NEWS

Global currency markets remained broadly stable on Monday despite escalating geopolitical tensions linked to the ongoing conflict involving the United States and Iran. The limited movement in the US dollar came after President Donald Trump rejected Iran’s response to a United States peace proposal, reinforcing concerns that the conflict in the Middle East may persist for an extended period.

At the center of global financial attention is the interaction between geopolitical risk, energy prices, and monetary policy expectations. Rising oil prices, driven by uncertainty in the Strait of Hormuz and broader regional instability, continue to shape inflation expectations across major economies. However, currency markets have shown relative restraint, suggesting that investors are balancing immediate geopolitical risks against expectations of eventual diplomatic stabilization.

The US dollar index, which measures the currency against a basket of major global currencies, remained largely unchanged. At the same time, oil prices rose sharply, reflecting renewed concerns about supply disruptions and prolonged conflict conditions.

Geopolitical Risk and Market Equilibrium

Financial markets are currently operating in a state of tension between short term geopolitical shocks and longer term expectations of resolution. The stability of the US dollar suggests that investors are not fully pricing in a sustained breakdown in global energy flows, despite elevated uncertainty in the Middle East.

The oil market, by contrast, continues to respond rapidly to political developments. The rise in crude prices reflects concerns that prolonged instability could restrict supply routes and tighten global energy availability. This divergence between currency stability and commodity volatility highlights the uneven transmission of geopolitical risk across financial systems.

Market analysts note that expectations of diplomatic engagement between the United States and China remain a key stabilizing factor. Investors increasingly view high level diplomatic meetings as potential mechanisms for de escalation, particularly given the influence both countries exert over global energy and trade systems.

The Role of the United States and China in Market Sentiment

A major factor influencing market behavior is the anticipated summit between President Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. The meeting is expected to cover a wide range of strategic issues including energy security, artificial intelligence, nuclear policy, and regional conflicts.

Markets are closely monitoring this engagement because both the United States and China possess significant leverage over geopolitical and economic developments in the Middle East. China’s role as a major energy importer and diplomatic stakeholder in the region gives it potential influence over Iranian policy, while the United States remains the dominant military and financial actor in global markets.

This dual influence creates expectations that broader geopolitical tensions may eventually be moderated through strategic dialogue. As a result, investors are partially pricing in the possibility of containment rather than escalation, which helps explain the relative stability of major currencies.

Inflation Expectations and Central Bank Positioning

Energy price movements remain central to global inflation dynamics. Rising oil prices directly influence transportation costs, production expenses, and consumer prices, creating upward pressure on inflation across both advanced and emerging economies.

In the United States, recent economic data has reinforced expectations that the Federal Reserve will maintain a cautious monetary stance. Strong employment figures combined with persistent inflation risks have reduced expectations of near term interest rate cuts. This has contributed to support for the US dollar, as higher interest rate expectations typically attract capital inflows into dollar denominated assets.

The interaction between monetary policy and geopolitical risk is becoming increasingly complex. Central banks are now required to respond not only to domestic economic indicators but also to external shocks originating from energy markets and international conflicts.

In this environment, currency movements reflect not just economic fundamentals but also expectations regarding central bank behavior under conditions of sustained uncertainty.

Diverging Currency Movements and Global Economic Signals

While the US dollar remained stable, other major currencies exhibited modest weakness. The euro, yen, and British pound all recorded slight declines, reflecting broader caution in global markets.

The movement of the Chinese yuan, which briefly strengthened to its highest level in several years, adds another dimension to the global currency landscape. This reflects both domestic economic data and broader expectations regarding China’s role in global trade and energy markets.

China’s economic performance, particularly in exports and industrial activity, continues to be closely linked to global energy prices and supply chain dynamics. Strong export growth suggests resilience in external demand, even amid geopolitical uncertainty and rising production costs.

These currency movements collectively indicate that global markets are navigating a period of uneven economic signals, where regional conditions and geopolitical developments interact in complex ways.

The Interplay Between Markets and Political Uncertainty

One of the defining characteristics of the current financial environment is the speed at which geopolitical developments translate into market expectations. Currency traders and investors are increasingly sensitive to political signals, particularly those involving energy producing regions and major global powers.

However, despite heightened volatility in oil markets, the US dollar’s stability suggests that investors still view the global financial system as structurally resilient. Rather than anticipating systemic disruption, markets appear to be pricing in cyclical instability followed by eventual stabilization.

This reflects a broader pattern in which financial markets absorb geopolitical shocks through short term volatility without fully abandoning long term confidence in global economic integration.

Analysis

The stability of the US dollar amid escalating geopolitical tensions highlights a critical feature of contemporary global markets. While energy prices and regional conflicts generate significant short term volatility, currency markets remain anchored by expectations of monetary policy stability and eventual diplomatic resolution.

The current environment is characterized by three overlapping dynamics. First, geopolitical risk is elevated due to sustained conflict in the Middle East and uncertainty surrounding diplomatic negotiations. Second, energy markets are highly sensitive to supply disruptions, producing rapid price fluctuations. Third, central bank policy expectations continue to play a stabilizing role in currency valuation.

The anticipated meeting between the United States and China represents a key focal point for market sentiment, as investors look for signals of broader strategic coordination or de escalation. However, the underlying structural tensions in the global system remain unresolved.

Ultimately, the current stability of the dollar should not be interpreted as a sign of reduced risk, but rather as evidence that markets are temporarily balancing competing expectations of conflict, diplomacy, and monetary policy. In such an environment, volatility in commodities and geopolitical headlines may continue, even as major currencies appear relatively stable on the surface.

With information from Reuters.

Barcelona, Spain — Draped in club flags and with their faces painted blue and maroon, Barcelona fan Max Dour and his father Nico joined thousands of others celebrating their team’s crowning as La Liga champions under the glow of flares lighting up the night sky at the famous Plaza Catalunya in the Catalan capital.

Playing at home, the football giants sealed their second consecutive Spanish league title with a 2-0 win over bitter rivals Real Madrid in a highly-anticipated El Clasico on Sunday.

The league triumph was made all the sweeter by a lacklustre performance from Madrid and the tens of thousands of cules – as Barcelona supporters are known – packed inside the Camp Nou stadium.

The iconic venue carried an air of anticipation for what fans believed was an inevitable victory. They chanted “Campeones, campeones (champions, champions)” throughout the match and well past the referee’s full-time whistle.

Come Monday afternoon, Barca fans will once again pack the city streets when the players join their celebrations with an open bus parade through the streets.

“I promised my son if we won La Liga, then we would go to the Canaletas [fountain] to celebrate, so here we are,” said Dour, a businessman who is a Barca season ticket holder, like his 14-year-old son. “How better could you end the season and win La Liga?”

The Canaletas fountain at one end of Las Ramblas, Barcelona’s famous thoroughfare, is where fans traditionally gather to celebrate victories, but it was closed off for works on Sunday.

It is part of Barcelona folklore.

During the 1930s, the main sporting Barcelona newspaper, Las Ramblas, would record the team’s results here on a blackboard if they were playing away. The blackboard has long gone, as has the newspaper, but the tradition of celebrating victories there remains.

Dour, 50, praised the team’s consistency throughout the season and credited that quality for their title win.

“Real Madrid and Atletico Madrid only seemed to play for certain games,” he said.

Such was the pull of the derby – and the chance to see Barca crowned champions – that fans travelled from across the world.

Vance Sterling flew in from Missouri in the United States just for this  match, after saving up for the $2,000 match tickets.

With the azulgrana (blue and maroon) colours painted on his cheeks, Sterling, 33, said: “It has been worth the journey. This has been a marvellous experience. Winning La Liga by beating Real Madrid in this stadium – how could you beat it?”

Barca’s win or Real Madrid’s loss?

For other fans, however, their joy at winning La Liga was slightly muted.

“It is great that we have won the title of course, but strangely it has not been so emotional or exciting as it was last year when it was coach Hansi Flick’s first season,” Adrian Fabregat, another Barcelona season ticket holder, said

“I think we may have been a little obsessed with the UEFA Champions League. That is what Hansi said he was determined to win.”

Fabregat, 45, a computer worker who has been a fan since 2004, said that Real Madrid’s poor form helped Barca win the title.

“They dropped points to clubs they never should have drawn with or even lost to, which has helped. We have been more dependable. It is always great to win the title when Real Madrid do not win anything else.”

Flick has now won a third major title, including the Copa del Rey in 2025, in his two years in charge of Barcelona. During the same period, Madrid have finished a second successive season with no major silverware.

Madrid will now limp to the finish of a disappointing season in which Xabi Alonso was fired and – barring a drastic change of events – Alvaro Arbeloa is also expected to be ousted in a summer shake-up.

Spanish football expert Graham Hunter believes the title win does not make for a “good season” for the Catalan club.

