderings have shown a system that is visually different from the one now tied to the Beijing Institute of Technology’s School of Mechanical Engineering. However, its expected capabilities are in line with what have now seen in the video, especially the ability to drones weighing up to around 2.2 tons (two metric tons). The drone seen being launched is notably smaller and lighter than the CCA-type designs previously displayed with the system.

As TWZ wrote in our initial reporting on the truck-mounted EMALS catapult after it emerged last year:

“This [2.2 tons] is lighter than the expected takeoff weights of ‘loyal wingman’ type drones China has shown to date, based on the known specifications of comparably-sized Western designs. For example, the stated maximum launch weight of the XQ-58 is three tons, according to Kratos. As another point of comparison, the Chinese GJ-11, a larger flying-wing uncrewed combat air vehicle (UCAV), a catapult-capable version of which is now in development, reportedly has a payload capacity of around two tons. China’s J-15 family of crewed carrier-based fighters, derived from the Su-33 Flanker, each weighs around 19 tons (17.5 metric tons) empty without any fuel or ordnance, as well.”

“It is possible that the modular design of Tiantao Technology’s ground-based catapult system could allow for configurations capable of launching heavier designs. A core benefit of electromagnetic catapults over steam-powered ones, in general, is their ability to be more fine-tuned in terms of the forces they exert on any aircraft during launch. The capabilities of a modular system would also be dependent on its exact configuration, including how long the catapult track is overall. Tiantao Technology has said the total length of its system could be scaled between roughly 65 and 196 feet (20 and 60 meters). What limitations there might be on simply adding more segments to increase launch capacity are unknown.”

“Tiantao Technology has also shown models and renderings of truck and trailer-mounted electromagnetic catapults for launching even smaller drones. How much progress it has made in the actual development of any of the systems to date is unclear.”

As we noted at that time, other companies in China could very well have been working along similar lines. There’s also the distinct possibility that Tiantao Technology is among the dozens of unnamed partners that are said to have been working with Beijing Institute of Technology’s School of Mechanical Engineering on this project.

There is still an outstanding question about how drones are loaded onto the truck-mounted EMALS catapult to begin with, which would impact the launch tempo. TWZ has noted previously that a cycle could be established using trucks carrying drones that would drive up, one at a time, locking into the rear of an existing track, and then detaching after launch.

What kind of power and logistical footprint is required to support the mobile EMALS catapult, either on land or at sea, is also unknown. The system is not intended to support a traditional carrier air wing, and would therefore inherently have lower capability demands. It’s worth pointing out here that questions about power demands and logistical requirements would also apply to other parts of the family of containerized systems that are now in development, as well.

What limitations might exist when it comes to employing the catapult system from the deck of a ship that was not designed to have this capability from the start is another open question. Whether the truck-mounted arrangement would be stable enough for launches with the ship rocking back and forth at sea is unclear.

Overall, much more is still to be learned about the modular EMALS catapult and its capabilities. At the same time, what we’ve learned now underscores points that TWZ has made in the past about the new operational possibilities this system could enable, both in shipboard and ground-based modes. It is tailor-made for expeditionary scenarios or other situations in which traditional runways may not be available. As a mobile system that can be moved on the ground or embarked on ships, it would allow for at least a certain tier of airpower to be more readily positioned closer to operating areas.

The system’s mobility and ability to stay in relatively close proximity to the forces it is supporting would make this a very responsive capability, even as the overall operational picture and battlespace demands evolve. The less time any aircraft has to spend in transit means more on-station endurance, which could be especially valuable when employing smaller, shorter-range drones. The choice of an electromagnetic catapult system versus a steam-powered one also means shorter reset times between launches and, by extension, increased sortie generation rates.

Since it is made up of multiple modular truck-mounted segments, it would be easier for the system to disperse when not in use, creating targeting challenges for opponents and helping to increase survivability. Being able to store components of the catapult system, as well as drones to launch from it, concealed inside unassuming shipping containers would create further benefits in this regard.

All of this is relevant for a Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) that has significant standing requirements to be able to provide airpower and other support during island-hopping campaigns against various potential opponents in the Pacific, where established runways may be few and far between. Another key focus area for the PLA is supporting operations in highly remote and high-altitude areas along its disputed western border with India, where runway access is also often constrained. The truck-mounted catapult could also be combined with the elements of the full family of containerized systems to help establish more robust and defensible operating locations on land, as well as rapidly turn any ship with suitable deck space into a multi-purpose naval vessel.

As an aside, the fact that the new details about the truck-mounted EMALS catapult and the other containerized system have come via Beijing Institute of Technology underscores the strong ties that state-run research institutions in China often have to the country’s government-owned defense industry and to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). This is something TWZ regularly calls attention to, especially in advanced aerospace development realms, where the academic side of the ecosystem has been shown to be very deeply involved.

