The latest deaths come as just 260 people, out of 18,500 in urgent need, have been allowed to seek medical care via the crossing to Egypt, the United Nations says.

Israeli fire has killed at least two Palestinians in separate incidents across the Gaza Strip on Wednesday, as Israel continues to block thousands of Palestinians from seeking urgent medical attention through the partially-reopened Rafah crossing in its ongoing, more than two-year genocidal war on the enclave.

Al Jazeera’s correspondent on the ground reported that one child was killed in the northern Strip when an Israeli drone targeted children on their way to check their destroyed homes in the area.

Meanwhile, soldiers opened fire on and killed Muhand Jamal al-Najjar, 20, near the Bani Suheila roundabout east of the city of Khan Younis, Palestinian news agency Wafa reported.

Gaza hospital sources told Al Jazeera that Israeli fire also wounded three Palestinians in al-Mughraqa in the central Strip and the al-Mawasi area of Rafah to the south. 

Since the “ceasefire”, which Israel has violated on a near-daily basis, took effect in mid-October, more than 600 Palestinians have been killed and more than 1,600 wounded, according to the latest figures released by the Palestinian Ministry of Health earlier this week.

Limited reopening

The latest deaths come as the Israeli military maintains its blockade on Palestinians looking to exit Gaza via the Rafah crossing to Egypt for medical care.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has tallied a total of 260 patients leaving Gaza since the first day of reopening two and a half weeks ago, the office told Al Jazeera on Wednesday – a small fraction of the roughly 18,500 people who desperately require evacuation.

The figure even falls short of an earlier promise from an Egyptian border official that at least 50 Palestinians would cross in each direction starting from the first day. Instead, just five patients were permitted to leave.

Human rights and medical groups, including the World Health Organization (WHO), have repeatedly called for Palestinians to be able to access critical care outside Gaza.

WHO chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus wrote on social media earlier this month that the body wanted to see an “immediate reopening of the medical referral route to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem”, and for more countries to accept patients for specialised care not available in the Strip.

But Gaza’s health system – which Israel has largely decimated since starting its war on the embattled enclave in October 2023 – must look to “reduce reliance on medical evacuations”, he added.

“This is now the top priority,” Tedros said, ticking off necessities including scaling up health services inside Gaza, stocking fresh medical supplies, and repairing damaged facilities.

The rate of return to Gaza through the checkpoint has also been slow: 269 people had passed into Gaza as of February 11, OCHA said in its latest report.

One recent batch – made up of 41 people who were transported to Nasser Medical Complex – said Israeli soldiers subjected them to humiliating physical searches and intense interrogations, an Al Jazeera team reported.

Returnees have previously recounted being blindfolded during hours of political interrogations and psychological pressure before being allowed to re-enter Gaza.

A TRIP to Devon isn’t complete without visiting a pub and luckily, the county has plenty.

Whether you prefer a pub garden or being by a cosy fireplace or have a dog with you, Devon is full of great pubs.

Though, it can be overwhelming to choose a spot, so here are some of the best pubs in the county from someone who has tried and tested them as a local…

Church House Inn, Marldon

The Church House Inn in the village of Marldon, South Devon is a gem not many stumble across.

The pub is out of the way from the main tourist spots in the area, but if you have a car it is well-worth the drive too.

Inside you will find traditional beams and exposed stone walls, as well as a large open roaring fire.

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In the summer, the garden is a tranquil spot to enjoy a spritz, with nothing but the hum of birds nearby and the church watching over the garden.

The Drum Inn, Cockington

Nestled in the unique village of Cockington, you will find The Drum Inn.

I have been caught in here on both scorching hot days and snowy winter storms, making it the ideal pub for all seasons.

It is a large pub but still has a cosy vibe and it is the perfect retreat after exploring the thatched cottages and fields of Cockington.

The Old Rydon Inn, Kingsteignton

Run by a couple of 20 years, The Old Rydon Inn in Kingsteignton is a very pretty pub.

It’s a Grade-II listed farmhouse, which used to be part of Lord Clifford’s Manor way back during the reign of Henry II.

The pub even still has the original elm screens dating to the early 16th century.

In the sunny weather, try and sit outside – plants crawl all over the building and it is very peaceful.

Court Farm Inn, Abbotskerswell

The Court Farm Inn used to be a farmhouse and was built in the 16th century.

Today, beams still feature inside and so do exposed stone walls.

The ciders served here are always cold and crisp and don’t forget to try desert if eating, they are unfussy but the ultimate comfort.

Steam Packet Inn, Kingswear

Just before you get the ferry across to Dartmouth town, make sure to stop off in the Steam Packet Inn.

Inside, this spot has a more modern feel with chic striped benches and blue tones throughout.

Perhaps though, the best thing about this pub is that it overlooks Darthaven Marina and the railway, where you will often see the steam train chugging past.

Masons Arms, Branscombe

The Masons Arms in Branscombe dates back to the 14th century and sits in a picturesque village.

The pub itself has a thatched roof, and then on the inside the decor includes pine cladding, low ceiling beams and of course, a roaring log fireplace.

During the day, this spot is ideal for coffee but of course, the ales are great too.

The St Austell Burger for £18 is a delicious feat, with Mena Dhu stout onion marmalade, Monterey Jack cheese, beef tomato, gherkin, pickled red slaw, and skin-on fries.

The Thatch, Croyde

There’s a reason why The Thatch has over 2,000 four and five-star reviews…

Though the food isn’t cheap, it is super flavoursome and a lot of the dishes put a sophisticated twist on pub classics.

Croyde Bay is right on the pub’s doorstep as well, making it the ideal spot post beach walks or surfing sessions.

Fairway Buoy, Bideford

Sat on the promenade in Bideford, Fairway Buoy overlooks the sprawling, golden sands beach.

It’s pet friendly and has a large outdoor seating area which is the ideal spot for watching the sunset.

The food is more modern too, with pizzas often on the menu.

Definitely try their hot chocolate as well on cold beach days – it was bigger than my head.

Samuel Jones, Exeter

Sat on the edge of Exeter Quay, you will find the stylish pub Samuel Jones.

Inside, the decor features a more industrial style fitting in with the rest of the Quay.

In addition to serving their award-winning ales, the venue also broadcasts live sports.

Victoria Inn, Salcombe

Salcombe is loved for many reasons, drawing in hoards of tourists each year, but the Victoria Inn is another reason to love it.

Just a short walk from the banks of the Kingsbridge Estuary, the Victoria Inn is full of cosy corners and a log fire.

On Sundays the pub hosts bingo, which is always a laugh.

And when it comes to the menu, sharing boards are a great option for a lunchtime sit down after exploring the town.

The Waterman’s Arms, Totnes

The Waterman’s Arms in Totnes feels like being in a fairytale storybook.

The pub sits right at the riverside, by Bow Bridge.

In the evenings, the 17th century watering hole often hosts candlelit dinners but if you are there in the day and it happens to be sunny, do not miss the garden terrace.

Kids also eat free during half-term!

Old Fire House, Exeter

The Old Fire House in Exeter is a super popular spot and with good reason.

The boozer is inside an old 19th century firehouse with a vaulted wooden-beamed ceiling and exposed stone walls.

This spot is especially loved for its late-night events with a good atmosphere and oversized 14-inch square pizzas.

You dog is allowed to come too…

Tinpickle And Rhum, Dartmoor

Tinpickle and Rhum is a gastropub located at the The Moorland Hotel by Haytor, on Dartmoor.

Inside the interiors feel a little luxury with rustic wooden cladding on the walls which match the tables and giant modern chandeliers hanging from the ceiling.

Don’t miss their All Three Roasts for £23.95 with Yorkshire pudding, roast potatoes, cheddar cauliflower cheese, season’s best vegetables and red wine gravy.

Head to the pub after a walk up to Haytor Rock, which is one of the most popular spots on the Moors for its breathtaking views and unique rock formations.

