The Rams believe cornerback Trent McDuffie can help them win another Super Bowl title.

And they are willing to pay the price.

On Sunday, less than a week after agreeing to a trade with the Kansas City Chiefs for McDuffie, the Rams and McDuffie agreed to terms on a contract extension that will make him the NFL’s highest-paid player at his position, a person with knowledge of the situation said. The person requested anonymity because the trade and extension will not become official until Wednesday when the NFL’s new league year begins.

But McDuffie’s four-year deal is worth $124 million, with $100 million guaranteed, according to ESPN, making McDuffie the highest-paid cornerback in NFL history.

The Rams are no strangers to making record-setting deals. Quarterback Jared Goff, running back Todd Gurley, defensive lineman Aaron Donald and cornerback Jalen Ramsey all made history with deals they signed as Rams.

McDuffie, 25, is entering the final year of his rookie contract after being selected by the Chiefs in the first round of the 2022 draft. The former Anaheim Servite and Bellflower St. John Bosco high star was an 2023 All-Pro who helped the Chiefs win two Super Bowls.

The Rams are sending a first-round pick — the 29th overall — and fifth- and sixth-round picks in this year’s draft and a 2027 seventh-round pick to the Chiefs in exchange for McDuffie.

The Rams have made multiple moves to retain and add players to a secondary that will be key next season and beyond for an organization that has gone all in to play in Super Bowl LXI at SoFi Stadium next February.

The Rams gave safety Quentin Lake an extension in January, traded for McDuffie and agreed to terms with safety Kam Curl on an extension.

On Saturday, the Rams put cornerback Darious Williams on the reserve/retired list.

Cornerbacks Cobie Durant, Roger McCreary, Ahkello Witherspoon and Derion Kendrick are pending free agents.

The negotiating period for representatives of unrestricted free agents to speak with other teams begins Monday.

SEOUL, March 9 (UPI) — The United States and South Korea began their annual Freedom Shield joint military exercise on Monday, as speculation swirled that Washington may be shifting some military assets from the Korean Peninsula to the Middle East amid its widening conflict with Iran.

About 18,000 South Korean troops will participate in the exercise, which runs through March 19 and includes command-post simulations and field training drills. U.S. Forces Korea has not disclosed the number of American personnel involved.

The drills come as local media reports have raised questions about whether U.S. military equipment stationed in South Korea could be redeployed to support operations in the Middle East.

South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency reported Sunday that U.S. C-5 and C-17 transport aircraft landed at Osan Air Base in Pyeongtaek, south of Seoul, late last month before departing between Wednesday and Saturday.

The aircraft movements followed reports that U.S. Forces Korea relocated some Patriot missile defense systems to Osan from other American bases in the country.

Two Patriot batteries deployed with USFK were temporarily rotated to the Middle East in June last year during strikes targeting Iranian nuclear facilities, before returning to South Korea in October.

The Patriot system detects, tracks and intercepts drones, cruise missiles and short-range or tactical ballistic missiles at low- to mid-range altitudes. It forms a key component of South Korea’s layered missile defense network designed to counter threats from North Korea.

U.S. Forces Korea said last week it could not comment on the relocation or movement of its assets due to operational security.

South Korea’s Defense Ministry also declined to address the reports directly during a briefing Monday.

“There is constant communication between the U.S. military and our side,” ministry spokeswoman Jeong Bit-na told reporters. “We are always communicating closely to ensure that there are no security concerns or gaps.”

She added that the Freedom Shield exercise was proceeding as planned.

“The South Korea-U.S. joint exercise is being implemented normally regardless of the situation in the Middle East, and we are thoroughly implementing it as agreed and planned,” Jeong said.

The drills come as the administration of South Korean President Lee Jae Myung seeks to stabilize relations with Pyongyang, which routinely condemns the allies’ joint exercises as rehearsals for invasion.

The number of field training exercises during this year’s Freedom Shield has been reduced to 22, down from 51 conducted during the previous iteration of the drills under the conservative government of impeached former President Yoon Suk Yeol.

North Korea recently concluded a major congress of the ruling Workers’ Party, where leader Kim Jong Un pledged to expand the country’s nuclear arsenal and improve its delivery systems and operational capabilities.

At the same time, Kim appeared to leave the door open to future negotiations with the United States, saying there was “no reason” the two sides could not improve relations if Washington abandons what he described as its hostile policy.

Kim has previously said he has “fond memories” of U.S. President Donald Trump, whom he met three times during Trump’s first term. South Korean officials have pointed to Trump’s planned visit to China later this month as a possible opportunity to revive diplomacy with Pyongyang.

Kim has continued to take a hostile tone toward Seoul, however, recently describing South Korea as “the most hostile entity.”

Good Morning Britain’s Ed Balls and Susanna Reid were detailing the latest headlines on Monday morning when the ITV star opened up on the ordeal

Susanna Reid has shared an ordeal that happened to her in a hotel room a few years ago.

During Monday’s (March 9) episode of Good Morning Britain, the presenter, who recently paid an emotional tribute to her former co-star, explained that a man once walked into her hotel room when she was asleep.

It comes after the programme was discussing a woman who had been sexually assaulted in her hotel room after a man lied to staff in order to get into her room.

Explaining what had happened, she shared: “It happened to me in America, obviously not this seriously. But I was staying at a hotel in Florida for work, and somebody came into my room in the middle of the night with their suitcase.

“Honestly, the shock you have when that happens. They’d said to the receptionist, ‘I’ve lost my key for this particular room’. They had given the wrong room number. I don’t think intentionally, I think mistakenly.

“Again, it makes me feel slightly ill talking about it. I went, ‘Excuse me!’ and they went, ‘Oh, I’m really sorry and left’.

The GMB star explained that reception gave her an apology and explained very casually that they’d given out the wrong room key.

Susanna added: “It’s extraordinary that this happens, in this case, it led to a crime being committed.”

Reffering back to the news headline being discussed on the show, Susanna called the incident “absolutely shocking”.

ITV viewers learnt that a man had met a woman at a party, found out where she was staying and lied to the reception staff at the Travelodge hotel, saying he was her boyfriend and had lost his hotel key.

Susanna added: “He then accesses her bedroom, it makes me feel sick. He accesses her bedroom and sexually assaults her.

“She only knew this person because they met at a party, he was not in any way involved with her, was not in a relationship with her and should absolutely not of been allowed to get into her hotel room.”

The man, who has been named as Kyran Smith, has been convicted of sexual assault and has been given a seven and a half year sentence. The victim was given a £30 refund, which she has since blasted as “very insulting”.

A Travelodge spokesman said: “The safety and security of our guests is our priority and we were deeply concerned to hear of this distressing incident and our sympathies are with the victim.

“At the time of the incident our hotel team followed the correct security procedures. We continue to ensure our hotel and customer services teams are trained to follow our approved policies.”

Good Morning Britain is available to watch on ITVX

If you or somebody you know has been affected by this story, contact Victim Support for free, confidential advice on 08 08 16 89 111 or visit their website, http://www.victimsupport.org.uk.

Chief support will see Dublin’s Pierce O’Leary fight in his home city for the first time as a pro when he takes on replacement Maxi Hughes with the vacant IBO light-welterweight belt up for grabs.

Portsmouth’s Mark Chamberlain was due to face O’Leary, but he was forced to withdraw because of an infection with Yorkshire’s Hughes stepping up in weight for the challenge.