“In objective terms, Barcelona have gone backwards this season,” he told Al Jazeera.

“They have conceded in every UEFA Champions League game and were knocked out in the quarterfinals of the competition by local opponents Atletico Madrid, rather than the semifinal like last season. They were also knocked out in the semifinals of the King’s Cup.

“Irrespective of whether their winning margin and the date of their league victory is better than last season, they have not played better football, in fact, they have often played less well.”

However, Hunter said two players shone for Flick.

“Lamine Yamal has been outstanding.”

“He has often carried the team. He is, without any doubt in football terms, a genius. Joan García in goal has played blindingly well,” he added.

Hunter agreed that Barca’s triumph had a lot to do with Real’s poor form.

“It is undeniable that Real Madrid have been chaotic and have often gifted points to minor teams.

Sacking a manager in mid-season and watching his replacement have an even lower win rate was not a good look. The two-horse race was always going to be won by the thoroughbred against the Shetland pony,” he added.

Alberto Martínez, a football journalist for Barcelona-based newspaper La Vanguardia, said Flick and his players pounced on the opportunity presented by the crisis at Madrid.

“Barcelona’s continuity, with the manager and players, were key to their victory” he said.

Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei says Iran’s latest response to the US had asked for an end to the war, removal of the naval blockade, and release of assets.

The US had dismissed the Iranian response, Baqaei said, as it clings to its ‘unreasonable demands’.

A precise figure of how much full nationalisation of British Steel could cost has not been announced and it is understood that following legislation an independent valuation would be carried out of the business, to see what, if any, compensation might be due to Jingye.

One French passenger and one from the US test positive after being evacuated from the vessel in the Canary Islands.

A French woman and an American man have tested positive for hantavirus infections as countries around the world repatriate passengers from a cruise ship hit by a deadly outbreak.

French Health Minister Stephanie Rist said on Monday that a French passenger who was on the MV Hondius cruise ship tested positive for the virus and her condition was deteriorating, the Reuters news agency reported.

“What is key is to act at ⁠the start and break ⁠the virus transmission chains,” Rist told France Inter radio, pointing to the “decree ⁠that came out today that will allow us to ⁠strengthen isolation measures for ⁠contact cases and to protect the population”.

Another four French passengers have so far tested negative, and authorities have identified 22 contact cases.

The US Department of Health and Human Services said on Sunday that an American on a repatriation flight had tested “mildly positive” for the virus and another had mild symptoms. Both were travelling “in the plane’s biocontainment units out of an abundance of caution” and all 17 MV Hondius passengers on board would undergo clinical assessment upon arrival in the US.

The two new cases bring the total number of confirmed cases to 10. The World Health Organization (WHO) has so far confirmed two deaths and one probable death, and as of Friday, four people were hospitalised with one in intensive care in South Africa.

The MV Hondius was anchored near the Canary Island of Tenerife after being stranded for weeks following an outbreak of the hantavirus on the luxury cruise ship. Health authorities have been locating and monitoring passengers who disembarked from the ship before the outbreak was identified.

Investigations into the source of the outbreak are ongoing.

The evacuation ⁠of passengers from the cruise ship will be completed on Monday with flights to Australia and the Netherlands, Spain’s health minister said.

One flight to Australia will evacuate six passengers ⁠from Tenerife and another to the Netherlands will take 18 passengers. Both flights are to also carry passengers from other countries that did not send their own repatriation flights, officials said.

Hantaviruses can cause severe respiratory illness and are usually spread by rodents but can also, in more rare cases, be transmitted between people. Symptoms can begin between one and eight weeks after exposure and include headaches, fever, chills, gastrointestinal issues and respiratory distress.

The fatality rate of the Andes strain of the hantavirus, identified in the ship’s outbreak, can reach 40 to 50 percent, particularly among elderly people.

The WHO has recommended a quarantine of 42 days for the cruise passengers. Experts are stressing the need for calm, noting that the virus is far less contagious than COVID-19.

Robin May, chief scientific officer at the United Kingdom Health Security Agency, said the risk to the public was “extremely low”, the Press Association news agency reported.

The continued clashes and drone strikes reported by Ukraine despite a United States brokered ceasefire reveal the deep structural difficulties facing diplomatic efforts to end the Russia Ukraine war. Although both Moscow and Kyiv formally agreed to a temporary ceasefire between May 9 and May 11, reports of ongoing battlefield engagements, drone operations, and civilian casualties demonstrate how fragile and limited such agreements have become in the context of prolonged modern warfare.

The ceasefire emerged as part of a broader diplomatic push led by United States President Donald Trump to reduce hostilities and create momentum toward wider peace negotiations. However, within days both Russia and Ukraine accused each other of violations, exposing the absence of trust, verification mechanisms, and shared strategic objectives between the two sides.

The developments illustrate a broader reality increasingly visible in contemporary conflicts. Ceasefires no longer necessarily represent steps toward peace. Instead, they often function as temporary tactical pauses within wars that continue politically, militarily, and psychologically even during formal periods of de escalation.

The Structural Fragility of Modern Ceasefires

The Ukraine conflict demonstrates why ceasefires in modern interstate wars are becoming increasingly difficult to sustain. Unlike traditional wars where front lines were relatively static and centralized military command structures exercised greater control, contemporary conflicts involve decentralized operations, drone warfare, rapid communication systems, and continuous battlefield surveillance.

In such environments, even limited military activity can quickly trigger accusations of violations and retaliation. The reported drone attacks, artillery clashes, and combat engagements along the front line reflect how difficult it is to fully halt military operations across an extensive and heavily militarized battlefield.

Furthermore, both Russia and Ukraine continue to pursue strategic objectives incompatible with lasting compromise. Russia seeks to consolidate territorial gains and maintain pressure on Ukrainian forces, while Ukraine aims to resist occupation and preserve sovereignty. Without broader political agreement regarding the war’s fundamental issues, temporary ceasefires remain highly vulnerable to collapse.

The result is a situation where ceasefires may reduce the intensity of conflict in some areas while violence continues in others, creating ambiguity regarding whether peace efforts are genuinely progressing.

Drone Warfare and the Transformation of the Battlefield

One of the most significant features of the current conflict is the central role of drones in sustaining military operations even during ceasefire periods. Ukraine’s military reported thousands of so called kamikaze drone deployments, while Russia simultaneously accused Ukraine of launching drone attacks into Russian territory.

Drone warfare fundamentally alters the nature of ceasefires because unmanned systems allow states to maintain pressure without large scale troop offensives. Drones can conduct reconnaissance, target infrastructure, disrupt logistics, and inflict psychological pressure while remaining below the threshold of full conventional escalation.

This creates a strategic grey zone where both sides can continue military activity while formally claiming commitment to ceasefire agreements. The low cost, flexibility, and deniability associated with drone operations make them especially attractive during periods of limited diplomatic engagement.

The widespread use of drones also reflects the broader transformation of modern warfare into a technologically driven conflict characterized by constant surveillance and persistent low intensity attacks. In this environment, the distinction between war and ceasefire becomes increasingly blurred.

The apparent breakdown of the ceasefire also highlights the growing limitations facing United States led diplomatic efforts. Although Washington remains deeply influential in shaping international negotiations surrounding the conflict, its ability to enforce compliance remains constrained.

Temporary ceasefires require more than political announcements. They depend on verification systems, mutual trust, enforcement mechanisms, and shared incentives for de escalation. None of these conditions currently exist at sufficient levels between Russia and Ukraine.

Moreover, both sides appear to view military pressure as essential to strengthening their negotiating positions. This creates a paradox where diplomacy and warfare occur simultaneously rather than sequentially. Ceasefires therefore become instruments for tactical adjustment rather than genuine pathways toward peace.

The involvement of the United States also introduces additional geopolitical dimensions. Russia continues to frame the conflict as part of a broader confrontation with Western influence, while Ukraine depends heavily on Western military and diplomatic support. These dynamics complicate efforts to establish neutral or mutually accepted mediation frameworks.

Humanitarian Consequences and Civilian Vulnerability

Despite diplomatic initiatives, civilians continue to bear the costs of ongoing violence. Reports of deaths and injuries across regions including Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Mykolaiv demonstrate how even limited ceasefire violations can produce severe humanitarian consequences.

Modern conflicts increasingly expose civilian populations to continuous insecurity because fighting extends beyond conventional front lines. Drone strikes, missile attacks, and artillery exchanges create environments where daily life remains unstable regardless of official diplomatic announcements.

This persistent insecurity also produces long term social and psychological effects. Populations living under repeated cycles of ceasefire and renewed violence may gradually lose confidence in diplomatic processes altogether. Such conditions weaken public trust in negotiations and reinforce perceptions that military outcomes remain more decisive than political agreements.

The humanitarian dimension therefore remains central to understanding the broader implications of the war. Beyond territorial disputes and geopolitical competition, the conflict continues to reshape civilian life, displacement patterns, and regional stability across Eastern Europe.