The Highwayman Inn, Sourton

Despite not having visited yet, I couldn’t miss out the quirky Highwayman Inn near Sourton.

Often dubbed Britain’s most unusual pub, The Highwayman Inn features its own minotaur and has a layout that is more like a maze.

The boozer dates back to the 13th century and inside it is full of unusual objects to feast your eyes on.

The Pilchard Inn, Burgh Island

Dating back to the 14th century, The Pilchard Inn offers amazing views of the sea and crashing waves.

It is actually one of England‘s oldest pubs, according to its website.

And to get to the pub you can either walk across at low tide, taking around 10 minutes or at high tide, hop on the sea tractor costing between £2 and £3 a way.

In other pub news, here are 10 of the UK’s cosiest pubs with bed and breakfast from £99.

Plus, Britain’s smallest town named one of the coolest spots in the country with cosy pubs and coastal walks.

Steve Smith and his son Joe are leaving their lives of luxury behind as they take part in the Channel 5 show.

In a new episode of Channel 5’s Rich House, Poor House, one family get to live in the luxurious Ludstone Hall, owned by Poundland founder, Steve Smith.

Steve and his son Joe are swapping lives with Kelly, John and their five children who live 29 miles away in Stafford.

For seven days, they get to live in each other’s homes and survive on their budgets and lifestyle.

In a clip shown on Instagram, Steve highlighted the spacious mansion he lives in, boasting 11 bedrooms and six bedrooms.

However, Kelly, John and their family live in a four-bedroom semi and live hand to mouth.

As the pair swap homes, the couple are blown away to see the mansion they’d be living in for a week.

When inside, John sent his children on a mission to find the swimming pool, although they had trouble locating it, unaware that the ballroom floor lowered to create a pool.

One of their daughters commented: “We were walking over it and everything! No one even knew that it was there. That was the shock. It was very magical, very hidden even though it’s right in front of your eyes.”

For the latest showbiz, TV, movie and streaming news, go to the new **Everything Gossip** website.

As the family got acquainted with their new life of luxury, they were speechless to discover their budget for the week was a staggering £2,040.

Overcome with emotion, Kelly replied: “That’s a lot. Are we too late in life to achieve, to even get even half of this a week? Are we too far in life to get this?”

Whereas Steve and his son were tasked with living off the family’s budget of £39.80. Commenting on the price, he said: “I never expected to have such a little budget.”

Viewers were quick to comment on the clip shared on Instagram, as one person said: “I watched this episode last night!!! One of there best ones, Both families are so nice and genuine.. happy with the outcome at the end.”

Another added: “This programme is a genuine reality eye opener.”

Someone else wrote: “I love this programme. It’s almost always has got such lovely people both sides.”

Rich House, Poor House is available to watch on Channel 5.

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Just under two hours away from London with Mediterranean-style beaches, this getaway won’t break the bank

Britain is approaching the final stretch of winter, with warmer weather hopefully just around the corner.

Whilst you might assume a lovely getaway requires jetting off overseas, the UK boasts plenty of stunning destinations perfect for a weekend retreat – and this seaside gem stands out as the finest of them all.

This picturesque town sits less than two hours from London, with train tickets starting at just £14, making it wonderfully budget-friendly. It offers Mediterranean-style beauty featuring sandy shores, clifftop rambles and mouth-watering cuisine, yet retains quintessential British character through its Victorian promenades and harbour.

The beautiful spot in question is Broadstairs in Kent, is dubbed the jewel of Thanet.

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This sheltered coastal resort brims with sandy beaches, clifftop trails, independent cafés and seafood establishments, all conveniently accessible from its Victorian promenades and harbour.

For those who enjoy exploring on foot, there’s Viking Bay – a stunning horseshoe-shaped beach bordered by pastel-coloured huts.

Visitors can catch waves at Joss Bay, or traverse clifftop paths across Botany Bay for breathtaking vistas over the Channel.

If you’re after a more urban-style escape, there’s an abundance of independent retailers and dining spots to discover.

Independent cafés and seasonal eateries nestle alongside traditional fish-and-chip shops and family-owned institutions like Morelli’s Gelato, which dates back to the 1950s.

The town also boasts renowned literary connections. Charles Dickens spent his summers here at Bleak House.

This delightful coastal town brims with character, and the beauty of it is you won’t need to shell out hundreds of pounds or mess about with passports to experience it — eimply jump on a train and discover what’s on offer.

Pete Walls, Co-Founder of Split My Fare, remarked: “Broadstairs shows that you don’t need to go abroad for that coastal escape because clean beaches, local culture and atmospheric streets are right on our doorstep, and the train makes it easy to get there.”

The island has seen a number of anti-tourism protests in recent years, with locals demanding caps on visitor numbers, and summer 2026 could potentially see more people taking to the streets

Visitors to a Spanish island that welcomes millions of British tourists each year could be facing disruption over the summer with fresh waves of protests planned.

Menys Turisme Més Vida (Less Tourism, More Life), a group behind protests across the popular island of Majorca, are set to hold an assembly on Friday (February 20) to potentially plan further actions such as protests.

The meeting is planned due to the perceived failure of the Balearic Government’s sustainability pact, and inability to control overcrowding on the islands. A press release stated: “the constant increase in overtourism in Mallorca can only be confronted through grassroots organisation”.

Speaking to Majorca Daily News , Margalida Ramis of environmental group GOB (Grup Balear d’Ornitologia i Defensa de la Naturalesa), claimed that the government “has not done anything and will not do anything” to tackle overtourism.

Visitor numbers to the Balearic Islands have been steadily rising, and are expected to follow the same pattern in 2026. 2024 saw the number of visitors hit 18.7 million, then rising to over 19 million in 2025. In total, the Balearic Islands has a population of just 1.2 million, which includes around 18,000 British expats.

Opposition party PSOE recently took to the Balearic parliament to present a motion arguing that tourist numbers should be capped at 17.8 million a year. However, in a relief for UK travellers, the motion was rejected this week.

Groups such as Menys Turisme Més Vida have been involved in a number of protests in Majorca in recent years, alongside protests against overtourism across Spain. In May 2024, around 10,000 protestors took to the streets of Palma, while in July 2025, numbers reported as high as 50,000 people joined the protests. The 2025 protest was timed to coincide with the start of the school holidays in England and Wales, when many families would be arriving on the island.

Menys Turisme Més Vida’s Instagram account sets out a manifesto with their demands including a ban on tourist rentals across Majorca, a 50% reduction in rental prices for locals, and more stable jobs in what has become a precarious labour market.

However, in recent weeks there has been concern across the hospitality industry over a reduction in customer numbers, with a discount voucher scheme being considered to get more people to eat at local restaurants.

READ MORE: Spain’s ‘ghost islands’ deliberately cut off from the mainland to keep tourists outREAD MORE: TUI launches new route to gorgeous city that looks like nowhere else in Spain

In 2025, Jet2 CEO Steve Heapy warned that “anti-tourism protests and derogatory comments from local administrations make tourists feel unwelcome” amidst rising tensions in the Canary Islands, which included a number of protests, and signs appearing in some hotspots asking tourists to stay away.

At the time he added: “People don’t come to the Canaries to be mistreated or to witness protests. Such incidents tarnish the region’s image, pushing tourists toward destinations like Turkey and Morocco, where they feel valued.”

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Jesse L. Jackson glanced out the tinted windows and saw the future overtaking the past.

It was a gray Saturday afternoon in November and he was bound for Montgomery, the capital of Alabama, in a chauffeured limousine as big and luxurious as the President’s.

He settled his 6-foot-3 frame into the plush wine-red rear seat, stretched his legs across to the jump seat and talked quietly of another time, another trip into Montgomery escorted by fear and a pursuing car full of angry white men.