The vacant IBO super-featherweight title is also on offer as Dubliner Jono Carroll and Belfast’s Colm Murphy lock horns, while an interesting addition to the card is Southampton’s undefeated super-featherweight Ryan Garner, who will be keen to earn a crack at the winner of the main event.

James Dickens v Anthony Cacace – WBA world super-featherweight title

Pierce O’Leary v Maxi Hughes – vacant IBO light-welterweight title

Jono Carroll v Colm Murphy – vacant IBO super-featherweight title

Steven Cairns v Arnie Dawson – lightweight

Eoghan Lavin v Liam Walsh – middleweight

Ryan Garner v TBA – super-featherweight

Barry McReynolds v Jonatas Rodrigo Gomes de Oliveira – light-welterweight

Davey Joyce v TBA – super-featherweight

Adam Olaniyan v TBA – heavyweight

Gary Cully v Benito Sanchez Garcia – light-welterweight

Thomas Carty v German Skobenko – heavyweight

Bobbi Flood v Bela Istvan Orban – middleweight

Eugene McKeever v TBA – light-middleweight

Running order and times to be confirmed

The Island Bakery in Tobermory on the Isle of Mull is hiring two production staff members, with the job offering a two-bed flat and a salary of £22,000-£24,000

Anyone seeking a remote relocation with some baking know-how might find their dream opportunity on a stunning Scottish island. The Island Bakery in Tobermory, situated on the wild Isle of Mull, is recruiting two production staff members – and the position includes a two-bedroom property.

The bakery has built quite a reputation, stocking its renowned biscuits through several upmarket stores, including Selfridges and Harvey Nichols. According to the job advert, the salary ranges from £22,000-£24,000, with minimal experience necessary, making it ideal for anyone wanting to swap hectic urban living for a more peaceful existence – so it could be time to refresh that CV.

Two shift patterns are available: 2pm to midnight, Monday to Thursday, or 6am to 2pm, Monday to Friday.

The posting has gained traction online because it includes a two-person flat, as job vacancies offering accommodation on the Isle of Mull are relatively uncommon.

The bakery has made clear it will favour candidates prepared to share the flat, given the accommodation is suited for two occupants. Those with a partner or mate also keen to move may stand a stronger chance of securing the role.

Both the bakery and accommodation are based in Tobermory, which has been recognised as one of the ‘most colourful places in the world. ‘

With a population of merely 900 residents, Tobermory is genuinely isolated, with the journey from Glasgow typically requiring a two-and-a-half-hour drive to Oban, followed by a 45-minute ferry crossing to Craignure and then an additional 35-minute drive to reach the village.

Lonely Planet highlighted its “cinematic scenery” and “distinct wildlife,” acknowledging that whilst it may lack Mediterranean sunshine, the village still boasts stunning landscapes and exceptional seafood.

The island’s remarkable wildlife includes golden and white-tailed eagles, minke whales, and basking sharks, all of which you might spot frequently if you choose to relocate to this beautiful village.

To apply for this job, visit the listing at hijobs.net.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has pledged allegiance to Mojtaba Khamenei, the country’s newly-elected supreme leader. While some Iranians have celebrated, many are dismayed the 56-year-old cleric, accused of human rights abuses, has ascended to the country’s highest office.

Less than a week into Operation Epic Fury, we have seen a wide variety of munitions used by the U.S. and Israeli militaries and have previously looked at how their employment evolved as the conflict has progressed. We have also gotten a look at an apparently mysterious version of the widely used Joint Direct Attack Munition (JDAM) in Israeli Air Force (IAF) service.

The imagery in question, showing two unusually marked 2,000-pound GBU-31 series JDAMs under the wing of an F-16C/D Barak jet, was posted on the IAF’s official X account earlier this week. It appears some of the photos may have been subsequently taken down. The photos were presented alongside an account of missions flown deep into Iranian territory and over its capital city, Tehran, in the form of a statement from the commander of Ramat David Air Base, identified only as “Col. A.” However, no explanation of the bomb appears to have been given.

The standout feature of the JDAM seen in the photos is its markings. These include a red band around the nose of the weapon, as well as a red-painted nose plug. There is also a more familiar yellow band, which on U.S.-standard munitions indicates that they contain high explosives, around the nose.

A red band, however, is far more unusual and rarely — if ever — seen on a JDAM.

Based on U.S.-standard munitions markings, a red band can indicate an incendiary payload, while dark red on a gray panel “indicates the ammunition contains an irritant (riot control) agent.” There is a good chance that the JDAM might be an incendiary type.

One of the few fielded examples of a JDAM with an incendiary payload that we are readily aware of is the 2,000-pound BLU-119/B Crash PAD (Prompt Agent Defeat), a weapon that doesn’t seem to have been shown before.

Crash PAD was intended to be used exclusively with the JDAM guidance package. Before looking at this weapon in more detail, the basic JDAM kit consists of the guidance package and control section, tailfins for steering, and strakes attached to the bomb for stability and a limited gliding capability. This kit is then mated to an existing bomb body, normally a variant or derivative of the ubiquitous Mk 80 series of weapons.

The Crash PAD was developed in 2002 as a quick reaction capability for use in Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003. It was designed to attack chemical and biological weapon stockpiles. It does this by using a combined payload of approximately 145 pounds of PBX-109 high explosive and 420 pounds of white phosphorus.

In this way, the high-explosive blast-fragmentation warhead penetrates the weapon containers, and the white phosphorus warhead defeats the agents by literally incinerating them. This is intended to minimize effects on the civilians and the environment.

There was also a similar type of weapon named Shredder, which was based on the bunker-busting BLU-109 bomb body, as used in the GBU-31 JDAM, for deeper penetration, and also with WP content, but it does not seem to have been produced. There could be other such weapons, too, also based on the JDAM, that we don’t know about.

As for white phosphorus, this remains a controversial and misunderstood weapon.

White phosphorus is not a chemical weapon, as sometimes described, since it is primarily an incendiary weapon, although it’s also regularly used for making smokescreens and for target marking. Burning at around 1,500 degrees Fahrenheit, white phosphorus can obviously inflict terrible injuries, and its use in densely populated areas violates international law.

The warhead for Crash PAD was developed by Alliant Techsystems (ATK), which received a $4-million contract in October 2003 from the U.S. Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL) at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida. Sled-track testing took place in late January 2003, and flight test occurred in late February 2003, just ahead of the invasion of Iraq.

Details of the use of Crash PAD in Iraq are very scarce, but the weapon seems to have been retained in the U.S. Air Force inventory and, in Fiscal Year 2011, the Defense Threat Reduction Agency initiated concept studies for a BLU-119/B conversion that would use a safer, lower- cost payload fill.

Interestingly, during the Gaza-Israel conflict, the IAF released a photo of one of its AH-64D Apache attack helicopters armed with a mysterious version of the Hellfire air-to-ground missile with a prominent red stripe painted around the middle of its body, all the more intriguing.

As we discussed at the time, this may well have been a version of the Hellfire with a thermobaric warhead, another type of incendiary, designed for destroying enclosed targets.

As internet chatter about the possible meaning behind the red-banded Hellfire spiked, the IAF quietly deleted the post in question, replacing it with a similar photo, this time showing a different AH-64D taking off with standard-looking Hellfires fitted.

Perhaps the red-banded JDAM was another social media slip-up, although at least one of the images is still found on the IAF’s X account.

Since the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has generally been extremely discriminating about the kinds of photos and videos that it releases for public consumption, the red stripes on the JDAM might also indicate something different altogether.