The Strategic Logic Behind Continued Fighting

The continuation of battlefield clashes despite the ceasefire reflects rational strategic calculations by both parties. Neither Russia nor Ukraine wishes to allow the other side opportunities to regroup, reinforce positions, or gain battlefield advantage during temporary pauses.

For Russia, maintaining pressure along advancing sectors preserves momentum and signals military resolve. For Ukraine, continued resistance demonstrates operational resilience and prevents normalization of Russian territorial control.

This strategic logic makes limited violations almost inevitable in prolonged wars where military outcomes remain uncertain. Ceasefires become fragile because both sides fear that restraint could weaken their broader position in future negotiations or battlefield developments.

The situation also reflects how wars of attrition generate incentives for constant pressure rather than stable pauses. Each side seeks to exhaust the opponent economically, militarily, and psychologically over time.

Analysis

The reported ceasefire violations in Ukraine demonstrate the growing difficulty of achieving meaningful de escalation in modern high intensity conflicts. Temporary agreements may reduce some forms of violence, but they rarely address the deeper strategic, political, and technological dynamics sustaining prolonged warfare.

The Ukraine conflict illustrates several important realities shaping contemporary international security. First, ceasefires without comprehensive political frameworks remain highly unstable. Second, drone warfare and decentralized military technologies blur the distinction between peace and conflict. Third, diplomatic efforts increasingly coexist with ongoing military operations rather than replacing them.

The events also reveal the limits of external mediation in wars where core strategic objectives remain fundamentally incompatible. As long as both Russia and Ukraine continue viewing military pressure as essential to their long term goals, ceasefires are likely to function more as tactical interruptions than genuine transitions toward peace.

Ultimately, the fragility of the current ceasefire reflects a broader transformation in warfare itself. Modern conflicts are no longer defined solely by formal declarations of war or peace, but by continuous cycles of negotiation, limited escalation, technological warfare, and strategic uncertainty.

With information from Reuters.

Among the latest products from Turkey’s prolific defense industry is a weapon directly inspired by the secretive AGM-114R9X variant of the widely used Hellfire, the effects of which TWZ was the first to identify back in 2017. Named Neşter, which is Turkish for scalpel, the new weapon features exactly the same kind of array of pop-out, sword-like blades as used on the AGM-114R9X, a weapon popularly dubbed “Flying Ginsu” or “Ninja” due to its unusual capabilities.

ROKETSAN, NEŞTER’i tanıttı

🚀NEŞTER, MAM-L ürününün bir varyantı olarak, minimum ikincil hasar prensibiyle yüksek hassasiyetli vuruşlar yapmak üzere tasarlandı. Klasik çözümlerden farklı olarak, bulundurduğu yaklaşma sensörü sayesinde, hedefe temas öncesinde devreye giren ve… pic.twitter.com/bwpHUw3T2Y

— SavunmaTR (@SavunmaTR) May 5, 2026

Produced by Roketsan, the Neşter was unveiled today at the SAHA 2026 International Defense and Aerospace Exhibition in Istanbul. Like the AGM-119R9X, the new weapon was developed explicitly to prosecute targeted strikes while minimizing the risk of collateral damage to an extreme degree.

ROKETSAN’dan ‘cerrahi hassasiyetli’ yeni mühimmat: NEŞTER

Akıllı mühimmat MAM-L’nin varyantı olarak geliştirilen füze, #SAHA2026‘da tanıtıldı.

NEŞTER, patlayıcı içermeyen harp başlığı ve kesici yapısıyla hedefi noktasal ve kontrollü şekilde etkisiz hale getirebiliyor. pic.twitter.com/XWIn1m8kCX

— TRT HABER (@trthaber) May 5, 2026

The Neşter is a derivative of the same company’s MAM-L, which is described as a “lightweight smart micro-munition.” The compact dimensions of the MAM-L mean that it can be easily integrated on uncrewed aerial vehicles (UAVs), as well as light attack aircraft. Indeed, the MAM-L has become a munition synonymous with the Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone, which has been used to great effect in various conflicts, including in Syria, Libya, Ukraine, and in the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Already, Roketsan offered the MAM-L with a range of different warheads, including armor-piercing, high-explosive blast-fragmentation, and thermobaric.

The Neşter differs in that it’s strictly focused on assassination strikes, with no warhead at all, instead featuring blades that make it an extremely low-collateral-damage weapon. As we have seen repeatedly with the AGM-114R9X, a weapon of this kind can target not just a vehicle, but a specific occupant inside it, slashing through the car at just the right spot.

A 2025 U.S. Central Command video showing, for the first time, the AGM-114R9X in action:

CENTCOM Forces Kill the Senior Military Leader of Al-Qaeda Affiliate Hurras al-Din (HaD) in Syria

On Feb. 23, U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) forces conducted a precision airstrike in Northwest Syria, targeting and killing Muhammed Yusuf Ziya Talay, the senior military leader of… pic.twitter.com/trhDvgdgne

— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) March 1, 2025

So far, very few specific details about the new Turkish weapon have been released.

As for the MAM-L, the manufacturer states that this is around 3.3 feet long, has a diameter of 6.3 inches, and a range of 9.3 miles. The munition reportedly weighs around 48 pounds. The new weapon is likely broadly similar in terms of dimensions and range. The Hellfire is a considerably bigger weapon than the MAM-L, being around 5.2 feet long and weighing closer to 100 pounds.

It should be noted that the MAM-L was developed from the L-UMTAS guided missile, essentially being an unpowered version featuring a similar guidance system. It’s not clear if the Neşter is powered or not, but being unpowered would reduce the kinetic effect of its impact, at least compared with the AGM-114R9X, and, without a warhead, this is critical for its destructive power.

L-UMTAS

Both the basic AGM-114R series and the MAM-L use laser guidance. However, the AGM-114R9X is thought to feature a unique additional guidance capability that leverages automation in order to strike so precisely on just one part of a vehicle.

One possibility could be a very fine-tuned imaging infrared (IIR) guidance package that zeroes in on a specific section of a vehicle automatically. This could be paired with laser guidance for initial cueing or be a standalone IIR seeker and logic package.

Images show the result of an AGM-114R9X strike on a car in Syria in 2025:

#Syria: fragments of the missiles used today by US to kill a former Horas Al-Din member near Killi (N. #Idlib).
Those Hellfire missiles (R9X) use blades instead of explosives.
Impact point in the vehicle also pictured. pic.twitter.com/i1N0BExedE

— Qalaat Al Mudiq (@QalaatAlMudiq) February 23, 2025

Other guidance options could be available for the Neşter, including a so-called “human-in-the-loop” system, something Israel pioneered and perfected, with an actual operator correcting its course in the terminal phases of flight. That capability, however, would require compatible datalinks, and the Neşter’s ground control ground terminal would have to support it. 

The Neşter is known to feature a proximity sensor, which activates the blade mechanism just before contact with the target. Before they deploy, the six blades (the same number as on the AGM-114R9X) are stowed in slots that run along the missile’s body.

As for the AGM-114R9X, this was developed in secret and has been used increasingly over the last decade or so, including in very high-profile operations. It is thought to be a weapon of choice for targeted assassinations using MQ-9 Reaper drones operated by the shadowy Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), as well as the Central Intelligence Agency.

It can easily be imagined that the Turkish Armed Forces, and even Turkish paramilitary branches, could find a similar use for the Neşter, especially from the country’s growing arsenal of drones. If available with a motor, it would be suitable for the T129 ATAK helicopter and other rotorcraft as well.

The Turkish Armed Forces and police branches regularly launch (often combined) offensive operations over Turkish territory, including providing close air support to law-enforcement forces and troops on the ground. These frequently include the proactive engagement of those deemed to be terrorists, like the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

While the PKK has waged an insurgency in Turkey since 1984 and also operates extensively across its borders in Iraq and Syria, Ankara has stepped up its operations against the militants since a ceasefire with them ended in 2015.

The appearance of the Neşter at this point is therefore both in line with likely Turkish requirements for its counterinsurgency operations, and reflects the fact that the country is fast developing and widely exporting a wide range of drones as well as the munitions to arm them. By offering the Neşter specifically, Roketsan is cognizant of the growing requirement for munitions that can help prevent civilian casualties, while also targeting particular high-value individuals.

For export customers, the Neşter, like other Turkish munitions, would not be subject to the restrictions imposed by the U.S. International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) guidelines, which can limit the transfer of defense and military technologies and services — especially the more sensitive ones — to certain countries.

At the same time, while the United States has very deliberately kept the AGM-114R9X under wraps, perhaps on account of the gruesome nature of its effects, it seems that Turkey is not nearly as coy. However, it still needs to complete the development work on the Neşter, something that is more challenging than it might at first appear.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Edwards’ 36 points give Minnesota 114-109 win and tie the Western Conference semifinals 2-2 against San Antonio Spurs.