Twenty-two years earlier he had come down this same highway with other young disciples of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., one anxious eye on the rear-view mirror and another watching for road signs to Selma. They were rushing through the Dixie night to join demonstrations demanding equal rights for blacks. The car behind them was a menacing reminder of how far they still had to go.

‘Long, Dark Night’

“We had been driving all night and they had been following us all the way to Montgomery,” Jackson said, his gaze drifting out to the blur of the passing landscape. “All night. A long, dark night. The fear made it darker.”

But in 1987 Jackson was returning to Montgomery as a candidate for President, leading five white candidates in many national polls for the Democratic nomination. His limousine rolled toward Montgomery and a waiting Civic Center audience half black and half white.

The limousine sped past a golf course with green fairways stretching through trees ablaze with the oranges of autumn. Suddenly, Jackson sat forward, pointing:

“Look there–you see that? See that black guy and white lady out there playing golf together?” He sat back, silent for a moment.

“We’ve come a long way . . . and now politics is catching up.”

It was clear on this gray afternoon on the road to Montgomery that few in modern America have come further faster than Jesse Louis Jackson.

A Powerful Force

From the back roads of a South Carolina mill town, he has emerged as a powerful political force, America’s preeminent black leader.

But for Jesse Jackson, politics probably isn’t catching up fast enough. He may be the front-runner now, but few people–even few of his supporters–realistically believe he has a chance of winning the Democratic presidential nomination.

His supporters say latent racism is the problem. To a degree, that may be reflected in Jackson’s high negative rating in opinion polls. In a Los Angeles Times poll this fall, 68% said they would not consider voting for him.

But there is something more: This 46-year-old minister makes people uncomfortable.

A four-month study of Jackson, including dozens of interviews with friends and foes and travels with him through a dozen states and five foreign countries, yields a bundle of contradictions.

“There is a good Jesse, and a bad Jesse,” said one friend who has known Jackson since his college days. “The two sides of him are often in conflict.”

The good Jesse is the brilliant and courageous man willing to take personal and political risks in pursuit of lofty goals, a man of boundless energy and broad intellect whose political instincts are matched by awe-inspiring oratory, a man who remembers his roots even as he projects a bold vision for a better America.

The bad Jesse is the schemer, the man always looking for the angle to win personal or political advantage, the man who has invented stories or shaded the truth to meet his immediate needs, the man whose actions sometimes seem to say: “Your rules don’t apply to me.”

For all his strengths, for all his successes, Jackson’s future is clouded by the clash within.

For most politicians, such lack of abundant trust by the public would spell their ruination. That is what makes Jackson so remarkable. By most accounts, he is at the height of his powers, broadening his appeal, likely to march to the Democratic National Convention with enough delegates to be a major player in deciding the future of his party and its candidate for President.

Sometimes, Jackson talks about his campaign as if attaining the presidency is secondary to a life mission of peace, prosperity and justice for all. But at the same time, he dismisses talk that he can’t realistically expect to win the office.

“They say, ‘Well you’re leading but you can’t win.’ That’s irrational.”

With a flicker of annoyance in his eyes, he sighs: “You learn to live with being under-counted, under-estimated, under-respected. But you don’t let it break your spirit. Just because it rains you don’t have to drown.”

Jesse Jackson, said Dr. Alvin F. Poissaint, a Harvard psychiatrist and long-time friend, is “fascinated by his own success and by the possibilities of accomplishing more and more, to prove that he can go to the mountaintop, as Dr. King used to say.

“It’s more than ‘I am somebody,’ ” Poissaint said, quoting a phrase that became a familiar litany in Jackson’s speeches through the past decade.

“It’s more than ‘respect me,’ ” he added, quoting another phrase used in those speeches–a phrase many journalists have seized upon in an effort to explain Jackson’s boundless drive.

“It’s more like, ‘I am going to show you what I can do, even against all odds,’ ” Poissaint continued. “And that has always been his case. Some of it, and I think Jesse himself recognizes it, has a lot to do with his feelings about being a child born out of wedlock to a teen-age mother, that he was poor, that he was disgusted by the segregation he saw.

“That is very much in his psyche.”

And yet it is in searching for Jackson’s psyche in the crucible of his childhood that the contradictions begin.

The truth in the broadest sense is simple enough. He grew up in the segregated South, neither poor nor rich, neither firebrand nor Philistine.

But over the years, that truth was not enough for Jesse Jackson. He later made up events to suit the needs of the moment and to enhance his mystique.

To demonstrate his radical credentials in 1969, he said he showed his contempt for white customers he served as a teen-ager in a hotel coffee shop by spitting in their food in the kitchen. “I did not do that, and I really shouldn’t have said it,” he says now.

To enhance his bona fides as a victim of poverty, he told a Chicago television interviewer that “I used to run bootleg liquor and buy hot clothes. I had to steal to survive.” But his stepfather Charles Jackson remembered it differently. As a Post Office employee in the 1950s he earned a salary equivalent to a teacher’s, and told Jackson biographer Barbara Reynolds: “We were never poor. We’ve never been on welfare. My family never went hungry a day in their lives.”

To demonstrate the personal hurt of racial discrimination, Jackson has allowed to stand uncorrected an account in three biographies and numerous profiles that he left the University of Illinois in 1960 because coaches told him he could not play quarterback–only whites could call the signals.

But university records show that the quarterback for Illinois that year was Mel Meyers, a black. Jackson left after being placed on academic probation during his second semester, according to the late Ray Eliot, then head football coach.

Other Jackson recollections that bolster his credentials as one who knows first-hand the horror of society’s boot on his neck cannot be independently verified.

One such scene in his hometown of Greenville, S.C., about 1950, he would say many years later, was “my own most frightening experience . . . a traumatic experience I’ve never recovered from.”

As an 8-year-old, he said, he hurried into a neighborhood grocery store operated by a a white man named Jack. Other customers were crowded around the counter. “I was in a hurry. I said, ‘Jack, I’m late. Take care of me.’ He didn’t hear me so I whistled at him. He wheeled around and snatched a .45 pistol from a shelf with one hand and kneeled down to grab my arm in his other fist.

“Then he put the pistol against my head and, kneading my black arm in his white fingers, said, ‘Goddamn it! Don’t you ever whistle at me again, you hear?’ ”

The other black customers in the store did nothing, Jackson said. “That was the nature of life in the occupied zone.”

Is it real or a respinning of history? Jackson didn’t tell his parents at the time, he said, for fear his father “would kill Jack or be killed.” None of the grocers who were around then and could still be located can remember a white grocer named Jack who kept a .45 on a shelf.

In one sense, the veracity of the stories may not matter. Jackson recounts them emotionally, conveying the real fear and degradation of the time. As a spokesman for the underprivileged, few can doubt his credentials.

It was a boyhood with “a lot of pain,” Jackson said a few months ago. “Bitterness for awhile. I grew out of the bitterness, and I attribute a lot of that in some sense to Dr. King, who argued that we should get better not bitter.”

Some of the pain and bitterness revolved around the fact he was born out of wedlock–feelings he says he came to grips with years ago.

His mother, Helen, was a high school student living with her mother, Matilda Burns, in 1941 when she became pregnant by Noah Robinson, a married man who lived next door. Robinson had three stepchildren but “wanted a man-child of his own,” Jackson has said many times. “His wife would not give him any children. So he went next door.”

It was a neighborhood scandal that brought schoolyard taunts: “Jes-se ain’t got no dad-dy, Jes-se ain’t got no dad-dy.” And it was an experience that Jackson would cite many years later in inspirational, you-are-somebody speeches to young black audiences:

“You are God’s child. When I was in my mother’s belly, I had no father to give me a name . . . . They called me a bastard and rejected me. You are somebody! You are God’s child!”

Reynolds, in her 1975 book, “Jesse Jackson: The Man, The Movement, The Myth,” recounted a poignant scene in Jackson’s childhood: A young Jesse standing for hours in the backyard of Noah Robinson’s house, looking in the window. When Robinson came to the window, Jesse would run away.