Israel has a long history of adapting U.S.-made and other weapons to its very particular needs, and the marking in question may be entirely specific to the IDF, pointing to a different, novel version of the JDAM.

Regardless, there could certainly be a role in the current conflict for Crash PAD or another agent-defeating munition.

Iran was developing chemical weapons at least as long ago as the early 1980s, and allegedly used them in the Iran-Iraq War, although not on a comparable scale to its adversary.

In 2025, the U.S. Department of State reported unresolved questions surrounding Iran’s chemical and biological activities, including around experiments with pharmaceutical-based agents, and stated that Iran “has not abandoned its intention to conduct research and development of biological agents and toxins for offensive purposes.”

There could be other reasons to use a weapon like Crash PAD in Iran, possibly tied to targets that produce volatile rocket fuel and other dangerous compounds.

In a report last month, the U.K.-based International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) think tank assessed that “Iran’s nuclear facilities hold a range of chemical and toxic hazards.” This includes certain nuclear materials that are also highly toxic.

In the course of time, and despite the secrecy surrounding the details of Israeli combat operations, we might still learn more about what is, for now, something of a mystery munition.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Joe McDonald, lead singer and songwriter of Country Joe and the Fish — the band known for its resounding anti-war chant at Woodstock — has died. He was 84.

His wife, Kathy McDonald, announced his death Sunday morning. He died Saturday in his Berkeley home due to complications from Parkinson’s disease.

As a formative member of the American counterculture in the 1960s and ‘70s, McDonald leaves a legacy of bridging contemporary political satire and brazen anti-war sentiments with the early sounds of acid rock.

“We’re just so proud of him. He’s our hero. He instilled in us that we have to speak up when we can, on whatever platform we can, about issues that we feel are important,” said his daughter Seven McDonald, a film producer, music manager and writer.

“While he was a very serious, earnest activist, he also had such an acute sense of cynical humor that is so fantastic and was capable of scathing satire,” her brother Devin added. “He’s most famous for that, but he also did so many heartfelt benefits for different causes.”

The siblings, who spent their childhoods on the road and in recording studios with him, joke that he was always doing a benefit show.

The musician was born on Jan. 1, 1942, in Washington to Worden McDonald and activist Florence (Plotnik) McDonald, who were both members of the Communist Party. The family soon moved to the Southern California city of El Monte, where Joe McDonald was raised.

His musical roots reach back to when his father taught him to play the guitar at 7 years old. But before embarking on his career in music, McDonald enlisted in the Navy at age 17. He served as an air traffic controller at the Atsugi, Japan, air facility for three years. Upon coming back to the states, he tried out college for a short time before dropping out and moving to Berkeley.

Before experimenting with an early variation of Country Joe and the Fish alongside guitarist Barry Melton in the mid-1960s, McDonald started a small magazine called Rag Baby. Once the group was solidified, they decided to turn their folksy roots electric and made the move to San Francisco — just before the city’s legendary Summer of Love.

The group, born out of the Bay Area psychedelic rock scene, was soon signed by Vanguard Records and in 1967 released its debut album “Electric Music for the Mind and Body.” At the time the band’s label and producer were hesitant to let the musicians fully express their politics, and excluded the soon-to-be-hit anti-war anthem “I-Feel-Like-I’m-Fixin’-to-Die Rag” with the catchy chorus that began, “And it’s 1, 2, 3 what are we fighting for?”

Instead, they went with tracks like “Superbird,” a spoof of President Lyndon B. Johnson, which received little to no backlash. When the second album came around, the band was allowed to run with “I-Feel-Like-I’m-Fixin’-to-Die Rag” as the title track. Trouble started to arise with the anti-Vietnam war anthem when the group changed the beginning chant of F-I-S-H to a more profane four letter word that starts with an “F.”

They performed this altered cheer at a gig in Massachusetts, where McDonald received a charge for inciting an audience to lewd behavior and a $500 fine. With this police run-in, Country Joe and the Fish received a slew of press, riling up the public ahead of their Woodstock performance.

The moment the band members began this chant at Woodstock became arguably the biggest moment of their careers, with over 400,000 people joining in. It’s a moment of protest that has gone down in history.

Not long after the festival, the band went their separate ways. McDonald continued to release solo music that stuck with the similar themes of politics and the Vietnam War.

“He took the toll for taking the stand,” said Seven. “He was not the biggest pop star, because he just opted to speak his mind and do his thing.”

In 1986, McDonald released “Vietnam Experience,” an album full of songs analyzing its long-term impacts on his generation. And in 1995 he was “the driving force” according to an Associated Press story, behind a war memorial to honor Berkeley veterans killed in the Vietnam War.

He told The Times in 1986 that he had “an addiction to Vietnam … I’ve been doing work with veterans now for 15 years, and I probably know more about Vietnam veterans than any other person in the entertainment industry.”

“I’ve always believed that the veterans are a basic element to the understanding of war,” he added, “and the understanding of war is the only path to peace.”

McDonald is survived by his wife of 43 years, Kathy; his five children, Seven, Devin, Ryan, Tara Taylor and Emily; a brother, Billy; and four grandchildren.

Ireland are, just about, in with a chance of the title after overcoming a gutsy Wales with a 27-17 victory in Dublin.

But their title hopes hinge on them beating Scotland and relying on out-of-form England beating France in Paris.

Ireland did not hit the heights they had reached in dismantling England two weeks earlier, digging deep for the bonus-point win they needed to keep them in the title conversation.

Wales gave a good account of themselves, and Rhys Carre can look back with pride after a spectacular solo try that saw the prop rumble over the line after a run that started outside the Ireland 22.

“Defensively, Wales were so much better and so much more physical compared to round one,” Sam Warburton told Rugby Special. “They were blown away against England but now they are competitive. They have not won in Dublin since 2012, it was always a tall order but they did well.

“They have found their centre combination, and the front five provided so much of a platform with their ball carrying and hits in defence.

“I was worried they were going to become the 30-point whipping boys but they have turned it around after round one, and I am very pleased.”

Improved performances since the 48-7 defeat by England in round one give Wales some hope of ending their run of 15 consecutive Six Nations losses in their final fixture, although they will host an Italy side buoyed by its historic win over England.

YouTuber Danny from the Honest Places channel visited different boozers in Rhyl in North Wales — a former tourist hotspot now dubbed one of Britain’s worst seaside resorts

A YouTuber who travelled to one of the so-called worst seaside resorts in Britain claimed he felt completely at ease there, where traditional boozers brimming with character were packed with locals enjoying affordable pints.

Danny, who operates the Honest Places channel, was visiting Llandudno and Rhyl in North Wales, with the latter having earned the nickname “Costa Del Dole”.

The resort is littered with abandoned buildings and establishments which have closed down permanently. Despite once being a magnet for holidaymakers, the pier, funfair and shopping centre have long since faded into memory.

The Telegraph listed it amongst the worst seaside resorts in Britain three years ago and described it as “Blackpool after a neutron bomb”. Danny, however, labelled it “Britain’s saddest seaside town” in his YouTube headline before speaking about it affectionately upon arrival.

He commented: “We have come to Rhyl because I felt a bit too out of place (in Llandudno). I feel actually at home in Rhyl.

“This is the front — it is such a contrast to Llandudno. I know people say British seaside towns have gone to s***. But they have been s*** for ages. This is a real British seaside town. Most of them are s*** and that is a real seaside town.

“So Whitby is a seaside town but it’s not a real British seaside town because the real ones are the ones that are like this, like Blackpool.

“But the main reason I came here, I didn’t want to go to another pub in Llandudno because it is just a bit tepid really.”