Anthony Edwards scored 16 of his 36 points in the fourth ‌quarter and the Minnesota Timberwolves took advantage of Victor Wembanyama’s ejection to post a 114-109 win over the San Antonio Spurs.

The Timberwolves’ win on Sunday ⁠night in Minneapolis tied the Western Conference ⁠second-round series at two games apiece.

Naz Reid contributed 15 points and nine rebounds off the bench for Minnesota. He also took an elbow from Wembanyama into his chin on the play in which the Spurs’ star was ejected in the second quarter.

Jaden ⁠McDaniels scored 14 points, Julius Randle scored 12 and Rudy Gobert had 11 points and 13 rebounds for the Timberwolves. Ayo Dosunmu added 10 points for Minnesota.

De’Aaron Fox and reserve Dylan Harper scored 24 points apiece and Stephon Castle added 20 for the Spurs. Devin Vassell tallied 14 points for San Antonio. Wembanyama ⁠had four points, four rebounds and no blocks in 12-plus minutes.

“We never expected them just to go away,” Timberwolves coach Chris Finch said. “They won a game in the Portland series without Wembanyama, so they’re very good, very good team.”

The Spurs trailed by seven before Harper made two free throws with 29.1 seconds left and Julian Champagnie hit two with 20.6 seconds remaining to bring San Antonio within 112-109.

Dosunmu answered with two free throws with 9.8 ‌seconds left as Minnesota closed it out.

“Just small-time plays,” Edwards told reporters when asked how the Timberwolves won Game 4. “Small-time plays win big-time games. That’s what we needed. Diving on the floor, offensive rebounds and it was a great sub by Finchie for putting in Ayo for that last minute-and-a-half.”

Earlier, Wembanyama grabbed a rebound and was trying to protect the ball from two Timberwolves when he turned and unleashed a vicious right elbow into the chin of Reid and was called for a foul with 8:39 left in the first half.

The officiating crew studied views of the play before upgrading the foul to a flagrant 2, which is an automatic ejection. Crew chief Zach Zarba said, “There was windup, impact and follow-through above the neck ⁠of an opponent.”

“I’m glad he [Wembanyama] took matters into his own hands,” Spurs coach Mitch Johnson said. “Not in terms of ⁠hitting Naz Reid, I want to be very clear about that. I’m glad Naz Reid is OK and I didn’t want him to elbow him. But [Wemby’s] going to have to protect himself if no one else does for him. And I think it’s disgusting.”

Minnesota led 60-56 at the break. Edwards scored 18 in the half while Castle led San Antonio with 14 ⁠first-half points.

Despite the loss of Wembanyama, the Spurs scored 20 of the first 28 points in the third quarter and led 76-68 after a basket by Vassell with 4:33 left in the period.

“I thought offensively, we were really doing ⁠a lot of good things,” Finch said. “We lost our way a little bit, and gave them ⁠life.”

San Antonio’s Keldon Johnson drove for a hoop with 21.9 seconds remaining for an 84-80 advantage entering the final stanza.

Fox buried a 3-pointer to give San Antonio a 94-86 lead with 8:51 left in the contest before Edwards scored 12 points during the Timberwolves’ 14-5 run.

“We had a chance to win,” Johnson said. “We didn’t close it out the way we wanted to. … Minnesota made ‌some plays and finished the game.”

Edwards started the burst with a jumper and he soon scored five consecutive points on a short floater and a long straightaway 3-pointer to cut the Minnesota deficit to three with 7:10 remaining. He later canned two free throws with 5:51 left to bring the Timberwolves within ‌97-95 ‌before drilling a 3-pointer 39 seconds later to give Minnesota a one-point edge.

Gobert later delivered a thunderous dunk to give the Timberwolves a 107-101 lead with 1:56 to play.

Minnesota shot 44.7 percent from the field, including 10 of 27 from 3-point range, while the Spurs made 47.7 percent of their attempts and hit just 6 of 26 from behind the arc.

Game 5 is Tuesday in San Antonio.

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSGs) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARGs), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s map here.

More than 20 U.S. Navy warships, two carrier strike groups among them, are enforcing the blockade of Iran in the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR). To date, CENTCOM has redirected 61 commercial vessels linked to Iran and disabled at least four attempting to run the blockade.

The Navy released new images last week of both CSGs supporting the blockade. The USS George H.W. Bush was conducting flight operations in the Arabian Sea on May 6, and recently spotted with 25 F/A-18E/F Super Hornets, two E-2D Hawkeyes, and three MH-60 Seahawks of Carrier Air Wing 7 visible on the flight deck. Unlike the Abraham Lincoln CSG, also operating in the AOR, George H.W. Bush is not equipped with 5th-generation carrier-based F-35Cs.

The Gerald R. Ford CSG transited the Strait of Gibraltar westbound and is steaming toward Norfolk. The strike group has been deployed for 322 days, as of May 11, and is expected to return home in the coming weeks. The CSG departed Norfolk in June 2025 and was initially supposed to return in January, but its deployment was extended twice to support combat operations in the Caribbean and the Middle East.

Three carriers are now underway training in preparation for future deployments. The Dwight D. Eisenhower CSG, which recently completed a 15-month availability, is working up off the east coast with AIS turned on. The George Washington CSG got underway on May 10, according to ship spotters, leaving port in Yokosuka, Japan, escorted by guided-missile cruiser USS Robert Smalls. The Theodore Roosevelt CSG is “conducting advanced training to bolster strike group readiness and capability” in the Pacific Ocean.

USS Nimitz is anchored off Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, for a five-day liberty port call. Nimitz is circumnavigating South America en route to her new homeport in Norfolk. Originally slated to be decommissioned this year, her service life was recently extended into 2027.

USS Nimitz (CVN 68) Nimitz-class aircraft carrier and USNS Patuxent (T-AO-201) Henry J. Kaiser-class replenishment oiler along with a Brazilian attack submarine in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil – May 7, 2026 SRC: X-@dmdst12 pic.twitter.com/Qch7agZEDJ

— WarshipCam (@WarshipCam) May 7, 2026

Another Marine Air-Ground Task Force is set to arrive in CENTCOM in the near-term. While the Boxer ARG has not been confirmed in CENTCOM as of publication, an arrival announcement could come as soon as next week. The 11th Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is comprised of a command element, a Ground Combat Element, Battalion Landing Team 3/5, an Aviation Combat Element with two squadrons, Marine Medium Tiltrotor Squadron (VMM) 163 (Reinforced) and Marine Fighter Attack Squadron (VMFA) 122, and a logistics combat element. The approximately 5,000 Marines and Sailors aboard Boxer ARG will join the Tripoli ARG, already on station in the Middle East, and significantly enhance the United States’ expeditionary capabilities in the region.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@teamrecurrent.io

A former Philippine Navy warship was sent to the bottom today by the combined effects of maritime strike drills launched by Japanese, Philippine, and U.S. forces in the Luzon Strait, one of the world’s most strategic and tense bodies of water. The maneuvers, which reportedly involved a variety of anti-ship missiles and rocket artillery, were part of the broader Balikatan exercise, which is especially important in the context of rising tensions in the Indo-Pacific.

Located roughly 50 miles offshore, the target vessel for a live-fire sinking exercise (SINKEX) campaign was the decommissioned Philippine Navy Rizal class patrol corvette, the former BRP Quezon. The ship was originally completed for the U.S. Navy as an Auk class minesweeper during World War II, serving as the USS Vigilance before being transferred to the Philippines and serving in a new role in the late 1960s. The BRP Quezon, which had a standard displacement of 890 tons, was decommissioned in 2021.

The maritime strike (MARSTRIKE) drills were conducted on the island of Luzon, which sits at the northern end of the Philippines, and is the country’s largest and most populous island. Specifically, the live-fire drills took place around the Paoay Sand Dunes, in the coastal region of Ilocos Norte.

The drills began around 10:00 a.m. local time with a U.S. Army M30/31 Guided Multiple-Launch Rocket System (GMLRS) fired as a “probing round,” with the location of the target vessel being confirmed around 10:15 a.m.

The GMLRS artillery rocket is a highly precise, rapid-strike weapon that can attack targets to a distance of around 50 miles, which would put it right at the limit of its range. It is fired from the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) that can launch six guided or unguided 227mm artillery rockets or a single Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) missile without reloading. GMLRS is not capable of engaging moving targets, so it has limited application in the traditional anti-ship mission set.

In a combined strike, anti-ship missiles were reportedly then launched from a U.S. Marine Corps Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System (NMESIS) and from a Philippine Navy C-Star system.