Now, on Father’s Day, Jackson calls Robinson on the telephone. And when the candidate gave CBS’ Mike Wallace and a crew from “60 Minutes” a tour of Greenville several months ago, he took them to visit Robinson. “Two fathers,” Jackson said. “I was blessed. I was blessed.”

Stepfather Charles Jackson was a quiet, hard-working, church-going man whom his mother married when the candidate was a toddler and “who adopted me and gave me his name, his love, his encouragement, discipline, and a high sense of self-respect,” Jackson wrote in the dedication of a recently published collection of his speeches and writings, “Straight from the Heart.”

When he was a teen-ager, the family moved to Fieldcrest Village, which the city directories of the 1950s called “a housing project for colored located at the end of Greenacre Road.”

It was a community, Jackson recalled, where people cared for one another:

“There were two or three people in the neighborhood who just kept big pots of vegetable soup on. When folks didn’t have any food, they couldn’t go to the Salvation Army because they were black. They couldn’t get Social Security; they couldn’t get welfare. But folks had a tradition of being kind to one another, because that was our roots.

“We didn’t have a neighborhood, we had a community. There’s a difference between a bunch of neighbors . . . and a community that’s made out of common unity where there’s a foundation.”

And often from the pulpit or political lectern he speaks of the strength brought to his childhood by the church and by his grandmother, Matilda Burns, now 80 and living with his mother in a comfortable house on Greenville’s tree-shaded Anderson Street–a house Jackson purchased several years ago.

“My grandmother doesn’t have any education,” he says. “She can’t read or write, but she’s never lost. She knows the worth of prayer . . . . To the world she has no name, and she has no face, but she feels like she has cosmic importance because there’s a God she communicates with in the heavens who is eternal. And so she knows that every boss is temporary, that every rainy day is temporary, that every hardship is temporary. She used to tell me, ‘Son, every goodby ain’t gone. Just hold on; there’s joy coming in the morning.’ ”

And so, despite the pain, Jackson grew, and succeeded.

At all-black Sterling High School in the late 1950s he was elected class president, Student Council president, Honor Society president, state president of the Future Teachers of America. He also was the star quarterback on the school’s football team–big, aggressive and smart, his coach recalls.

His athletic ability landed him a scholarship to the University of Illinois. After his first year he transferred to North Carolina A&T;, a predominately black school in Greensboro. There not only was he the starting quarterback but also the student body president. And there he got his first taste of the civil rights movement and a whiff of Democratic Party national politics.

Lunch counter sit-ins had begun in Greensboro months before Jackson arrived in 1960, but he soon emerged as a leader of student civil rights protests there. In June, 1963, he led a column of students to block a busy street in front of City Hall and was arrested for inciting a riot. He was recorded as telling his followers: “I know I am going to jail. I’m going without fear . . . I’ll go to the chain gang if necessary.”

There were no chain gangs in North Carolina at the time, biographer Reynolds said, noting that even in college Jackson “was developing his proclivity for overstatement.”

At A&T;, Jackson noticed a pretty, slender coed from Florida who would march in Greensboro’s civil rights demonstrations. She was Jaqueline Lavinia Davis and, years later, she recalled that she first thought Jesse Jackson was a bit too fast, a bit too full of himself for her taste. But he sought her out for advice on a term paper–”Should Red China be Admitted to the U.N.?”–and a serious romance blossomed.

Their first child was born six months after their marriage in 1962–a fact they never concealed.

With a wife and daughter, Jackson found himself at a career crossroads when he graduated from A&T; with a degree in sociology in 1963: He could go on to law school at Duke University in North Carolina or he could accept a Rockefeller Foundation grant to attend Chicago Theological Seminary.

He chose the seminary–”I thought I might flunk out at Duke,” he later admitted to Reynolds in a comment uncharacteristic of his usually bountiful self confidence. At the seminary, he thought “it would be quiet and peaceful and I could reflect.”

But with peace and quiet at the seminary came network television scenes of the racial violence in the South–blacks were being tear-gassed by police, beaten with night sticks, poked with electric cattle prods. Jackson decided he had to head South.

Betty Washington, then a reporter for the Chicago Daily Defender, recalls the scene outside Brown’s Chapel Church in Selma. Hundreds of marchers were camped on the grounds and members of King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference staff were taking turns making speeches to bolster their spirits. “Up popped Jesse,” she says. “I thought it was strange that he would be making a speech, when he was not on the SCLC staff and had not been included in any of the strategy meetings. He just seemed to come from nowhere . . . but he spoke so well.”

Other SCLC staffers thought this seminary student was too pushy, but when Jackson volunteered to work as an organizer in Chicago, King accepted. Jackson soon impressed King with the way he rallied Chicago’s black ministers behind SCLC’s Operation Breadbasket, a campaign to get more jobs for blacks in bakeries, milk companies and other firms with heavy minority patronage of their products.

Within months King named Jackson to head Operation Breadbasket and doubled his salary–from $3,000 to $6,000 a year. And in the spring of 1967, when King reorganized the SCLC staff, he appointed Jackson to head the new labor and economic affairs department with instructions to expand Operation Breadbasket into a national program.

But as Jackson moved into SCLC’s hierarchy, tension began developing. David J. Garrow, a professor who has written three books about King and the SCLC, said some on the SCLC staff wondered aloud about Jackson’s motives: “Is it for Jesse or for the movement?” The professor said King himself expressed concern about Jackson’s ambitions and his spirituality. King “used to tell Jesse: ‘Jesse, you have no love,’ ” Garrow quoted a former SCLC executive as saying.

At one SCLC staff meeting, Jackson raised questions and objections to a planned march on Washington and suggested instead that SCLC do more to expand his Operation Breadbasket, Garrow said:

“King railed at the staff’s disunity and finally announced he was going to leave . . . . As King headed for the door, Jackson started to follow, but King turned and delivered a personal blast: ‘If you are so interested in doing your own thing that you can’t do what the organization is structured to do, go ahead. If you want to carve out your own niche in society, go ahead, but for God’s sake don’t bother me.’ ”

And the spring evening before King’s assassination in Memphis in 1968, Garrow said, the civil rights leader was openly expressing frustration and annoyance with Jackson. Citing interviews with SCLC staffers, the professor reported that “King again berated Jackson . . . he said, ‘Jesse, just leave me alone’ . . . Jackson responded, ‘Don’t send me away, Doc. Don’t send me away.’ ”

The next day, King was felled by a sniper as he stood on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel. Jackson’s actions in the minutes and hours following the assassination have remained in dispute ever since.

Scores of media accounts of the assassination described–generally without attribution–how Jackson was the last person to whom King spoke and how Jackson cradled the mortally wounded civil rights leader in his arms before an ambulance arrived.

Others who were at the scene say Jackson was the source of the stories, and they are insistent that it didn’t happen that way–that King spoke his last words to another assistant on the balcony, and that the Rev. Ralph David Abernathy, not Jackson, held King’s head before the ambulance came.

Twenty years later, it is virtually impossible to pin down exactly what Jackson said in that heated period. Television film of his appearances then was not stored.

Some facts are not in dispute: Jackson was in the courtyard below at about 6 p.m. when King was shot. In the hours after King was pronounced dead, Jackson flew back to Chicago, was interviewed the next morning by NBC’s “Today” show and later that day spoke at a meeting of the Chicago City Council, wearing a sweater he said was stained with King’s blood.

Jackson now says he rushed from the courtyard to the balcony after King was shot. “When I got there blood was everywhere . . . I reached down, as did a couple of other people . . . I tried to console him, you know, ‘Doc, we’re with you. Hang on . . . ‘ I remember hearing somebody say an ambulance had been called. I stood up and wiped my hands off and went to the phone and called Mrs. King.”