He continued: “There are some proper tasty pubs I went into last time where the barman and bar staff were just shouting at the customers and stuff like that.”

The first establishment he and a friend visited was Victory Club on Queen Street which has been welcoming drinkers for more than 70 years.

He wasn’t particularly taken with his pint of Caffrey’s Stout but remarked: “The gaff is alright though isn’t it?” His companion responded: “Yeah, tidy and reasonably cheap.”

Yet, if they considered paying £4 a pint reasonable value, they were in for a pleasant shock at their next destination.

They were drawn to The Bodfor and after hearing the booming music from within, Danny chuckled: “It does look good in there, doesn’t it? It reminds me a bit like Benidorm!”

He continued: “People will watch this back and say you should have went in but I’ve got a better boozer for you.”

Danny then headed towards the Imperial Hotel pub and described it as being like stepping into somebody’s front room.

Whilst at the bar, he announced that he had never sampled a pint of Fosters in his life, before deciding to try one.

And staring at his drink, he commented: “That head is beautiful! I don’t think I’ve had better head.”

After taking a gulp, he then remarked it was “fitting” to have a Fosters in Rhyl, before his friend responded: “Absolutely, for what it is, it’s a good pint. You want a fizzy, cold, tasteless pint. That’s what you get.”

Danny then admitted he was enjoying it more than anticipated before he enquired how cheap it was. After discovering the pint was just £2.70, he enthused: “Granted, it’s Fosters. But at that price, you can’t kick off. That’s got to be a 10/10.”

His friend then suggested that one could have a smashing night out in Rhyl with just a tenner and some loose change.

Stepping outside post-pints, Danny remarked: “We got some nice little tasty pubs, we saw Rhyl, it hasn’t changed. I don’t think it will change.”

Last year, reports suggested that Rhyl, which boasts four beaches, would undergo transformation thanks to £200million invested over the past decade, as per Denbighshire County Council.

The town also benefited from a £20million injection from the government’s Levelling Up fund three years ago.

March 8 (Asia Today) — Gasoline prices in South Korea are approaching 2,000 won per liter as rising global oil prices linked to tensions in the Middle East push fuel costs higher, prompting debate over additional government tax cuts.

According to the oil price monitoring system operated by the Korea National Oil Corporation, the nationwide average gasoline price stood at 1,889.40 won ($1.41) per liter as of Friday.

In Seoul, the average price reached 1,941.71 won ($1.45) per liter, nearing the psychologically significant 2,000 won ($1.49) level and increasing pressure on consumers.

Fuel prices typically reflect international oil market changes with a delay of about two to three weeks. However, the recent sharp increase has raised expectations that the government may expand existing fuel tax reductions.

The government has already extended temporary tax cuts through the end of April. Gasoline currently benefits from a 7% fuel tax reduction, while diesel and liquefied petroleum gas butane receive 10% reductions.

Fuel taxes are one of the government’s most direct tools to ease inflation, as adjustments can quickly influence consumer prices.

South Korea previously expanded fuel tax cuts during earlier energy price surges. In 2022, when oil prices spiked following the Russia-Ukraine war, the government increased the reduction rate from about 30% to the legal maximum of 37%.

Officials are reportedly reviewing whether additional tax reductions are needed. Because fuel tax rates are set by enforcement decree, the government can implement changes relatively quickly after approval at a Cabinet meeting.

Bae Jun-young of the conservative People Power Party said fuel tax cuts should be expanded to provide meaningful relief for consumers.

“If tensions in the Middle East persist, the government should also consider raising the ceiling on the flexible fuel tax rate,” Bae said.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260309010002111

The international community has a structural problem in reading conflicts: it treats silence as neutrality, when in fact silence is a manufactured condition. When international monitors report the absence of civil protests or testimonies from conflict zones, they are not documenting consensus; they are documenting the success of propaganda operations. This article argues that conflicting parties are now actively exploiting the spiral of silence as a strategic weapon, and the international community’s failure to recognize this results in a structurally flawed diplomatic response even before analysis begins. This argument will be constructed in three layers: how the spiral is engineered, how Sudan proves it, and why the international interpretive framework must be updated immediately.

Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1974), in her theory Spiral of Silence, describes how individuals suppress their minority opinions to avoid social isolation. This theory is built on the assumption of a free society, where silence is an organic social choice. In conflict zones, this assumption collapses completely. Silence is not chosen; it is engineered. Propaganda actors flood information channels with dominant narratives not to convince audiences that these narratives are true, but to signal which voices are safe and which are not. The result appears to be consensus. But it is not.

Social media has transformed this architecture of silence into something almost invisible. Platforms give users real-time visibility into how much public response a particular view receives. When opposing content is systematically silenced through algorithmic deprioritization and coordinated mass reporting campaigns, people conclude that speaking out is pointless, or worse, dangerous. Jowett and O’Donnell (2019) note that bandwagon propaganda does not require audiences to believe in the dominant narrative, only to believe that others already believe it. At that point, the spiral becomes self-sustaining: it no longer needs external enforcement because the target population has internalized it themselves.

The agenda-setting theory proposed by McCombs and Shaw (1972) adds another layer to this problem and makes it much more difficult to detect. The media and information channels do not merely reflect reality; they determine what is considered worthy of discussion from the outset. When warring parties dominate the information space, they not only shape international perceptions. They also determine which testimonies are considered safe for local residents to give and which silences are necessary for survival. This is not a side effect of conflict. It is a deliberate targeting of the information environment itself, and the international community has been consistently slow to recognize this as such.

Two technical mechanisms make all this work, and neither requires direct violence to be effective. First, bandwagon propaganda floods channels with coordinated content until dissent appears marginal and irrelevant. Second, fear appeals work without needing to be explicitly stated. In conflict environments, people have witnessed what happens to those who oppose the dominant narrative, so self-censorship becomes a rational choice, not a sign of weakness. The combination of the two is the most dangerous: the spiral no longer requires external enforcement because its targets are already silencing themselves. This is not the moral failure of individuals who choose to remain silent; it is a system designed to work exactly as intended.

The case of Sudan illustrates this most clearly. Both the SAF and the RSF launched coordinated information operations from the early days of the conflict. RSF channels spread a narrative of civilian protection, while the SAF network framed the war solely as a counter-terrorism operation. These two narratives, although contradictory, both served to narrow the space for independent civilian testimony. Civilians in Khartoum and Darfur faced an information environment that made disclosure a risk calculation rather than a right. The internet blackouts recorded at various periods of the conflict were not merely technical obstacles; they were a very clear signal of the price to be paid for speaking out.

Zeitzoff (2017) shows that users in environments close to conflict significantly alter their disclosure behavior under perceived surveillance, even without direct threats. In Sudan, the threat is anything but hypothetical. The diplomatic consequences are immediately apparent: the UN’s initial assessment of the Sudanese conflict has been repeatedly criticized by humanitarian organizations for underestimating civilian casualties and displacement figures. This is not a methodological failure. It is the intended result of a deliberate information architecture, a condition in which the most relevant data is already missing before the verification process even begins.

What makes this a diplomatic crisis, not merely an information crisis, is that the international response is built on what is reported. When open-source assessments treat civilian silence as a neutral baseline, they are not accessing the truth on the ground. They are accessing whatever has made it through the spiral. This pattern repeats itself in various conflicts because it consistently works in Syria, in Myanmar, and in Ethiopia. In each case, the international community finds itself working with records that have been curated by the parties most interested in concealing crimes.