Of these, NMESIS employs an uncrewed variant of the 4×4 Joint Light Tactical Vehicle (JLTV), also known as the Remotely Operated Ground Unit Expeditionary-Fires (ROGUE-Fires), on which is mounted a launcher with two ready-to-fire Naval Strike Missiles (NSM). These have a range of around 130 miles and have low-observable features, making them harder for enemy air defenses to detect and engage.

NMESIS is meant to be rapidly deployable and capable of highly dispersed operations in austere areas. As an uncrewed vehicle-launcher combo, small teams of Marines monitor multiple launchers dispersed around an area and move them regularly to keep them from being targeted by the enemy. The system was first deployed in a Balikatan exercise last year, as you can read about here.

While Philippine media reports that the NMESIS, operated by the Hawaii-based 3rd Marine Littoral Regiment, fired a missile during today’s drill, this is refuted by a report from Stars and Stripes. The 3rd MLR is notable in itself, being expressly designed to fight within an enemy’s own littorals, with all the challenges that brings.

Meanwhile, the C-Star is the Philippine Navy’s primary anti-ship missile. Produced by South Korea’s LIG Nex1, a version of this missile is used by the Republic of Korea Navy as the Haeseong. The Philippines uses the C-Star to arm its two Miguel Malvar class and two Jose Rizal class frigates, which are also made in South Korea. Similar to the U.S.-made Harpoon, the C-Star is a turbojet-powered, sea-skimming missile with a range of around 90 miles.

In the drill, the C-Star was likely fired from the Philippine Navy frigates BRP Miguel Malvar and Antonio Luna, both of which are known to be taking part in Balikatan.

These were followed by two rounds fired from a Japanese land-based Type 88 anti-ship missile system, fired for the first time during a Balikatan exercise, and for the first time anywhere outside Japan. The Japanese missiles reportedly struck the hull of the target ship around 10:30 a.m.

JSDF Type 88 missiles fire for the first time in Balikatan 2026 | GMA News

Developed by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries in the 1980s, the Type 88 (also known as the SSM-1) is the primary coastal anti-ship missile system of the Japan Self-Defense Forces, with a range of around 100 miles, although more capable and further-reaching weapons are now in development, as you can read about here.

Interestingly, in a video released of the live-fire event in Ilocos Norte, close protection was being provided to the truck-mounted Type 88 launcher by a Marine Air Defense Integrated System (MADIS), also from the 3rd Marine Littoral Regiment. MADIS utilizes the JTLV and distributes different sensors and effectors between individual JLTVs, as you can read more about here. In this kind of scenario, it would be tasked with protecting the coastal missile battery against kamikaze drones and other aerial threats at short ranges.

The vessel sank rapidly, meaning that the Philippine Air Force wasn’t able to deliver more munitions onto the target. FA-50 light combat aircraft and A-29 Super Tucano turboprop close support aircraft had both been prepared to strike the same ship, but were stood down.

Other air assets taking part included a U.S. Navy P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft and an MQ-9 drone.

With the ship sunk or sinking, a coup de grace was provided by a U.S. HIMARS, which fired onto the same coordinates.

Also involved in Balikatan is the Royal Canadian Navy frigate HMCS Charlottetown, although it appears that it didn’t take part in the live-fire event.

According to a Philippine military spokesperson, another round of live-fire drills will take place tomorrow as part of Balikatan, utilizing a stand-by target vessel. This will also allow Philippine Air Force aircraft to take part.

The live-fire drills, conducted under the Balikatan exercise, signaled a notable expansion of Japan’s military role in the region as Tokyo strengthens security partnerships with its allies amid growing tensions with Beijing.

Overall, the live-fire exercise is highly significant due to its proximity to the Chinese mainland and the long range of some of the missiles that have been employed.

The Luzon Strait, into which the various missiles and rockets were fired, sits between Taiwan and the Philippines, spanning about 220 miles at its narrowest point. It serves as a vital shipping route and a highly strategic military corridor, particularly for China’s rapidly expanding naval forces. From this passage, assets stationed in the South China Sea can move into the Philippine Sea and the wider Pacific, and back again. This includes China’s growing fleet of nuclear-powered submarines, some of which underpin its second-strike nuclear deterrent.

The strait is also a crucial gateway for the U.S. Navy entering the South China Sea and would likely be a central battleground in any major conflict over Taiwan. Because of its importance, the area is closely monitored for activity both above and below the surface. In the event of war, it would quickly turn into a dense anti-ship missile engagement zone (SMEZ). The live-fire campaign today gave just a small taster of that kind of contingency.

Earlier this week, the U.S. Army test-fired a Tomahawk cruise missile from a Typhon launcher in the central Philippines, successfully hitting a target around 370 miles away in Nueva Ecija.

On this occasion, the Tomahawk missile was supporting ground troops in a night land maneuver exercise led by the 25th Infantry Division in Fort Magsaysay, part of the Balikatan exercise.

The Typhon ground-based missile system can also fire SM-6 multi-purpose missiles, which are used in this application in a quasi-ballistic missile land-attack mode. As for the Tomahawk cruise missile, this provided land attack and anti-ship capabilities. 

As we have discussed before, Typhon’s arrival in the Philippines in 2025 sent a clear signal to Beijing and throughout the region. It is a glimpse of what’s to come as the service works through plans to permanently base these systems in China’s backyard.

Compared to the longer-range Typhon, which is deployed further from the Luzon Strait, for the Balikatan exercise, the shorter-range NMESIS and Type 88 anti-ship missiles are pushed much closer to the zone in which their likely wartime targets would be found. As we have explored in the past, anti-ship missiles of this kind, and especially NMESIS, can also be deployed deeper into the strait, making use of smaller Philippine islands, like the Batanes island chain, although that ratchets up their exposure to counterstrikes considerably.

For both these kinds of missiles, their survival would rely upon the dispersal of launchers and other vehicles, as well as regularly moving them around to help prevent them from being targeted by the enemy. Of course, with the uncrewed NMESIS, this is designed from the ground up to not put personnel in harm’s way. All of this kind of doctrine is central to the Marines’ Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) strategy, which is now a core tenet of how it would fight in the Pacific.

Already, China has voiced its displeasure at the deployment of the U.S. Army’s Typhon system to the Philippines. What is now becoming a regular appearance of NMESIS, backed up by other highly mobile strike systems, including allied anti-ship missiles, within reach of the Luzon Strait, will undoubtedly trigger similar concerns in Beijing. However, the live-fire sinking exercise today underscores how critical this waterway is to the U.S. military and its allies in the region, just as it is to China. Having more varied and more mobile anti-shipping assets in the northern Philippines complicates targeting for China, while extending the capabilities of the anti-access strategy of the U.S. military and its allies in the Luzon Strait, should a conflict break out.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

From the moment he swept to power in January 2001 Thaksin, a brash, self-made billionaire, has sought to reshape his country, winning devoted supporters and bitter opponents in equal measure. His parties kept winning elections, even after he was deposed by a coup in September 2006, but fear of his vaunting ambition in the powerful royalist establishment led to multiple court rulings against his allies, years of violent street clashes, and another coup in 2014.

The fall may not have been deep, but the landing has been hard.

A second trophy-less season for Real Madrid, the most successful La Liga and Champions League club, was confirmed in the worst way possible: a defeat at Barcelona, who, with their win, defended the Spanish title.

Los Blancos kept the title race alive by their fingernails as they crawled their way to Catalonia, knowing that doing so could result in the cruellest of heartbreaks for their fans. And so it came to pass.

Down by two at half-time at Camp Nou – and it could have been a lot more –  hanging in there to limit the damage and humiliation was key, but the 2-0 defeat will have cut deeply for a club that has lifted 36 league and 15 Champions League titles.

The defeat means Real will finish second this season, not an unusual circumstance in what has regularly been a two-horse race in La Liga. The manner, however, of their failure this season – including their quarterfinal exit from Europe’s top table – has left far more questions than answers in the Spanish capital after another season of discontent.

How do Real solve a problem like Mbappe?

The signing of Kylian Mbappe from Paris Saint-Germain two seasons ago was seen as a return to the days of collecting the world’s finest talents and collectively calling them “galacticos”.

Real had just completed the league and European double under the illustrious Carlo Ancelotti, the most successful manager in European history and no stranger to managing the top names, having led a list of galacticos in his previous spell as Los Blancos manager.

Last season did not go to plan, though.

Mbappe’s arrival broke up the 4-3-3 formation that had served Real so well for so long, with English midfielder Jude Bellingham playing a key, advanced role, while Vinicius Junior thrived in front of and around him.

Both were forced to shift position to accommodate Mbappe, who prefers to drop deep from his central position to link up play or run with the ball.

It trod on the toes of the two key performers. Even Ancelotti was not immune to the famed Real chop as rumours circulated all season that his failure to gel the team would bring to an end the Italian’s Spanish love affair.

Enter Xabi Alonso.

Heralded as the answer to Madrid’s problems after sweeping through German football with Bayer Leverkusen, Alonso is also hailed as a midfield maestro as a player for both Madrid and the Spanish national team.