That night, Jackson recalled, “I decided to go back to Chicago . . . the body was gone . . . the arrangements had obviously been made by the family. There wasn’t anything for the staff people to do. I caught an 11 o’clock plane that went through St. Louis, made a stop, got to Chicago at three in the morning . . . .

“I went home and laid across my bed. The “Today” show was calling. I got up and kept on what I had on . . . then the city council meeting . . . they put on a big memorial service . . . and I had on those same clothes.”

With King’s death, the SCLC became fragmented and ripped by conflict. Abernathy took over as president at the Atlanta headquarters but soon found himself eclipsed by Jackson, then in his late 20s, a striking figure with an Afro hair style and a penchant both for African garb and for publicity.

Jackson dropped out of the seminary with six months left in his studies to devote full time to civil rights work. He was ordained a Baptist minister in 1968 but has never held a full-time pulpit.

Within a year of King’s assassination, the New York Times called Jackson “probably the most persuasive black leader on the national scene.” Playboy hailed Jackson as “the fiery heir apparent” to King and spread an interview with him across 19 pages. Time, in a special issue on Black America in April, 1970, put Jackson on the cover and published a lengthy profile on the young man who, it said, modestly insisted he was but “one leader among many.”

Some within SCLC saw the surge of publicity as part of a deliberate attempt by Jackson to take control of the organization.

Tensions reached a breaking point when Jackson, without consulting SCLC’s headquarters, helped organize widely publicized trade fairs in Chicago for black businessmen. The SCLC’s board in December, 1971, suspended him for 60 days for “administrative impropriety” and for “repeated violation of organizational discipline.”

Jackson quickly resigned from SCLC, declaring, “I need air. I must have room to grow.” And he quickly gained the backing of a score of nationally known blacks–from singers Roberta Flack and Aretha Franklin to politicians Carl Stokes and Richard Hatcher–who gathered at New York’s Commodore Hotel to endorse Jackson’s plan to form his own organization.

“That was the politician in him, coming out back then,” said one participant in the New York meeting. “He knew he had to have some national support if he struck out on his own.”

On Christmas morning of 1971, Jackson unfurled the banner of a new civil rights operation: People United to Save Humanity, or PUSH. (The “save humanity” in the name was later changed to a less grandiose “serve humanity.”)

Like Operation Breadbasket, PUSH would concentrate on improving minority employment and bolstering minority businesses. One of its affiliates, PUSH for Excellence, would concentrate on improving ghetto schools.

Over the next dozen years, PUSH and its affiliates collected at least $17 million in government grants and private and corporate donations, according to public records. And Jackson collected a reputation as a man strong on inspirational oratory and ideas but weak on follow-through, a man with expensive tastes and a large ego but with little management skill and scant administrative discipline.

In city after city, from Los Angeles to Boston and Seattle to Miami, Jackson carried to ghetto school auditoriums a rousing message on the importance of self esteem, self confidence and self discipline. He invariably exhorted his audiences to respond in unison to his rhythmic chant:

“I am somebody . . . I may be poor . . . but I am somebody . . . respect me . . . I am somebody . . . “My mind . . . is a pearl . . . I can learn anything . . . in the world . . .

“Down with dope . . . up with hope . . .

“Nobody will save us . . . for us . . . but us.”

By the thousands, students signed pledges to turn off the television and do their homework, to avoid drugs and teen-age sex, to work hard, to excel.

Since Jackson has never held public office, journalists often have examined PUSH’s operations in search of a yardstick of Jackson’s management skills. Usually, they found those operations to be chaotic. So did the government when, five years after PUSH-Excel was launched, it hired experts to review the program. The experts also declared it short on documented accomplishments.

The program “turned out to be mainly paper,” said a report prepared by the American Institute for Research under government contract.

More criticism came from Department of Education auditors, who contended PUSH-Excel failed to account for how it spent $1.2 million of $4.9 million in federal grants. PUSH-Excel’s managers disputed the claim and Jackson himself dismissed it as an argument between accountants.

One former PUSH official said the criticism of the content and accountability of the program came as no surprise. “While Jesse was flying around the country,” said this former official, who asked to remain anonymous, “things in Chicago were in absolute chaos. We stumbled from one crisis to another.”

Part of the problem, this former official said, was, “Jesse didn’t always have the best and brightest people running things. The key staff people were put there on the basis of their loyalty to him, not on their ability. Loyalty, absolute loyalty, was always the most important thing to him, not whether you could do the job.”

In the early 1980s, with PUSH-Excel’s sloppiness and weakness coming under increasing scrutiny and criticism, Jackson shifted his focus from education programs to negotiating promises of increased minority hiring, promotions and contracts with major corporations. In a three-year period, PUSH signed agreements–called “covenants”–with such firms as 7-Up; Coca-Cola Co.; Heublein Corp.; Southland Corp., which operates 7-Eleven stores; Burger King Corp. and Adolph Coors Co.–often after threatening boycotts by blacks unless agreements were reached.

Corporate executives reacted to Jackson in dramatically different ways.

Jeffrey Campbell, now chairman of the Pillsbury Co.’s restaurant division, was president of Burger King when Jackson and PUSH opened negotiations with the fast-food chain in 1983. “Before they came in, my view was that we ought to fight them, that this guy Jackson was a monster, and I had the backing of my bosses to walk out if necessary,” Campbell said from his skyscraper offices in Minneapolis.

But Campbell said he quickly changed his mind about the “very impressive man” on the other side of the negotiating table. “He handled himself very professionally, and he got to me very quickly, without me realizing it, when he started talking about fairness. He would say: ‘What is fair? Blacks give you 15% of your business–isn’t it fair that you give 15% of your business, your jobs, your purchases back to the black community, the black businesses? You tell me, isn’t that fair?’ ”

“That little seed began to grow in the back of my mind,” Campbell said. “It was the right question to ask me.”

Before long, Burger King signed a $460-million minority opportunity program with PUSH. “It has turned out to be a very positive experience for me,” Campbell said. “Twenty years from now, when I sit back and think of the things I’m proudest of at Burger King, one of them will be the impact we were able to make through this covenant.”

But, in another executive suite in another city, a starkly different picture of Jackson’s operations is painted by a corporate official who declined to be identified.

“We had been doing a very good job of hiring and promoting blacks and giving our business to minorities, and they marched in and ignored all that we had done and began demanding we do this or we do that,” this executive said.

“It seemed like a shakedown to me. They had lists of people they wanted us to do business with, lists of things they wanted us to do, donations and things like that.”

When Jackson carried PUSH’s campaign to St. Louis in 1982 and sought contributions from black businesses to finance an investigation and possible boycott of Anheuser-Busch Co., he ran into opposition from local black organizations and a black-owned newspaper, the St. Louis Sentinel. The newspaper said that when Jackson demanded $500 from each businessmen by saying “you must pay to play” he was taking a “kickback approach.”

In an editorial headlined “Minister or Charlatan?” the newspaper accused Jackson of defrauding the black community and having a “million-dollar commitment to himself.” Jackson promptly filed a $3-million libel suit against the newspaper but later dropped the case when a judge granted the newspaper’s request to inspect PUSH’s financial records.

Part of those records came to light in early 1984 and caused problems for Jackson’s first presidential bid, a campaign which had received a boost a short time earlier when he flew to the Middle East and dramatically negotiated the release of a downed Navy pilot held by the Syrians.

After newspaper disclosures, Jackson and his lawyer acknowledged that in 1981 and 1982, PUSH affiliates received $200,000 in contributions from the Arab League, a confederation of 21 Arab states and the Palestine Liberation Organization. They also confirmed the organizations got an anonymous $350,000 donation but said they did not know who the donor was.

The contributions from the Arab League upset some Jewish leaders, but Jackson said a “double standard” was being applied: “If the Arab League can contribute to Harvard and Georgetown and other institutions of higher learning, can they not contribute to the PUSH Foundation?”