With the release of the video showing actual testing of the mobile EMALS catapult, and other insights into the full family of containerized weapons and other systems, more details about these new capabilities may now start coming more rapidly.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

The high court strikes down campaign spending limits, citing First Amendment protections in a 6-3 decision

On the final day of rulings for the Supreme Court’s current term, the top US court overruled a case that would limit campaign spending by rejecting restrictions on coordinated spending efforts between political parties and their candidates on free speech grounds.

The court handed down the ruling on Tuesday in a 6-3 split, with the six conservative judges in the majority, citing free speech grounds, and the three liberal judges dissenting.

The Supreme Court ruled that a spending cap on campaign spending, with input from candidates, violates the United States Constitution’s First Amendment after a lower court upheld the limits.

The decision, stemming from a Republican-led lawsuit, strikes down a provision of a more than 50-year-old federal election law limiting coordinated party spending. Among the Republican candidates at the centre of the lawsuit is now Vice President JD Vance. Vance was running for the US Senate in Ohio when the lawsuit challenging the restrictions was filed in 2022.

The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 regulates fundraising and spending in US elections by limiting the amount that can be spent on a candidate, aiming to prevent corruption.

Under that law, spending by a political party to advocate for or against a candidate that is not coordinated with a candidate’s campaign is considered an “independent expenditure” – and not subject to a cap.

Spending that is coordinated between a party and a campaign, however, has been restricted.

Tuesday’s decision overruled a 2001 decision in which the Colorado Republican Federal Campaign Committee challenged the rule against the Federal Election Commission, but the high court had upheld the limits on a vote of 5-4.

In 2024, the US 6th Circuit Court of Appeals had also upheld the limits.

On appeal, the plaintiffs said that developments in campaign finance over the intervening decades, including shifts in the Supreme Court’s jurisprudence, had eroded the rationale for that 2001 ruling and urged the justices to overrule it.

Then, when Donald Trump took office, the Federal Election Commission declined to defend the provision of federal law challenged by Vance and the other plaintiffs. The Supreme Court appointed lawyer Roman Martinez to do so. It also granted a request by the Democratic National Committee, Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, and Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee to intervene to defend the spending limits.

These spending limits have varied by state, being lower in states with smaller populations and higher in those with larger populations. In 2025, restrictions ranged from about $127,000 to $3.9m for Senate candidates and from approximately $63,000 to $127,000 for House of Representatives candidates.

The Supreme Court issued its campaign finance ruling with the November midterm elections looming, as President Donald Trump’s fellow Republicans seek to retain control of Congress.

The three major Republican committees – the Republican National Committee, the National Republican Congressional Committee, and the National Republican Senatorial Committee — ended May with $256m in cash and no debt. That was more than double the roughly $126m held by their Democratic counterparts, who also carried more than $18m in debt.

Election implications

The Supreme Court has issued multiple rulings during its current term that have election implications.

The justices on Monday backed state laws that allow mail-in ballots received after Election Day to be counted, rejecting a Republican-led challenge to a five-day grace period in Mississippi and dealing a setback to Trump.

The court in April gutted a key provision of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, opening the door for Republican-led Southern states to dismantle Democratic-held majority-Black and majority-Latino districts ahead of the midterms. Black and Latino voters tend to support Democratic candidates.

That decision prompted several Republican-led states to pursue redrawn electoral maps ahead of the midterms in an effort to threaten US House seats long considered safely Democratic.

The United States is expected to formally notify its North American partners that it will not extend the United States Mexico Canada Agreement (USMCA), triggering the pact’s sunset review process and beginning a potential 10-year countdown to its expiry in 2036. While the move does not immediately terminate the agreement, it opens a prolonged period of negotiations during which the three countries will seek to resolve disputes over automotive rules, regional manufacturing, market access and measures to prevent Chinese goods from benefiting from preferential trade provisions.

The decision reflects the Trump administration’s push to reshape North American trade around greater US manufacturing content and stricter supply chain rules rather than preserving the agreement in its current form.

Sunset clause launches a decade of negotiations

The notification activates the USMCA’s sunset review mechanism, requiring annual consultations if no agreement is reached to renew the pact for another 16 years. Rather than ending the agreement immediately, the process creates a structured but uncertain negotiation period that could last until the agreement expires in 2036 unless the three countries reach a revised deal.

The review mechanism is intended to keep the agreement under continuous assessment but also introduces long-term uncertainty for businesses operating across North America.