Rumours were rife from the off that the players did not buy into Alonso’s system, and friction was often apparent with Mbappe, despite the forward’s refound scoring ability. His 24 goals have him two clear at the top of this season’s Spanish scoring chart.

Alonso’s time was clearly up long before the end came, just after the clock ticked in the new calendar year. Alvaro Arbeloa was given the task of guiding the seemingly rudderless ship to the end of the season as interim head coach.

Mbappe’s troubles were only just beginning, though. By the end of the season, a “Mbappe out” petition raised more than 33 million signatures, and the Frenchman was the latest focal point of the Madridistas’ displeasure.

Reconnecting Mbappe with the fans and connecting him with his teammates’ style of play will be the number one focus for the new season.

Can Real resolve Vinicius Jr’s fallout with fans?

Prior to the campaign waged against Mbappe, Vinicius fell foul of the home support, with boos for the forward ringing around a series of performances either side of the Champions League exit at the hands of Bayern Munich.

The Brazilian went on a 19-game run without a goal for club and country between October 10 and January 11.

Ironically, he broke his unwanted streak in the 3-2 Spanish Super Cup final defeat by Barcelona, Alonso’s last game in charge.

The ruptures were apparent, however, and rumours abounded that the 25-year-old’s stay at the only club he has ever known could be coming to an end.

Manchester United were the first to be linked with a move for the versatile forward, but all of Europe’s elite will be on red alert should there be any indication that Real may consider Vinicius as the way to reshape the team around their most bankable asset on and off the field: Mbappe.

Will Valverde and Tchouameni survive dressing-room bust-up?

As the day of destiny at Barcelona approached, the last thing Real needed were more unwanted headlines, let alone from two of the brighter spots in an otherwise dark campaign.

Uruguay’s Federico Valverde and France’s Aurelien Tchouameni were involved in a training-ground bust-up on Thursday, which left the former needing a trip to hospital for a head injury, ruling the midfielder out of the coming weeks.

Real swiftly fined both players on Friday, but Tchouameni was still named in the starting lineup at Barcelona.

Should Real decide that one or both were required to leave to avoid a potential toxic fallout in the dressing room, then, much like in the case of Vinicius, the phone lines of Europe’s top clubs will be working overtime to seal one or the other.

Is Jose Mourinho’s return the answer for Real?

Cometh the hour, cometh the man?

Given the extent of the discontent across the club, the job of replacing Alonso on a full-time basis will require something not far short of a miracle.

Mourinho was not a popular choice in his time in the Real dugout, given his pragmatic tactics, seen as defensive by some, which were out of keeping with Real’s free-flowing philosophy.

Given the chasm between Los Blancos and Barca – not to mention the German and French top teams and the financial power of the English Premier League – Real fans may find themselves being a little more forgiving of Mourinho’s style.

The return of Ancelotti – a man born out of an Italian Serie A that only knew a defence-first mindset – proved successful and popular, and Real are known for their desire for managers with lengthy and proven track records.

Mourinho, who says there has been no contact to date with Real, would ruffle feathers, as his stint at Manchester United proved. But he regarded his second-placed finish behind cross-city rivals City with the Old Trafford club as one of his greatest achievements.

Lifting Real one place from their successive runner-up spots in La Liga may not be beyond the 63-year-old, who won La Liga, the Copa Del Rey and the Spanish Super Cup with Real in his 2010-2013 stint. The spell also resulted in three Champions League semifinal appearances.

The Portuguese also provided an early-season wake-up call for Real in this campaign, when his Benfica side claimed a 4-2 league-phase win that pushed Los Blancos into the Champions League playoffs, which they did eventually progress from with a win against Benfica in a rerun over two legs.

Who else could be the next Real manager?

The rally-rousing Jurgen Klopp would certainly help with the reconnection Real so desperately need with their fans. He is renowned in his title-winning spells, both domestic and European, with Borussia Dortmund and Liverpool, for uniting the players and fans in a shared, focused mindset. It could be the antidote for the current malaise, a cathartic approach that contrasts with the momentum building behind Mourinho’s latest comeback.

Another widely respected German is Julian Nagelsmann, who is currently in charge of his country’s national side, but may call time on the role after the 2026 World Cup.

At 38 years old, it may be seen as a risk – not dissimilar to the 44-year-old Alonso – but a three-year stay with Bayern Munich, prior to taking on the German job in 2023, may count in his favour.

It is thought that Didier Deschamps may also be coming to the end of his time in charge of the France team, and his former French international teammate Zinedine Zidane is also linked with a second spell at Real. Despite his 57 years, Deschamps has limited experience as a club manager, a contrast with another of the perceived frontrunners, Massimiliano Allegri, who led Juventus to five consecutive league titles in his native Italy.

The task of leading one of the most successful clubs in football is becoming unenviable. But the rebuild begins now, and the rise will start out of the ashes of the crash and burn that culminated in Sunday’s defeat, deep in enemy territory, at Camp Nou.

Demonstrators rallied across the Somali capital in support of families displaced by a wave of government-led home demolitions. Opposition figures, who organised the protests, say security forces shot and killed one person while trying to disperse the crowds.

Official says US president will likely ‘apply pressure’ on China over Beijing’s purchase of Iranian oil amid war.

Donald Trump is set to arrive in Beijing on Wednesday evening to discuss the Iran war and other issues with his Chinese counterpart President Xi Jinping.

White House Principal Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly said an opening ceremony and meeting will be on Thursday morning, and the trip will conclude on Friday. The US plans to host the Chinese leader during a reciprocal visit later this year.

Kelly said that this week’s trip would be of “tremendous symbolic significance” and focus on “rebalancing the relationship with China and prioritising reciprocity and fairness to restore American economic independence”.

Trump’s visit, initially scheduled for earlier this year but postponed in March due to the US-Israel war on Iran, comes as the US president struggles to contain the fallout from the war, both at home and abroad.

A senior administration official told news outlets in an anonymous briefing on Sunday that Trump could “apply pressure” to China on Iran in areas such as oil sales and Tehran’s purchase of potential dual-role military-civilian goods.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent last week accused China of “funding” Iran.

“Iran is the largest state sponsor of terrorism, and China has been buying 90 percent of their energy, so they are funding the largest state sponsor of terrorism,” Bessent told Fox News.

Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz in response to US-Israeli attacks, restricting passage through a key artery of global energy transport.

China has said that it wants to see the war end and hosted Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Arraghchi last week. At the same time, Beijing has refused to recognise Washington’s “unilateral” sanctions on Iran’s oil sector.

Disruptions stemming from the war have disrupted the global economy, with Asian states that depend on imports from the Middle East especially hard hit.

Trump could also bring up China’s support for Russia during the talks, along with trade and rare earth minerals, a vital resource for the US tech sector. Business executives from aerospace manufacturer Boeing and a handful of agricultural companies are set to travel with the US delegation.

The anonymous administration official said that no change was expected regarding the US stance on Taiwan, a main sticking point in relations between Washington and Beijing. China considers the self-ruling island a part of its territory, but the US has deep security and economic commitments to Taiwan.

Saurara a: Apple Podcast | Spotify | RSS

Adisu Abba wata mata ce mai shekaru 45 kuma uwa ga ‘ya’ya biyar. Ta fito daga Dikwa, Jihar Borno, a arewa maso gabashin Najeriya. Tun kafin rikici ya tarwatsa rayuwarta, ta riga ta fara koyon aikin da zai zama ginshiƙin rawarta a cikin al’ummarta—ta koyi yadda ake taimaka wa mata wajen haihuwa.

An yi garkuwa da Adisu a hannun ‘yan ta’adda na tsawon shekaru uku,a wannan lokacin, ta taimaka wajen haihuwar jarirai biyar.
A wannan shirin na #BIRBISHINRIKICI, mun bada labarinta da kuma abin da yake nufi yin aikin ungozoma yayin da take tsare a hannun ƙungiyar ta’addanci ta Boko Haram.

Mai Gabatarwa: Rukayya Saeed

Marubuciya: Sabiqah Bello

Muryoyin Shiri: Sabiqah Bello

Fassara: Rukayya Saeed

Edita: Aliyu Dahiru

Furodusa: Mu’azu Muhammad

Babban Furodusa: Anthony Asemota

Babban Mashiryi: Ahmad Salkida

Northrop Grumman’s experimental XRQ-73 Series Hybrid Electric Propulsion AiRcraft Demonstration (SHEPARD) hybrid-electric drone has now taken to the skies. Newly released pictures show that the flying wing-type uncrewed aircraft’s design has also evolved since it first broke cover in 2024. A core goal of SHEPARD is to prove out high-efficiency and very quiet propulsion technology that could pave the way for new operational capabilities.