It was not the first chapter in the saga of uneasy relations between Jackson and Jews. Nor would it be the last.

Jews had been concerned earlier by the disclosure that PUSH had received a $10,000 check in 1979 from a Libyan diplomat. This donation led to a four-year-long Justice Department investigation of whether Jackson should have registered as a foreign agent for Libya. The department eventually concluded he did not have to.

And Jews were privately outraged in 1979 when, during a trip to the Middle East, Jackson was photographed embracing PLO leader Yasser Arafat.

Their anger exploded into public view with the “Hymie” incident.

What would become the greatest crisis of Jackson’s first presidential campaign began quietly. While waiting for his airplane at Washington’s National Airport in January of 1984, Jackson paused in the cafeteria to chat with Milton Coleman, a black reporter for the Washington Post who was covering his campaign.

“Let’s talk black talk,” the candidate is reported to have remarked. By this, his friends later said, Jackson meant that his comments were not for publication.

Three weeks later, the Post reported: “In private conversations with reporters, Jackson has referred to Jews as ‘Hymie’ and to New York as ‘Hymietown.’ ”

Suddenly, Jackson was facing a political firestorm. On national television interview programs and everywhere else he appeared, reporters were asking him to explain the remarks. He first denied making them–”It simply isn’t true”–and then began talking about a “conspiracy” to poison his relations with an important bloc of voters just before the crucial New Hampshire primary.

The crisis worsened when Black Muslim minister Louis Farrakhan warned Jews “if you harm this brother, it will be the last one you harm.” Jackson, standing a few feet away, said nothing.

More headlines, more shouted questions from reporters, more turmoil in the campaign.

Finally, three weeks after the original Post article appeared, a grim-faced candidate stood before an audience of national Jewish leaders at a synagogue in Manchester, N.H., and apologized. “In private talks we sometimes let our guard down and we become thoughtless,” he said. “It was not a spirit of meanness, an off-color remark having no bearing on religion or politics . . . . However innocent and unintended, it was wrong.”

Looking back several years later, one friend said Jackson failed to handle the “Hymie” crisis correctly. “He felt he was being attacked unjustly, unfairly,” this friend said. “He should have apologized right away, but his stubborn streak got in the way. He can be very stubborn sometimes, particularly when he feels he is being wronged.”

Another friend insisted that the “Hymie” controversy showed another side of Jackson. “He spent the rest of the campaign, in fact he is still doing it, reaching out to the Jewish community,” this friend said. “He has always done that. He has always tried to reach out. That’s the minister in him, the conciliator.”

Jackson finished third in the 1984 race for the Democratic nomination. Listening to him now, his first national campaign was a smashing success, a model of cost efficiency that carried him through to the convention while five other candidates dropped out.

Others remember the 1984 campaign differently. Veteran reporters called it the most chaotic, mismanaged campaign they had ever covered.

The candidate paid little attention “to the work that needs to be done in the trenches,” said one top official of the 1984 campaign. Another said Jackson regularly would berate in public his overworked aides and was “always telling you what you had done wrong, not what you had done right.”

Willie Brown, the California Assembly Speaker who has been involved in state and national politics for a quarter-century and now is Jackson’s campaign chairman, says it will be different in the 1988 campaign.

“We’re building an infrastructure to relieve him of the day-to-day responsibility of running his campaign,” Brown said from his Sacramento office.

“He has literally been a one-man operation, and if anyone would ever really report the story, they would see that Jesse Jackson is a phenomenon,” Brown added. “There is just no single national candidate who has ever done, or could do, what he has done.”

Jackson’s physical and mental stamina is indeed impressive.

He says he arises about 5:30 most mornings “for a quiet time of study and prayer.” His friends say he does more than study and pray during those early morning hours. “When the phone rings at 5 o’clock on Sunday morning and wakes us up, I look at my wife and we both say, ‘Jesse’s calling,’ ” laughs Harvard’s Poissaint. “And it is always him. He doesn’t say who it is, he’ll just start talking, ‘Poissaint, I have this idea . . . ‘ He never wastes a minute.”

Eighteen- or 20-hour work days are common for Jackson. On Labor Day, for example, he was up before dawn in Pittsburgh’s Hyatt Regency Hotel, preparing for an appearance on ABC’s “Good Morning America” show.

Then it was on to a Catholic church for a special Mass, news conference and rally. On to downtown for a Labor Day parade, a flight to Cleveland for a motorcade through the city’s slums, and an address to a black-sponsored picnic at a crowded park.

Back to the airport for a flight to New York, a parade sponsored by Brooklyn’s Caribbean community, a speech from the steps of a museum and walking the picket line with striking union members outside NBC’s headquarters at Manhattan’s Rockefeller Plaza.

It was nearly midnight before he reached his $250-a-night room at Manhattan’s Grand Hyatt Hotel. At dawn the next morning, he was striding down a concourse at La Guardia Airport, on to the next stop.

Jackson has been hospitalized at least six times in the past 20 years, usually for what is described as exhaustion.

Asked about this, the candidate said, “Those are not all exhaustion. Bronchitis sometimes, or I was simply run down . . . I’ve gone in on occasion just to get a full checkup and all that stuff you do to get your body worked back up.

“When you travel in as many climates as I have, and you have sickle cell traits, not anemia but traits, sometimes it catches up with you.”

According to medical authorities, sickle cell trait is an abnormal gene carried by about 2 million black Americans, or about 8% of the black population. Sickle cell anemia afflicts about 50,000 black Americans who have inherited two copies of the abnormal sickle-cell gene.

Sickle cell trait was identified in one medical study as a common denominator in the sudden deaths of black Army recruits who collapsed during strenuous exercise. But one expert, Dr. Louis W. Sullivan of Morehouse School of Medicine in Atlanta, wrote in the New England Journal of Medicine earlier this year that “all available evidence suggests that sickle cell trait is a benign condition that, with rare exceptions in special circumstances, has no adverse effect on health.”

Few questions ever are asked about Jackson’s health–he’s gained a few inches around the middle but he still projects an athlete’s vigor.

More questions are asked about his personal finances, prompted by his apparently comfortable life style.

Since his first campaign for the presidency, Jackson’s reported annual income has more than doubled. Then, he released his 1983 tax return showing an annual income of $115,000. Now, according to a financial disclosure statement he filed in October with the Federal Election Commission, his annual income exceeds $250,000.

This included a salary of $192,090 from Personalities International Inc., a Chicago speaker’s bureau formed in 1984 by Jackson’s family; $18,750 in payments from his National Rainbow Coalition, and more than $33,000 in honorariums for speeches at colleges, conventions and churches.

The October report showed he had deposits or investments of between $97,000 and $235,000 in various banks and more than $250,000 in ICBC Inc., described as a New York-based inner city broadcasting company.

Jackson has told reporters this year he is receiving a $350,000 advance for an autobiography to be published next year, but it was unclear whether any of this advance was reflected in his most recent financial statement.

Other records disclosed that Jackson owns three homes–one in Chicago valued at more than $100,000, one in Washington purchased for $100,000 in 1985 and the house in Greenville where his mother lives, purchased in 1984 for $40,000.

In the past, Jackson has sounded a bit defensive when questioned about his income. “It’s hard to help hungry people when you are hungry,” he told reporters in his last campaign. “I have a wife and five children. My income, according to my talents and abilities, is modest.”

Even though he doesn’t like to talk about his personal finances, Jackson usually is far more open on that subject than he is on one other question: What he will do, what he will accept, what does he want if his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination falls short? Does he seek the vice presidential nomination?

Jackson usually brushes off the question with a non-answer. But on a spring evening this year, James P. Gannon, editor of the Des Moines (Iowa) Register, sat with the candidate on the deck of Jackson’s mother’s home in Greenville and coaxed an answer from him.