The solution is not more monitoring infrastructure. What is needed is a different interpretative framework. Silence must be treated as a data point that requires explanation, not as a default condition that requires nothing. When there are no reports from conflict zones, it does not mean that nothing is happening; rather, it means that the conditions for speaking out have been destroyed first. Protected witness pathways, verification networks from the diaspora, and analysis of anomalies in information flows are all useful, but only after a fundamental recognition that the problem is not a lack of information, but rather that engineered silence is constantly misinterpreted as the absence of anything worth investigating.

The Spiral of Silence was originally a theory about how even free societies can slowly and unconsciously silence themselves. In the hands of modern propaganda architects, the theory has been repurposed as a method to ensure that the most credible witnesses to crimes never speak out and that their silence is interpreted by the international community as proof that there are no crimes to investigate. The arguments in this article, from the mechanisms of spiral engineering to the role of social media to the case of Sudan, all point to the same conclusion: as long as silence is interpreted as absence, the international community is not conducting independent analysis. They are confirming the narrative of those most interested in concealing the truth. The loudest voices are not the most honest; they are simply the ones allowed to speak.

Louis Theroux has spoken to key male influencers on social media in the Manosphere for new Netflix project

As a concerned father-of-three, Louis Theroux has admitted he doesn’t know what his own kids are looking at online half the time. So this might explain why he has got involved with male content creators online, with millions of followers, who are part of what is dubbed “The Manosphere” for his new documentary.

Louis says: “These aren’t figures on the margins – anyone who’s got kids, and especially boys, will know that they are making inroads into the culture. Their influence is being felt in schools, in the workplace and all across the internet.

“Going back to the earliest days of my programmes I’ve always been interested in the taboo and people who believe things which run against the grain of values I’ve grown up with. Those in the manosphere embody a swaggering machismo that is by turns misogynistic, homophobic, antisemitic and racist. So there’s a whole bunch of red flags there which I find interesting.”

TV host Louis, 55, starts the Netflix documentary by saying he noticed a few years ago “parts of the internet were being taken over” by a collection of male influencers who claim to give young men “cheat codes to win at life”.

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Asked about his own sons and what they are watching, Louis replies honestly: “I think as a parent you hope that your influence will outweigh whatever they’re being fed online, but truthfully they probably spend more hours looking at their phones than they do talking to us and we don’t always know what they’re looking at.”

In his 90-minute film, Louis explores how key figures, including Harrison Sullivan (known online as HSTikkyTokky), Myron Gaines, Nicolas Kenn De Balinthazy (AKA Sneako), Justin Waller and Ed Matthews, are helping to reshape young men’s ideas about masculinity and fuelling a resurgent global men’s rights movement.

Louis immerses himself in their world, encountering prominent figures within the movement, each presenting their own interpretations of traditional gender roles and values.

Sullivan, 24, was handed a one-year suspended prison sentence at Staines Magistrates’ Court in November last year after pleading guilty to dangerous driving and driving without insurance.

He has also been disqualified from driving for two years. Asked what his message is, he tells Louis: “I coach boys how to be f**king boys, how to make money, how to be outside the system, how to not have a boss telling you want to do.

“I teach guys to be proper boys and not gimps that walk around in the modern world.”

These men online have similar ideas to those of influencer Andrew Tate, a self-proclaimed misogynist.

A 2025 YouGov poll suggested one in eight Gen Z men (aged 14-29) had a “favourable view” of Andrew Tate, one of the leading figures of the manosphere, while more than one in three believed misandry – hatred or discrimination against men – was widespread in the UK.

Sounding worried about their impact, Louis said: “It was my kids who first made me aware of Andrew Tate – it would have been around 2022 and they kept referencing him and what he was saying – I had no idea who he was. Four years later, he’s still got cultural influence because he has millions of hours of content sitting out there for people to discover.

“As a parent I’m obviously concerned about the impact that that has, and it would be easy to say; ‘oh well, they don’t take it too seriously’, which a lot of the time I think they don’t, but at a certain point, a joke is no longer a joke – especially when it’s unchallenged and repeated. So we try to stay on top of what they’re watching and try to have conversations with them about it, but it’s hard.”

Louis encounters difficulties in the film which see the male influencers film him for their own social media and subject him to abuse and questions they receive from their followers whilst streaming footage live. It leads to Louis being abused about his previous documentary with the late Jimmy Savile.

He also witnesses homophobic behaviour by HSTikkyTokky whilst Myron Gaines speaks in front of his girlfriend about wanting multiple wives in the future.

Sullivan says he would “disown” his own daughter if he had one and she joined Only Fans, despite claiming to own an agency that represents girls on there. He also says he could not have a son who was gay.

There is also much discussion in the documentary on the notion of ‘red-pilling’ which Louis explains can mean “that men and women are fundamentally different and that women don’t want what they say they want – all they actually care about is big, rich guys with big dicks.”

Asked why he thinks the manosphere is attractive to many teenagers, Louis said: “I think there’s a lot of lonely men out there, and there’s now a whole industry dedicated to them. There are millions of hours of podcasts that talk about the masculinity crisis – how we’ve seen a decline in manufacturing jobs in the west and how there’s been efforts to correct the patriarchal skew in society that has in turn triggered a backlash.”

Louis also defended his decision to make the documentary in the first place, which could be seen as amplifying potentially harmful ideologies and helping the men to get even more followers thanks to them being shown on Netflix.

For him it is a case of trying to understand and challenge the ideas which are being pushed to youngsters.

He said: “My view is always I’m not trying to embarrass them or trick them in any way. I am trying to tell the truth and I will confront them appropriately. I’m not trying to pick a fight. I’m just trying to understand them, get my questions answered and then challenge and push back on the parts that don’t make sense to me or strike me as dangerous. At the end of the day I’m trying to make TV that engages people – so a few fireworks don’t go amiss and some raised voices or a sense of menace is actually quite helpful.”

In the concluding moment of the documentary, after spending weeks with these male influencers, Louis concludes: “In a world that’s changing at dizzying speed with narrowing opportunities, where the old entitlements of manhood have been challenged. It is perhaps not surprising that some have sought the comfort of a simplified world of game hacks and conspiracy theories. It struck me that the matrix they rail against more accurately describes the algorithmic prison they’ve created for their followers, an illusion of endless wealth and power that actually only enriches a few at the top.

“We are in a world where the fringe is no longer fringe. Where we are all increasingly, inside the manosphere, and it’s up to us how we get out.”

* Louis Theroux: Inside The Manosphere is available on Netflix from March 11.

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Joel Hofer made 22 saves for his fifth shutout of the season, Jonathan Drouin scored in his Blues debut and St. Louis beat the Ducks 4-0 on Sunday night to sweep a four-game trip.

Jordan Kyrou, Jimmy Snuggerud and Pius Suter also scored to help St. Louis win for the fifth time in six games since the Olympic break.

Drouin was acquired from the Islanders on Friday at the trade deadline in the deal that sent Blues captain Brayden Schenn to New York. The left wing scored the second of three second-period goals, firing a slap shot past Ville Husso on a power play with 9:53 left.

Kyrou opened the scoring at 4:22, snapping a shot from the right side to the far post on a 3-on-1 break. After helping set up Drouin’s goal, Snuggerud added one of his own on a one-timer with 7:49 to go.

St. Louis failed to add to the lead on an extended power play that spilled into the third when Ross Johnston received a major penalty for boarding Justin Holl, the defenseman who also made his Blues debut after coming over from Detroit.