DARPA announced the XRQ-73 test flight, which was conducted in April from Edwards Air Force Base in California, in a press release today. The Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL) was also involved in the milestone event.

Scaled Composites, a ‘bleeding edge’ boutique aircraft design house and wholly-owned subsidiary of Northrop Grumman, has been heavily involved in the development of the XRQ-73. The drone evolved directly from the XRQ-72A, another Scaled Composites design developed for the Intelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity (IARPA), which TWZ was first to report on in detail.

“This milestone is not just about a single flight,” Air Force Lt. Col. Clark McGehee, the SHEPARD program manager at DARPA, said in a statement. “The architecture proven by the XRQ-73 paves the way for new types of mission systems and delivered effects. We look forward to advancing this technology through the flight test program and delivering new capabilities for our warfighters.”

“This flight is a step forward in demonstrating the military utility of hybrid-electric propulsion,” DARPA’s press release adds. “Hybrid electric propulsion architectures will drive the development of revolutionary new aircraft designs by offering a combination of fuel efficiency, reduced emissions, and enhanced operational flexibility.”

“Developed to advance propulsion technologies for the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) Series Hybrid Electric Propulsion AiRcraft Demonstration (SHEPARD) program, the XRQ-73 advances next-generation propulsion for lightweight autonomous aircraft,” Northrop Grumman said in its own brief press release. “The XRQ-73’s innovative hybrid-electric propulsion system combines fuel efficiency, reduced emissions and enhanced operational flexibility – enabling new mission possibilities and supporting the evolution of new aircraft designs.”

DARPA had originally hoped to see the XRQ-73 make its maiden flight before the end of 2024, and what caused the subsequent delay is unknown. TWZ has reached out to DARPA for more information. What is clear is that the XRQ-73’s design has changed in notable ways since 2024.

Most immediately eye-catching is the addition of two vertical stabilizers, one on top of each wing. They are positioned near, but not at the very tips of the wings. It is possible that these might be removed as flight testing expands. The preceding XRQ-72A design also had vertical wingtip stabilizers.

In addition to the two large air intakes on top of the central section of the fuselage, there is now another, much smaller auxiliary dorsal intake in between. Details about the exact configuration of the drone’s hybrid propulsion system remain limited. There are also at least two new black-colored blade antennas on top of the fuselage.

A fairing with what appears to be a forward-facing camera system is also now present at the front of the center of the fuselage. This is likely intended to at least provide visual inputs for control and additional situational awareness during flight testing. The fairing also sits in between two additional rectangular ‘nostril’ intakes. We have noted in the past that they could help cool the hybrid powerplant and the aircraft’s electronics, or help provide additional clean airflow to the powerplant during takeoff and landing.

The XRQ-73’s design looks to be otherwise unchanged. A large, faceted fairing, very likely intended as a sensor enclosure, is notably still present below the central section of the fuselage. Test instrumentation and other systems could also be installed in that space to support the drone’s ongoing development.

DARPA has shared some other information about the design in the past, as TWZ has previously reported:

“No details about the XRQ-73’s expected performance appear to have been released so far, but DARPA says it is a Group 3 uncrewed aerial system (UAS) weighing approximately 1,250 pounds, which will include “operationally representative … mission systems.” By the U.S. military’s definitions, a Group 3 UAS weighs between 55 and 1,320, can fly at altitudes between 3,500 and 18,000 feet, and has a top speed of between 100 and 250 knots.

At 1,250 pounds, the XRQ-73 is set to be substantially larger than the XRQ-72A, the requirements for which called for a drone weighing between 300 and 400 pounds. The XRQ-72A also had a 30-foot wingspan, a length of 11.2 feet measured from the nose to the ends of the wingtips, and a height of four feet when including the vertical wingtip stabilizers, according to schematics The War Zone previously obtained via the Freedom of Information Act.“

What the future might now hold for the XRQ-73 is unclear. DARPA has previously talked about wanting to demonstrate a capability that could be operationalized relatively quickly with SHEPARD. The “RQ” intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) designation is a clear reflection of that, although the drone could be configured to perform other missions. Hybrid-electric propulsion offers inherent advantages when it comes to reducing infrared and acoustic signatures, and the XRQ-73’s overall design has low-observable characteristics that could help it evade detection by radar.

However, a cursory review of DARPA’s proposed Fiscal Year 2027 budget does not appear to show a request for new funding for this effort. It is possible that it has been reorganized and/or rebranded, or has otherwise evolved in scale and/or scope, which is not uncommon for DARPA projects.

Last May, AFRL also awarded General Atomics a contract for a very similar-sounding “hybrid-electric propulsion ducted fan next-generation intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance/strike unmanned aerial system,” or GHOST. That deal was valued at just over $99 million.

“We’ve been promising something impressive related to hybrid-electric propulsion, and now I can’t talk about it anymore,” C. Mark Brinkley, a spokesperson for General Atomics, told TWZ at that time when asked for more information. “That’s how it goes with these things. Contrary to what you see on the news, the revolution won’t be televised.”

Other relevant hybrid-electric development efforts could be ongoing in the classified realm.

If nothing else, DARPA’s announcement today does show that work has continued on the XRQ-73 since 2024, and that the evolved design has now reached flight test.

Update: 4:46 PM EST –

DARPA has confirmed to TWZ that XRQ-73 flight testing began in April.

“X-plane programs are designed to push the extreme limits of aerospace engineering, integrating entirely unproven concepts and revolutionary designs,” Air Force Lt. Col. Clark McGehee, the SHEPARD program manager, also told TWZ in response to a question about why the first flight timeline was delayed. “As with the XRQ-73, this effort involved resolving complex, unforeseen technical challenges during ground testing and integration.”

“DARPA will continue maturing the hybrid electric propulsion system through a short flight test campaign currently underway,” Lt. Col. McGehee added.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

South Korea says it is investigating an incident on May 4 when two unidentified objects struck a Korean-operated cargo ship in the Strait of Hormuz.
The strike caused a fire and damaged the vessel’s stern.

President Donald Trump has warned that the United States will target any Iranian trying to reach the country’s highly enriched uranium, saying that the nuclear material is under constant surveillance by the US military.

In an interview with the syndicated TV show Full Measure that aired on Sunday, Trump appeared to play down the significance of the uranium, which is believed to be buried under the rubble of nuclear facilities, remaining in Iran for now.

“We’ll get that at some point, whenever we want. We have it surveilled,” Trump said.

“I did a thing called Space Force, and they are watching. If somebody walked in, they can tell you his name, his address, the number of his badge … If anybody got near the place, we will know about it, and we’ll blow them up.”

Iran’s highly enriched uranium is one of the major sticking points between Washington and Tehran in ceasefire negotiations to end the 10-week US-Israel war on Iran.

The US wants Iran to transfer the uranium outside the country and completely shut down its nuclear programme, but Tehran has stressed that it will not give up its right to a domestic enrichment programme.

Several international media reports have said that the uranium remains under nuclear sites that the US bombed in June 2025, but Tehran has not confirmed the location of the nuclear material.

Last month, Trump announced that Iran had agreed to allow Washington to retrieve the uranium and bring it to the US – claims that Tehran quickly dismissed.

Trump told Reuters on April 17 that the US would work with Iran “at a nice leisurely pace, and go down and start excavating with big machinery” to retrieve the uranium stockpile at the sites.

“We’ll bring ⁠it back to the United States,” he added.

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei denied Trump’s claim. “Enriched uranium is as sacred to us as Iranian soil and will not be transferred anywhere under any circumstances,” he said.

Iran is estimated to have more than 400kg (882lb) of uranium enriched at 60 percent purity.

Uranium enrichment is a complex process of isolating and garnering the most radioactive variety – isotope – of the element to produce nuclear fuel.

When enriched to around 90 percent purity, uranium can be used to make nuclear weapons.

In 2015, Iran agreed to a multilateral deal that saw Tehran scale back its nuclear programme and cap its uranium enrichment at 3.67 percent under strict international supervision in exchange for lifting sanctions against its economy.

Trump nixed that agreement – known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – and started reimposing sanctions on Iran.

In response, Tehran – which denies seeking a nuclear weapon – began to advance its enrichment programme well beyond the limits set by the JCPOA.

Trump has argued that the ongoing conflict with Iran aims to prevent the country from acquiring a nuclear bomb.

Asked about the rising oil prices due to the war, Trump said: “We cannot let Iran have a nuclear weapon because they’re crazy.”

The average price of one gallon (3.8 litres) of petrol or gasoline in the US has risen to more than $4.50 due to supply issues linked to the Iranian blockade in the Strait of Hormuz, fuelling inflation. It was less than $3 before the war.

Despite the truce that came into effect last month, skirmishes have erupted in the Gulf over the past week as the US continues to enforce a siege on Iranian ports amid Tehran’s Hormuz blockade.