“I do not have a longing ambition for a certain position,” Jackson said when asked specifically about the vice presidency. “My sense of public service is much broader than that. I have an interest, for example, in ending the war in Central America, which I could do without an official position, as a special envoy . . . the right working relationship with the President would allow me to serve our nation in many ways, without having a certain position.”

It is an an answer that characterizes Jesse Jackson, the candidate whose ambition exceeds public office, and whose campaign seemingly knows no end.

It’s 6 a.m. at Loyola High. Students are supposed to be asleep unless they’re on the swim team doing early morning laps at the pool. So why in the name of beach, surf and sunshine is the volleyball team practicing in the gym?

Welcome to February’s gym crunch time, when winter sports teams such as basketball are busy with playoffs and spring sports teams such as volleyball are gearing up for the start of their season.

“It’s pretty brutal,” said 6-foot-8 volleyball standout Blake Fahlbusch, who would prefer surfing in the morning and practicing volleyball in the afternoon.

Veteran coach Michael Boehle, sipping coffee, understands the routine is only temporary and does his best to get his players focused on their early morning routine.

The Cubs begin their season next week with the motivation that they have “unfinished business.”

Last year at one point they were the best team in Southern California, but there were too many distractions and too many obstacles to overcome. Players lost their home in the Palisades fire. Boehle found out he had prostate cancer. A well-known classmate, Braun Levi, was killed by a suspected drunken driver.

Boehle, feeling refreshed and excited after surgery removed the cancer, thinks the chemistry is better. Fahlbusch, a USC commit, is a candidate for best in the Southland because of his size and athleticism.

JP Wardy, a 6-4 Pepperdine commit, arrived from Newport Harbor to play his final year at Loyola, the school he was set to attend as a freshman until he moved to San Diego for family reasons.

It’s rise and shine for Loyola volleyball players during a 6 a.m. practice session.

(Eric Sondheimer / Los Angeles Times)

“It feels great to be back,” Wardy said. “I missed being at Loyola. I feel growing up, this was supposed to be the school I would go to.”

Loyola’s libero, Matt Kelly, is the brother of UCLA standout Sean Kelly. He’s committed to Loyola Chicago and considering how well his big brother serves, practicing against him has gotten Matt ready for anything. There’s also 6-6 Lucas Posell, a Princeton commit with a 4.7 grade-point average.

The usual title contenders should be the teams to watch with Loyola — Mira Costa, Redondo Union, Huntington Beach, Corona del Mar and Newport Harbor.

Mateo Fuerbringer of Mira Costa is a UCLA commit.

(Mira Costa)

There’s lots of top players, from juniors Teddy Mandelbaum and Mateo Fuerbringer of Mira Costa, both UCLA commits, to Taylor Boice of Redondo Union, a UC Irvine commit. Mira Costa has also added Jake Newman, a transfer from Mater Dei.

Boehle will be coaching in his 28th year, having won seven Southern Section championships. The Cubs have won every Mission League title since sharing the crown with Harvard-Westlake in 2007 and haven’t lost a league match since that season.

Loyola students cheer on the Loyola boys volleyball team during a match against Mira Costa on March 21, 2025.

(Steve Galluzzo / For The Times)

The annual Loyola-Mira Costa nonleague match that brings out fans en masse is set for March 20 at Mira Costa.

The Cubs open their season on Feb. 24 at home against Newport Harbor, so Wardy will be waving across the net to his former teammates.

As for his early impressions of his new team, Wardy said, “We’re good. I’m excited. Practices are competitive, which I really like because it helps us getting better.”

Feb. 18 (UPI) — U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff early Wednesday reported “meaningful progress” in tri-lateral U.S.-Russian-Ukraine talks in Switzerland on ending the war.

Crediting U.S. President Donald Trump‘s “success in bringing both sides of this war together” to enable the progress to be made in the U.S.-moderated talks in Geneva, Witkoff provided no details of what had been achieved.

“Both parties agreed to update their respective leaders and continue working towards a deal,” he wrote X.

The accounts of Russia and Ukraine of Tuesday’s talks, which lasted six hours, were less positive with Russia’s state-run TASS news agency reporting they were “very tense” while Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said they were “difficult” and accused Moscow of playing for time.

“Yesterday’s meetings were indeed difficult, and we can state that Russia is trying to drag out the negotiations, which could already have moved to the final stage. We are grateful to the American side for their attention to detail and patience in talks with the current Russian representatives,” said Zelensky in a post on X.

A source in the Russian delegation told TASS that all sides had, however, agreed to continue the talks on Wednesday.

The negotiations are being held against the backdrop of the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Feb. 24, with no sign of any let up in hostilities.

At least two people were killed and 25 injured in strikes across five eastern, southern and central Ukrainian provinces overnight after Russian forces launched 126 drones and one ballistic missile, according to a Ukrainian Air Force update on social media.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said one person was injured in the city of Cheboksary, 440 miles east of Moscow, after Ukraine launched a large-scale airborne assault into Russian territory overnight using attack drones. The defense ministry said air defenses downed 43 of the drones.

Two previous rounds of talks, in Abu Dhabi in January and earlier this month, were unable to gain traction in overcoming the main stumbling blocks of Russia’s demand that Ukraine cede territory and Ukraine’s insistence on cast-iron Western security guarantees.

The negotiations are based on a heavily revised version of a 28-point plan, first drawn up by Witkoff’s team and Russian officials in November, under which Ukraine would give up Luhansk and Donetsk, including areas its forces still control, in exchange for security guarantees.

Kyiv has ruled out giving up territory it still occupies but the Americans are pushing a compromise solution that would see those areas become a demilitarized “special economic” buffer zone.

However, the security guarantees remain the potentially most intractable issue with Moscow adamant they cannot involve Western boots on the ground — something Ukraine believes must be permissable for any guarantee to be credible.

AN AMERICAN rock star has quit an iconic emo band after nine years with the group.

It has been confirmed that rockers Dashboard Confessional will be losing a group member – nine years after he was first drafted into the band.

Drummer Chris Kamrada took to Instagram to confirm that he would be parting ways with his group in an emotional online message.

Writing his statement, the star penned: “After an incredible run together, Dashboard Confessional and I are parting ways.

“I’m incredibly grateful for the eight years spent travelling the world, playing and creating music together, and contributing to moments that I believe fans will never forget.

“After 20 years of doing this professionally, this chapter of a musician’s career will forever be bittersweet.

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“With that said, I simply want to say thank you to Chris, everyone in the band, family and close friends in our circle, our touring crew, and everyone involved behind the scenes.

“I’ll see you out there.”

Reacting to the news, he had a slew of fans replying to him in the comments to wish him luck in his next ventures.

One fan said: “I feel honored I was able to see you twice and then meet and hang out with you.”

Another added: “Absolute legend.”

With a third penning: “Amazing run. Cant wait to hear what’s next, friend.”

Before a fourth went on to write: “An incredible drummer in my favourite band.

“Still remember being handed a drumstick by you after a gig in London!”

The band were first formed in 1999 and have been performing ever since with various different members coming and going over the years.

Frontman Chris Carrabba had led the band since it’s inception.

The band achieved most of their success Stateside with their third and fourth albums both charting at number two on the US Billboard 200.

Chris previously played the drums for band There For Tomorrow for over a decade.

ONE country in Asia with incredible mountain scenery, Alpine lakes and a vibrant capital city is now so much cheaper for Brits to explore.

To encourage more holidaymakers to visit, Armenia has dropped visa fees, ahead of a budget airline beginning direct flights in just a few months.

Armenia isn’t a popular holiday destination for Brits yet, but this could soon change as it has scrapped visa entry requirements for the first half of 2026.

Travellers can stay in Armenia for up to 180 days within a one year period.

The rules are less strict to encourage tourism, particularly longer holidays as well as short city breaks.