After the Ducks successfully challenged Snuggerud’s apparent goal midway through the third for offsides, Suter scored into an empty net with 4:02 to go.

Husso stopped 31 shots. The Ducks completed a nine-game homestand, splitting the last four after winning the first five. They were 0 for 6 on the power play against the Blues.

John Carlson, the defenseman acquired from Washington on Thursday, missed his fifth straight game because of lower-body injury. Ducks center Mikael Granlund returned after missing six games because of an upper-body injury sustained playing for Finland in the Olympic bronze-medal game.

Up next for the Ducks: at Winnipeg on Tuesday night.

A quintessentially English village brimming with traditions, natural wonders and local delicacies is waiting to be explored – from historic caves and breathtaking views to the world-renowned cheese that originated there

Nestled at the base of the picturesque Mendip Hills, this stunning village remains remarkably unchanged from decades past, preserved as the epitome of an English village.

Cheddar is famous for many reasons, all of which consistently attract visitors to its charming Somerset enclave throughout the year.

Packed with traditions, natural marvels and of course its regional specialities, it provides the perfect retreat from daily life into what resembles a storybook village.

From charming tea rooms to classic cottages, spectacular scenery and ancient caves, there’s far more to discover in Cheddar than initially apparent.

Following a visit, one person said on TripAdvisor: “This is a beautiful small place, with some great attractions and amazing local shops. So many places to eat and drink or buy local gifts like cider and cheddar. We would definitely come back.”

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Cheese

Naturally when you hear the village’s name, you immediately think of the cheese, and it’s no coincidence – the dairy product adopted the name of the village where it was first created.

The heritage of this globally celebrated cheese stretches back to approximately 1170, when it was crafted and aged in nearby limestone caves.

Due to their stable temperatures and humidity levels, they provided the ideal environment for cheesemaking until the technique was modernised.

Notably during the Second World War, milk production was commandeered by the government, resulting in standardised cheese, referred to as ‘government cheddar’ in the UK.

This led to the erosion of traditional cheddar production in regions like Somerset, meaning many of us have grown up without ever genuinely experiencing the authentic version.

When exploring the tranquil village, visitors can stop by The Worlds Oldest Cheddar Cheese Shop to sample some of the original recipes. Nearby sits the Cheddar Gorge Cheese Company, where guests can both buy and try ‘the only Cheddar made in Cheddar’.

Gorge and caves

The gorge is truly where Cheddar’s enchantment lies, comprising several caves, including Gough’s Cave. It has captivated human curiosity for generations and is thought to have been inhabited since Neolithic times at the earliest.

Cheddar Gorge stands as the UK’s largest and represents a natural monument that attracts over 50,000 visitors annually, all seeking a window into history.

Indeed, the location is so historically significant it yielded what remains the oldest complete human skeleton ever discovered in Great Britain, famously known as Cheddar Man, who dates back roughly 9,000 years.

Visitors have the opportunity to venture inside the caves, discover their hidden depths and even participate in rock climbing activities.

One said: “The caves were brilliant. Seeing where the Cheddar Man skeleton was found and then going deeper into Gough’s Cave was a wonderful adventure.”

They noted that the caves were “truly beautiful” and described the trek along the clifftops as an “awesome” experience.

The scenery is genuinely unlike anything else, featuring massive, soaring, dramatic cliffs that have established it as a global hotspot for caving and rock climbing.

Cheddar Gorge is an authentic haven for outdoor adventurers, combining natural beauty with thrilling activities, and naturally, plenty of heritage.

Breathtaking views

For the best vantage point in Cheddar Gorge, visitors can tackle the ultimate climb, which includes a 274-step staircase. Jacob’s Ladder is a must-visit for those exploring the area who want to experience it all from an elevated perspective.

The steps were built in 1869 to guide people upwards from the gorge base right to the cliff summit, and they remain in use to this day for the same purpose.

Based on visitor feedback, the trek is definitely worthwhile, offering the opportunity to enjoy sweeping views across Somerset and the Mendip Hills, with the possibility to climb even further, up an additional 48 steps.

Following the climb, one visitor said: “It’s steep, but it’s well worth climbing the 274 steps for the views you get when you reach the summit.

“Fortunately, there are two resting places on the way up (with information boards giving a history of the ladder and the flora and fauna around the steps) where you can admire the views across Cheddar and get your breath back. On the way down, you may be lucky enough to see one of the feral goats.”

President Lee Jae Myung on Monday called for authorities to swiftly introduce a cap on local fuel prices, and preemptive responses to cope with surging gas prices and volatility in foreign exchange markets as the U.S.-led war with Iran has intensified in the Middle East.

Lee made the remarks during an interministerial meeting to assess the latest developments following U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran and Tehran’s retaliatory attacks across the Middle East, which have prompted the price of Brent oil to surge through US$100 per barrel.

“As the crisis in the Middle East deepens, uncertainty in the domestic and global economic environment is expanding significantly, posing a considerable burden on the Korean economy relying heavily on global trade and energy imports from the Middle East,” Lee said.

Lee also called for preemptive responses Monday with worst-case scenarios in mind to address the economic fallout from heightened tensions in the Middle East, urging financial stability measures and the exploration of alternative energy routes.

“As it is difficult to predict how the situation will unfold, the government must prepare preemptive response measures with a sense of urgency, keeping even the worst-case scenario in mind,” he added.

Lee urged the government and the Bank of Korea to prepare additional preemptive measures to respond to rising volatility in financial and foreign exchange markets, instructing authorities to expand the 100 trillion-won ($66.8 billion) market stabilization program if necessary.

“We should identify hidden risks and meticulously prepare response measures.”

Lee also called for measures to address uncertainty surrounding energy supplies amid concerns over disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a major global shipping route.

“We will coordinate with strategic partner countries to promptly explore alternative routes that do not have to pass through the Strait of Hormuz,” he said.

In addition, he urged the government to crack down on collusion between refiners and gas stations, price fixing, and hoarding, calling for strict punishment of violators and the implementation of a price cap system on gasoline and diesel.

Copyright (c) Yonhap News Agency prohibits its content from being redistributed or reprinted without consent, and forbids the content from being learned and used by artificial intelligence systems.

Iran has named Mojtaba Khamenei as its new supreme leader, just over a week after the assassination of his father, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in joint United States-Israeli strikes that have plunged the entire region into a sprawling war.

The 56-year-old, who will now be charged with leading the Islamic Republic through the biggest crisis in its 47-year history, was named by clerics as his father’s successor on Sunday.

Key leaders, Iran’s powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the armed forces were quick to pledge their backing to the new leader.

Ali Larijani, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, who has been tasked with steering Iran’s security strategy since the US and Israel launched their all-out offensive, called for unity around the new supreme leader.

Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf welcomed the choice, saying that following the new supreme leader was a “religious and national duty”.

Mojtaba Khamenei has never run for office or been subjected to a public vote, but has for decades been a highly influential figure in the inner circle of the supreme leader, cultivating deep ties to the IRGC.

In recent years, Khamenei has increasingly been touted as a top potential replacement for his father. His selection could be a sign that more hardline factions in Iran’s establishment retain power, and could indicate that the government has little desire to agree to a deal or negotiations in the short term as the war enters its second week.

Al Jazeera’s Ali Hashem described Khamenei as his “father’s gatekeeper”.

“He adopts the positions of his father with respect to the United States, with respect to Israel. So we are expecting a confrontational leader. We’re not expecting any moderation,” he said.