Iranian state-affiliated news outlets reported on Sunday that Iran has delivered its response to the latest US proposal to end the war to Pakistan, which is mediating the talks.

But Trump said the war is not over while reiterating his claim that Iran has been “defeated”.

“They are defeated, but that doesn’t mean they’re done,” the US president said. “We could go in for two more weeks and do every single target. We have certain targets that we wanted, and we’ve done probably 70 percent of them, but we have other targets that we could conceivably hit.”

Iran may negotiate on how it uses nuclear facilities, but it will not destroy uranium or allow it to be moved overseas, senior researcher Sultan Al-Khulaifi says.

San Francisco, United States – Greer Dove’s days are packed with studying business and finance, as well as doing administrative work at college, along with caring for her eight-year-old daughter with special needs. But once a week, Dove, a single mother, makes sure to drop in at the food bank in California’s Marin County to pick up vegetables, fruit and other food. Along with the federal government’s food benefits, they keep her housing running.

“We need this so we can keep functioning at a high level,” she says. “She loves fruit, so I make sure to get it,” she says of her daughter.

Dove, who is also looking for a full-time job, has worked in restaurants, event management, retail, television shows, office administration and payroll over the years. But she has been on the federal government’s Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) for six years, and with the food bank, for more than three years. Before she got food benefits, Dove fed her daughter all she had and skipped meals or looked around for snacks in the offices she worked at to get her through the day.

United States President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA), passed in June, cut SNAP benefits by more than $186bn over the next 10 years to make up for extending cuts to income tax. This could lead to more than 3 million people nationwide, and 665,000 recipients in California, losing such food benefits, according to estimates.

“This will bring a series of cuts that collectively present an existential threat to food benefits,” says Andrew Cheyne, managing director of government relations and public affairs at the County Welfare Directors Association of California.

California’s proposed billionaire tax, which seeks to impose a one-time 5 percent tax on the assets of the state’s more than 200 billionaires to make up for the funding gap created by the OBBBA, got more than 1.5 million signatures in April. It is likely to be on the ballot for the November midterm election.

While most of the nearly $100bn expected to be raised through the tax will go towards filling the gap in health insurance created by the OBBBA, 10 percent will be used to make up for the retrenchment in food benefits.

In California, where more than 5.3 million people, more than any other state, receive food benefits, the impacts of the cuts began to be felt in April when 72,000 immigrants started losing benefits. June onwards, nearly 600,000 recipients will be screened for work eligibility. Recipients, including those who are homeless, seniors, foster youth and veterans, will have to work, study or volunteer to receive food benefits. Failing the screening to meet work requirements for three months will lead to their food benefits being cut.

Brian Galle, professor of law at the University of California at Berkeley and one of the tax measure’s authors, says that in California, the state that introduced gig work, “jobs are increasingly precarious. You may find enough work or not. You may get tips or not. But nutrition needs are steady.”

Making impossible choices

On a recent Friday morning, new members lined up to enrol at a whitewashed, bunting-festooned La Ofrenda food bank in San Francisco’s Mission district. The food bank doles out fresh vegetables, fruit and bread that have been donated by large grocery stores once those products neared expiration date.

Gladys Lee had taken a 45-minute train ride after a friend told her about it. Lee worked at downtown San Francisco’s Hyatt hotel as a room cleaner for three decades until a back injury meant she could not push the heavy cleaning carts any more and had to leave. After seven years of struggling to find work, food was getting scarce, and Lee found her way to La Ofrenda. She packed what she could into a carton and held it in her arms for the train ride back.

Food benefit rolls have shrunk by more than 3.3 million nationally in the six months from July 2025, when the OBBBA was enacted, to January 2026.

In California, the rolls of Calfresh, as food benefits are known in the state, shrank by 288,000 or 6 percent from July 2025 to February 2026, according to analysis by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, a Washington, DC-based think tank. This reduction in rolls happened even before the OBBBA cuts began.

Brooke Rollins, the agriculture secretary, wrote in a recent essay that the shrinking of SNAP rolls reflected an ebullient economy and buoyant job growth.

“The drop in SNAP recipients affirms that many Americans are moving from welfare to work,” she wrote. “It is no secret that Trump’s massive tax cuts and deregulation efforts are unleashing robust, private sector-led economic growth, which are fueling trillions in investments, booming wage growth”.

But unemployment remained stable at about 4.4 percent since July 2025, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics data, while SNAP rolls shrank.

“This last time we saw such a steep, quick decline, other than during natural disasters, is three decades ago when welfare reform was enacted,” says Dottie Rosenbaum, senior fellow and director of  Federal SNAP Policy at the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities.

Nationally, SNAP rolls shrank by 8 percent, while in California, they shrank by 5.5 percent, in part because the work eligibility requirements were delayed until June, while some other states have already implemented them.

At La Ofrenda, Roberto Alfaro, executive director of the nonprofit Homey, says he started the food bank when food costs went up during the pandemic. They have stayed high, he says. Now he sees people doing day jobs and night jobs and coming for food when they have paid rent.

“People are making impossible choices,” says Keely O’Brien, a policy advocate at the Western Center for Law and Poverty.

While California is the world’s fourth-largest economy, growth has come with a soaring cost-of-living crisis.

“With rising housing and utility costs, few households can dedicate that much of their income towards food,” O’Brien says.

The OBBA has also shifted the administrative cost of meeting work eligibility requirements to states, and beginning next year, part of the cost of SNAP will also fall on states.

“To make requirements more stringent, you are creating more government, more bureaucratic logjam,” says Jaren Sorkow, state director for the Children’s Defence Fund.

This has already led to a 51 percent drop in SNAP rolls in Arizona, which has begun implementing the OBBBA cuts, according to data by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities.

Making something from nothing

Several measures to counter the $100bn gap in funding for health insurance and food benefits created by the OBBBA have been floated in California. The biggest of these is the one-time 5 percent tax on those with assets of more than a billion dollars. The tax will raise $100bn, its authors estimate.

As it seems set to be voted on in the November election, it faces mounting opposition from the state’s tech entrepreneurs who have funded measures to undercut the tax.

Tech entrepreneurs have called it an economic 9/11, saying taxing their assets, including shareholding in startups, will lead to a flight of capital and innovation from the state. Sergey Brin, a cofounder of Google Inc, now spends a week in Nevada and a week in his Bay Area offices and has spent more than $57m on opposing the billionaire tax. He has backed two measures that undercut the billion tax, which have also received 1.4 million and 1.5 million signatures and are also set to be on the ballot for the November election.

One of these measures prohibits future taxes on personal property, including financial assets, savings and retirement accounts, as well as intellectual property. The other would increase audits of taxpayer-funded programmes, and includes language that would essentially invalidate the billionaire tax.

In a recent statement to The New York Times, Brin said, “I fled socialism with my family in 1979 and know the devastating, oppressive society it created in the Soviet Union. I don’t want California to end up in the same place.”

The coalition of unions backing the billionaire tax is bracing for the fight ahead. “We expect to be outspent,” says Kris Cuaresma-Primm, director of partnerships for the coalition that is backing the billionaire tax. “We will keep communicating to people that there is a tidal wave of pain coming from the cuts, and we want to reclaim the losses from the OBBBA.”

Giulia Varaschin, senior tax policy adviser at the International Tax Observatory, who recently coauthored a study on wealth taxes, says there is little academic evidence that such taxes cause the wealthy to leave at a notable scale. “There is only a marginal flight with very little, if any, economic impact,” she says.

The study, coauthored with the economist Gabriel Zucman, who supports the California billionaire tax, did find that wealth taxes had not raised as much revenue as estimated in several European countries and became less popular as a result.

Varaschin says this was because these taxes were levied on a larger set of the wealthy, which included homeowners or small businesses, rather than the ultra-rich or billionaires. The taxpayers could hardly afford to pay it, and the government made exemptions instead. These taxes also did not touch assets, where much of the wealth of the ultra-rich lies, Varaschin says.

The California tax remedies this by taxing only billionaires and taxing assets, including shares in companies.

Daniel Shaviro, Wayne Perry professor of taxation at New York University, says, “Traditionally, these taxes can be hard to enforce because tax administration don’t want to go after these people.”

Even if it passes, “The governor could just say this is not a high priority for him and not enforce it,” Shaviro says, referring to Governor Gavin Newsom, who has opposed the tax.

But Primm says, “The governor is out of touch with Californians on this”.

Newsom is in the last year of his last term as governor. However, nearly all the candidates running for the June 2 primary for governor, except billionaire Tom Steyer, who is running as a progressive Democrat, also oppose this measure. While some have said this will lead to a flight of capital, others say the spending plan does not include expenses for education, which was not cut in the OBBBA.

Greer Dove, who gets food through Calfresh and the San Francisco Marin Food Bank for herself and her daughter, says the looming food benefit cuts are worrying. “The anxiety of it all is adding up. I could be next.”