Washington pushes for tougher automotive rules

The United States is seeking significant changes to the agreement’s rules of origin, particularly in the automotive sector. Washington wants a substantially larger share of vehicle components to be produced in the United States while increasing overall North American content requirements to reduce dependence on Asian supply chains.

The proposals form part of a broader industrial strategy aimed at strengthening domestic manufacturing, creating more US jobs and preventing third-country producers, particularly China, from indirectly accessing preferential North American trade benefits.

US and Mexico lead negotiations while Canada remains sidelined

Current negotiations are taking place primarily between Washington and Mexico, with Canada playing a more limited role amid ongoing bilateral trade disputes with the United States.

The narrower negotiating format highlights differing priorities within the three-country partnership and raises questions about whether a comprehensive trilateral agreement can be achieved without parallel negotiations involving Ottawa.

Trade policy reflects broader supply chain strategy

The proposed revisions extend beyond traditional tariff issues and reflect a wider effort to reorganise North American manufacturing. By tightening content requirements and strengthening origin rules, the United States aims to encourage companies to relocate production closer to home while limiting opportunities for Chinese manufacturers to circumvent trade restrictions through regional supply chains.

This shift illustrates how trade policy has become increasingly intertwined with industrial policy and national economic security objectives.

Businesses face prolonged policy uncertainty

The activation of the sunset clause is unlikely to disrupt trade immediately, but it introduces a prolonged period of uncertainty for manufacturers, exporters and investors whose operations depend on integrated North American supply chains.

Companies may delay long-term investment decisions until greater clarity emerges on future tariff structures, production requirements and the overall direction of regional trade policy.

Future Outlook

Negotiations are expected to intensify over the coming months as the United States continues pressing for stricter manufacturing rules and stronger regional content requirements. While Mexico appears willing to negotiate toward shared industrial objectives, Canada’s future role remains less certain given unresolved bilateral trade disputes.

Unless the three countries reach a mutually acceptable compromise, the USMCA could remain under annual review for the next decade, prolonging uncertainty for businesses while reshaping North America’s manufacturing landscape. The outcome of these negotiations will likely determine not only the future of the trade agreement but also the competitiveness of regional supply chains and the balance between economic integration and national industrial policy.

With information from Reuters.

The US Supreme Court has ruled that states can ban transgender women from competing in female school and college sports.

The court considered cases from students in two different states who had challenged bans on participation. The two states, Idaho and West Virginia, enacted laws that required public school and college sports teams to compete in accordance with their sex recorded at birth.

One of the two challenges said the ban violates equal rights protections in the US Constitution. The other said it contradicts civil rights laws.

More than two dozen states have enacted bans since Idaho did so in 2020.

Under those state bans, a transgender woman – a biological male who identifies as a woman – is not permitted to compete in female sports at schools and colleges.

All nine justices on the court decided the state bans do not violate a civil rights law called Title IX which prohibits sex-based discrimination in schools.

But the judges were split along ideological lines on whether the bans contravene the constitution’s 14th Amendment guarantee of equal protection under the law.

The six conservative justices said it did not violate the constitution but the three liberal justices disagreed.

“The Constitution and Title IX do not require an overhaul of women’s and girls’ sports throughout America,” wrote Justice Brett Kavanaugh who authored the ruling.

In her partial dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the majority opinion had applied “a diminished view of equal protection” to sports.

The challenge launched in Idaho came from a transgender woman, Lindsay Hecox, a long distance runner, who lodged it shortly after the law was enacted. She was later granted an injunction by both a district court and an appeals court.

State lawmaker Barbara Ehardt, who introduced the law, said at the time of its passing that it would ensure “boys and men will not be able to take the place of girls and women in sports because it’s not fair”.

But in the appeals ruling, a panel of three judges found that the Idaho law violated constitutional rights. They said the state had failed to provide evidence that its ban protects “sex equality and opportunity for women athletes”.

President Donald Trump made the issue of transgender athletes in women’s sports a regular focus of his 2024 election campaign. Last year, he signed an executive order that aimed to ban transgender women from competing on female sports teams in schools and colleges.

Following that decision, the NCAA, the governing body for US college sports, banned transgender women from competing in women’s sports.

Supporters of the bans argued that transgender women had a biological advantage over athletes who were recorded female at birth.

When the International Olympic Committee (IOC) announced in March it was going to limit the women’s category of Olympic sports to biological females, it said its working group reviewed the latest scientific evidence over the previous 18 months and had concluded there was a “clear consensus”, external that “male sex provides a performance advantage in all sports and events that rely on strength, power and resistance” .

Those who opposed the bans argue that they unfairly discriminated against transgender students and dispute whether there is a scientific consensus that transgender women and girls have an inherent advantage.