“However, if this war comes to an end and he is still alive, and he is able to continue running the country, there is going to be big potential… to find new routes for Iran,” Hashem said.

Rami Khouri, a distinguished public policy fellow at the American University of Beirut, said Khamenei’s appointment signals “continuity” and that it remains to be seen whether the new supreme leader will push for negotiations to end the war.

Either way, he said, the appointment was “an act of defiance”. Iran is “telling the Americans and Israelis, ‘You wanted to get rid of our system? Well … this is a more radical person than his father who was assassinated,’” he said.

Heidari Alekasir, a member of the Assembly of Experts that was tasked with choosing the supreme leader, said the candidate had been picked based on the late Khamenei’s advice that Iran’s top leader should “be hated by the enemy” instead of praised by it.

“Even the Great Satan [US] has mentioned his name,” the senior cleric said in reference to US President Donald Trump’s earlier statement that Mojtaba Khamenei would be an “unacceptable” choice for him to lead Iran.

Israel’s military had previously warned any successor that “we will not hesitate to target you”.

On Sunday, Trump again promised to exert influence over who is selected as Iran’s next supreme leader, saying that, without Washington’s approval, whoever is picked for the role is “not going to last long”.

The selection of Khamenei’s son is certain to enrage Trump.

Supreme leader not decided by ‘Epstein’s gang’

The 88-member Assembly of Experts said on Sunday that it “did not hesitate for a minute” in choosing a new supreme leader, despite “the brutal aggression of the criminal America and the evil Zionist regime”.

Earlier, the clerical body had indicated it had reached a majority consensus on its choice, without naming who it was, with one member saying, “The path of ⁠Imam Khomeini and ⁠the path of the martyr Imam Khamenei has been ⁠chosen. The name of ⁠Khamenei will continue.”

Mojtaba Khamenei studied under conservative clerics in the seminaries of Qom, the heart of Shia theological learning, and holds the clerical rank of hojjatoleslam, a mid-level clerical ranking.

Ali Khamenei, who led Iran for 37 years, succeeding Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who had led the 1979 revolution, was killed in a US-Israeli strike on Tehran on February 28, at the outset of the war, which has now unleashed chaos throughout the Middle East.

The ⁠Israeli ⁠military has already threatened to kill any replacement for Khamenei, while Trump said the war may only end once Iran’s military and leaders have been wiped out.

“He’s going to have to get approval from us,” Trump told ABC News. “If he doesn’t get approval from us, he’s not going to last long,” Trump said on Sunday of any new supreme leader.

Iranian officials have rejected Trump’s push to be involved in the selection of the next leader, insisting that only Iranians can decide the future of their country.

On Friday, Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf appeared to ridicule the US president’s demands.

“The fate of dear Iran, which is more precious than life, will be determined solely by the proud Iranian nation, not by [Jeffrey] Epstein’s gang,” Ghalibaf wrote on X, referring to the late sex offender who had ties to rich and powerful figures in the US.

Dark skies

As clerics selected the new supreme leader, a dark haze hung over Tehran after Israel struck five oil facilities in and around the capital city overnight, setting them ablaze and filling the skies with acrid smoke.

As the war extended into its ninth day, the IRGC said they had enough supplies to continue their drone and missile attacks across the Middle East for up to six months.

IRGC spokesman Ali Mohammad Naini said Iran had so far used only first- and second-generation missiles, but would use “advanced and less-used long-range missiles” in the coming days.

Trump again refused to rule out sending American ground troops into Iran, but continued to insist that the war was all but won, despite the ongoing Iranian missile and drone strikes.

Analysts warn there is no clear path to ending the conflict, which US and Israeli officials say could last a month or longer.

JENNIFER Runyon, known for her role in the iconic 1984 Ghostbusters film, has passed away aged 65 after a battle with cancer.

The actress’ grieving family announced the heartbreaking news on social media.

Pal and fellow actress Erin Murphey said she was devastated to hear about Jennifer’s passing.

A post to Facebook, penned by Jennifer’s loved ones, reads: “This past Friday night our beloved Jennifer passed away.

“It was a long and arduous journey that ended with her surrounded by her family.

“She will always be remembered for her love of life and her devotion to family and friends.

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“I know from above she’s looking down on all of us with her beautiful smile. Rest in peace our Jenn.”

Erin Murphey wrote: “So sad to share that my friend Jennifer Runyon Corman has passed away after a brief battle with cancer.

“Some people you just know you’ll be friends with before you even meet. She was a special lady. I’ll miss you Jenn.

“My thoughts are with your family and beautiful children.”

Jennifer made her movie debut in the 1980 horror film To All a Goodnight, taking on the lead role of Nancy.

She then took on a role as Sally Frame in the American soap Another World, acting in the series until 1982.

The beloved Ghostbusters film, which featured Bill Murray, Dan Aykroyd and Sigourney Weaver, Jennifer acted in the opening scene as a student involved in an ESP experiment.

Her television career included guest appearances in Murder, She Wrote as well as roles in Magnum PI and Beverly Hills.

Jennifer’s final role was in the 2017 comedy horror film Bloodsucka Jones vs. The Creeping Death.

During the 2019 documentary, Remembering Ghostbusters, Jennifer appeared to discuss her most notable role.

Whilst he may be a stranger to Wales, Govil is quick to point out his familiarity with franchise success.

His Washington Freedom side have won the most games in the three years of MLC, taking home the trophy in 2024 and finishing runners-up in 2025.

“I have a history of doing this, it’s not just the Washington Freedom. I had a professional badminton team in India and in the very first year we won the championship,” the Maryland-based entrepreneur said.

“Even business, I’ve taken over assets, which are really underperforming and turned it around.”

The secret to his success?

“It’s all about looking at a big picture, having the right components, and creating an environment which is very fertile towards success,” he explained.

Fire have already been busy trying to acquire the right components.

Salt, Chris Woakes, Marco Jansen and Rachin Ravindra have joined the men’s side as direct signings whilst Freya Kemp, Georgia Wareham and Georgia Voll have signed with the women’s team.

If Govil is to be successful in reversing the fortunes of his new franchise, the team’s performances on the field will need to mirror his own bold confidence.

The next step to building this team will come in this week’s inaugural auction.

As well as having the opportunity to build a competitive team Govil will have the chance to shine a light on Welsh talent and create an identity fans are more likely to subscribe to.

Then, comes the hope of bringing a history of success to a place that has not yet experienced it.

March 8 (Asia Today) — South Korea plans to introduce a cap on student living expense loans after some university students began using the low-interest funds for stock and cryptocurrency investments.

The Korea Student Aid Foundation said the new loan cap system is expected to take effect next semester to reduce the risk of excessive borrowing among young people.

The agency currently offers living expense loans to undergraduate and graduate students at a fixed interest rate of 1.7%, significantly lower than typical commercial lending rates of about 3% to 4%.

Students who complete at least 12 credits in the previous semester and maintain an average grade of 70 or higher can apply. Borrowers may receive up to 2 million won ($1,490) per semester and are not required to provide documentation explaining how the funds are used.

Some students have used part of the loans as investment capital.

A 26-year-old student at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies said he invested part of his loan in semiconductor stocks.

“The interest rate is around 1% a year, so the burden is small,” he said. “If the investment return is higher than the interest, I felt there was no reason not to try.”

Another student at a four-year university in Jeju said he had previously invested loan funds in bitcoin during a price surge and made a profit. He said he continues to look for investment opportunities while stock markets remain strong.

Experts say the trend reflects both speculative investment behavior and financial pressures faced by young people.

Kim Dae-jong said the loans were originally intended to help students focus on their studies.

“Living expense loans are a public financial program designed to provide minimum support so students can concentrate on school,” Kim said. “Using them as investment funds is far removed from the program’s purpose.”

Loan delinquencies have also increased. According to the foundation, overdue balances rose from 19.2 billion won ($14.3 million) in 2021 to 38.7 billion won ($28.8 million) last year.

The number of delinquent borrowers nearly doubled during the same period, rising from 4,271 to 8,126.

Officials said most students still use the loans for living expenses and academic needs, but financial education programs are required before borrowers apply.

Students must complete an online financial education course that explains repayment obligations and the risks of excessive borrowing.

The foundation said the upcoming loan cap system aims to prevent excessive debt among students, since the loans must eventually be repaid after graduation.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260308010002045

Middle Eastern crises seldom stay localized. They frequently go well beyond the battlefield in terms of politics, strategy, and psychology. Officials in Beijing, Moscow, Taipei, and Kyiv will be keeping a tight eye on events surrounding Iran today, in addition to those in Tehran, Washington, and Tel Aviv. Power perceptions are shaped by situations like this, and in international politics, perception can be almost as important as actual power.

The current state of affairs presents an unsettling question for China and Russia. A large-scale military operation against a prominent regional actor will unavoidably send signals about the balance of power in the international system if it continues without significant opposition from other big states. The Middle East is not where those signals will end. They will visit other geopolitical hotspots, like Taiwan and Ukraine, where credibility is crucial to deterrence.

Iran has progressively evolved into more than simply another diplomatic friend in Beijing’s eyes. It now plays a part in China’s larger Eurasian economic and strategic strategy. Beijing has been building energy and transportation networks that connect western China to the Arabian Sea through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Chinese planners considering long-term energy security have taken note of the geographical proximity of the Pakistani port of Gwadar to Iran’s Jask Oil Terminal.

Beijing has long sought variety, which these lines provide. Chinese strategists have been concerned about dependence on maritime chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz and the Strait of Malacca for decades. The energy lifelines of the second-largest economy in the world could be threatened by any interruption there. Iran fits into China’s attempt to lessen that vulnerability because of its location and resources. Trade in energy has already strengthened ties between the two nations. Iran has quietly emerged as a major supplier of cheap crude to China in spite of U.S. sanctions. Both nations are able to avoid some aspects of the Western financial architecture since many of those transactions go through China’s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System and are settled in renminbi.

However, the partnership has grown beyond oil. Beijing and Tehran signed a long-term strategic agreement in 2021 with the goal of working together on infrastructure, energy, and technology for decades. Later, China backed Iran’s admission to groups like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Then came a diplomatic surprise: Beijing assisted in mediating the reestablishment of ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran in 2023, a development that surprised many Western observers.

Taken together, these actions indicated a significant development. China was starting to portray itself not only as a regional economic force but also as a diplomatic player with the ability to influence its political environment.

That ambition makes the current moment particularly sensitive for Beijing. Governments in the Middle East and a large portion of the Global South frequently evaluate great powers based on their actions during times of crisis rather than their words during times of peace. Some capitals may discreetly reevaluate how reliable such support would be in an actual security crisis if China seems unwilling to protect the strategic environment surrounding its alliances.

The ramifications go well beyond Iran. Chinese officials have made it clear time and time again that they would not support Taiwan’s formal independence efforts and will not allow outside meddling in the Taiwan Strait. The legitimacy of those warnings is just as important to deterrence as military prowess. Some Washington policymakers may assume that China is unlikely to take more aggressive action in other areas if Beijing’s response to significant geopolitical shocks involving its partners primarily consists of diplomatic criticism.

Russia faces a different—but no less consequential—set of calculations. Moscow has positioned itself as a major Middle Eastern political mediator for the majority of the last ten years through its military engagement in Syria. Russian soldiers established a key base on the Mediterranean coast and assisted in stabilizing Bashar al-Assad’s regime starting in 2015. From such a vantage point, Moscow participated in almost all meaningful discussions regarding the future of the area.

However, that impact has been diminished. The political landscape has drastically changed as a result of the fall of the Syrian government and the growing power of actors supported by the West in Damascus. In addition to losing a strategic ally, Russia has also lost a significant portion of the regional clout it developed over the course of almost 10 years of diplomatic and military engagement.

In that context, Iran now occupies a far more important place in Moscow’s strategic thinking than it once did. Defense and energy cooperation are two areas where the two nations’ relationship has grown. Iranian drones have contributed to Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, establishing a clear connection between the conflict in Eastern Europe and events in the Middle East. The message would reverberate much beyond the immediate battlefield if Iran were to sustain a significant military defeat at the hands of a concerted operation by the United States and Israel. While opposing major powers stayed mostly on the sidelines, observers from all around the world would see that Washington still had the capability to change regional dynamics.

These impressions build up in geopolitics. Credibility develops gradually, frequently over years, but it can deteriorate rapidly. Some governments may start to doubt the geopolitical benefit of aligning with Moscow if Russia seems incapable—or unwilling—to react when a close ally is under severe strain. However, competing nations might feel more confident to test Russian interests in other disputed areas, such as the Black Sea or Ukraine. However, Moscow’s choices are far from straightforward. In order to lessen the impact of Western sanctions, Russia has been fostering stronger commercial connections with a number of Gulf governments in recent years. Openly supporting Iran might make those relations more difficult. But staying completely silent runs the danger of conveying a contrary message: that when tensions rise, Russian alliances provide little strategic defense.

It seems unlikely that either China or Russia will move quickly to engage in direct combat. There would be significant risks of escalation. However, great-power competition seldom relies solely on choices made on the battlefield. There are plenty of other ways to be influential. Both nations have permanent seats in the UN Security Council. They can guarantee that any military action is politically disputed on the international scene by imposing debates, contesting legal justifications, and introducing resolutions, even symbolic ones. Beyond the Security Council, diplomacy is also important. Sovereignty and non-intervention have long been valued in nations like South Africa, Brazil, and India. Even if it doesn’t instantly change the situation on the ground, coordinated pressure from a larger group of states could influence how the issue is portrayed worldwide.

Another option is economic levers. The energy markets continue to be extremely vulnerable to geopolitical shocks. Major exporters continue to have the power to affect supply and pricing decisions by working with producers in organizations like OPEC+. Even little changes can serve as a reminder to the globe that regional conflicts have far-reaching economic repercussions. Great powers are also capable of sending quieter signals. Regional balances are not changing in isolation, as seen by intelligence collaboration, defensive technology transfers, and conspicuous naval deployments in nearby waterways. These actions convey that other important actors are keeping a close eye on them even while they avoid open confrontation.

Ultimately, this moment’s significance goes well beyond Iran. Expectations about how power functions in the international system are gradually shaped by incidents such as these. The precedent starts to take hold if armed action consistently reshapes regional orders without significant opposition from opposing nations. That precedent unavoidably affects Taiwan’s future for China. For Russia, it relates to both the larger security balance throughout Europe and the continuing conflict in Ukraine. Credibility is crucial in both situations.

Moments like this become inevitable tests if Beijing and Moscow want to maintain an international system where power is more widely spread. It is not always necessary to escalate conflict in order to respond. It often involves proving that significant changes in regional power will not happen completely unchallenged through diplomacy, economic pressure, and strategic signaling. There is meaning in silence as well. In places far from the Persian Gulf, how Tehran interprets that silence now could influence strategic decisions tomorrow.