Previously, the visa system meant travellers had to apply and pay a fee to enter the country – which at its most expensive cost around £30 and for a stay of up to 120 days.

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Lusine Gevorgyan, chairman of the tourism committee of Armenia, said: “This decision is a clear invitation to travellers around the world. Armenia is open and welcoming, and we look forward to sharing our culture, landscapes and hospitality with more visitors throughout 2026.

“With its ancient monasteries, dramatic mountain scenery, vibrant food scene and rich traditions, Armenia offers travellers a unique blend of history and modern life.

“From exploring Yerevan’s cafe culture and museums to discovering hiking trails and Unesco World Heritage sites, the country provides diverse experiences year-round.”

In a few months, Brits will be able to visit Armenia very easily as one budget airline will begin direct routes.

Wizz Air has gained new slot at London Luton Airport and will fly to  Yerevan, the capital of Armenia.

The flights will start on June 8, 2026 – these will be the only direct flight routes from the UK.

In August, one-way flights are as little as £38 and will take just over five hours.

The direct flights from Wizz Air will stop on October 23, 2026.

Armenia is incredibly affordable too.

Last year, travel insurance company HelloSafe studied the average daily budget required by travellers in 131 countries.

Taking into account expenses like accommodation, food, and transport, Armenia came out as being the sixth cheapest destination.

According to Wise, a meal at an inexpensive restaurant is on average £8.85 with a local beer costing as little as £1.57 and a coffee is under £3.

The country shares borders with Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan and Iran.

In the capital of Yerevan there’s lots to see like Yerevan Cascade which is a giant, art-filled stairway which has incredible views of the Mount Ararat mountain which sits across the border in Turkey.

Also in Yerevan is Republic Square, the central town square in the city which is a symbol of Armenia.

The buildings in the square include the Government House, the History Museum, the National Gallery and Armenia Marriott Hotel.

It also has huge fountains that are lit up and in the summer there’s even an evening show.

For those wanting to pick up a souvenir, head to Vernissage Market which sells handmade crafts, artwork, and jewellery.

An hour outside of is the popular spot of Lake Sevan which is one of the world’s highest freshwater alpine lakes.

It’s popular in the summertime with swimmers and those wanting to bask on its sandy banks.

The best time to visit Armenia is between May and June as well as autumn between September and October due to the mild temperatures up to 25C.

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For more on cheap holiday destinations, one in Asia is getting a new £168million airport.

And one man who left the UK to travel on £35 a day loved this unheard of destination with fairytale canyons.

The restaurant looks incredibly similar to the fast-food giant, with the same red and yellow colour scheme, and a logo that looks not unlike the iconic golden arches. But there’s one big difference.

A British couple in America were astonished when they stumbled upon a ‘vegan McDonald’s’ – and loved it so much they demanded it comes to the UK. Liam and Janine Day, known as Those Happy Days on social media, regularly share content about their global travels.

They are currently in the USA, and shared a clip about the incredible discovery they made in San Francisco, California. In the TikTok video, Janine is shown pointing at a McDonald’s before turning to point at another business across the road, which looks remarkably similar – with a few notable differences.

Speaking in the video, Liam said: “Something very weird is happening here. That’s a regular McDonald’s, but right across the street is a completely vegan one.”

The video then cuts to inside the restaurant, called Mr Charlie’s. Liam continues: “It looks exactly like a McDonald’s, with red and yellow and fast food screens everywhere, but everything here is plant-based.

“Vegan burgers, vegan chicken nuggets, vegan fries, even a vegan McFlurry. It even feels like the real McDonald’s inside.”

Showing close-ups of the food as he and Janine tuck in, Liam adds: “Can I say that the chicken nuggets were the most life-like I’ve ever had, and the burgers taste just like a McDonald’s burger. In fact, they’re better than McDonald’s burgers.”

Concluding he says: “The UK really needs a Mr. Charlie’s. In fact, every city in the world needs one of these.”

Although Mr. Charlie’s does feature a number of cheeky nods to the fast-food giant in its red and yellow colour scheme, and logo, which looks not unlike a certain iconic golden arches, it is not affiliated with McDonald’s. It currently has four branches in California, with another opening soon, as well as one in Sydney, Australia.

The menu offers a number of plant-based takes on McDonald’s food, with the Mr. Chuck looking very similar to the famous Big Mac, and Mr. FluffHead ice cream featuring the same signature swirl as a McFlurry.

In their video description Liam and Janine wrote: “We genuinely had to do a double take… There’s a real McDonald’s on one side of the road, and a fully vegan version of it on the other. Same red & yellow vibe, same fast-food menu boards… but EVERYTHING is plant-based. And honestly? The nuggets were the most realistic we’ve ever had. Like, scary good.

“The burger tasted just like the classic McDonald’s flavour too. If no one told you, you’d never know.

“UK… we are BEGGING for @mrcharlies to come over and take over the world. Would you try a fully vegan McDonald’s?”

According to vegan business website vegconomist, Mr. Charlie’s opened its first branch in 2022, and quickly became known as the ‘vegan McDonald’s’, with pop megastar Lizzo among those praising the food. Having already expanded to Australia, it reportedly plans to open branches in New Zealand and Singapore, but there is no word so far on whether it will come to the UK.

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The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office has updated its travel advice for a number of countries across Europe

The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) has revised its travel guidance for 29 countries, including numerous destinations that are popular with British holidaymakers.

On Wednesday, February 18, the FCDO updated its advice for travel to Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. The changes concern the European Union’s (EU) rollout of its new Entry/Exit System (EES).

Updated FCDO guidance states: “EES checks are being introduced in a phased way across external borders, with full operation expected from April 10, 2026. This means that when you travel into the Schengen area for short stays, you may need to register your biometric details, such as fingerprints and a photo.

“You do not need to take any action before you arrive at the border, and there is no cost for EES registration. On your first visit into a Schengen country, you may be asked to register your details at a special booth before proceeding to the immigration desk.”

Travellers are urged to follow the advice of staff at their point of entry. The FCDO alert continues: “You may also need to provide either your fingerprint or photo when you leave the Schengen area. Children aged 11 or younger will not have their fingerprints scanned but can be required to have their photo taken.

“EES might add a few extra minutes to each passenger’s journey, so brace yourself for longer waits than usual at the border. Until EES is fully implemented, your passport will continue to be stamped, even if you’ve already registered for EES.

“Once EES is fully operational, it will supersede the current practice of manually stamping passports upon arrival in the Schengen area for short stays, and you’ll input biometric details every time you enter or exit. If you enter the Schengen area via the Port of Dover, Eurotunnel at Folkestone or Eurostar at St Pancras International and you’re asked to register for EES, the information will be collected at the border before you depart the UK.”

A traveller’s digital EES record remains valid for three years. If you re-enter the Schengen zone within this timeframe, you’ll only need to provide a fingerprint or photo at the border, both upon entry and exit.

Imagine if a candidate for, say, the California Assembly appeared at a political event and delivered the following remarks:

“No to kosher meat. No to yarmulkes. No to celebrating Easter. No, no, no.”

He, or she, would be roundly — and rightly — criticized for their bigotry and raw prejudice.

Recently, at a candidates forum outside Dallas, Larry Brock expressed the following sentiments as part of a lengthy disquisition on the Muslim faith.

“We should ban the burqa, the hijab, the abaya, the niqab,” said the candidate for state representative, referring to the coverings worn by some Muslim women. “No to halal meat. No to celebrating Ramadan. No, no, no.”

Brock, whose comments were reported by the New York Times, is plainly a bigot. (He’s also a convicted felon, sentenced to two years in prison for invading the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6. No to hand-slaughtered lamb. Yes to despoiling our seat of government.)

Brock is no outlier.

For many Texas Republicans running in the March 3 primary, Islamophobia has become a central portion of their election plank, as a longtime political lance — illegal immigration — has grown dull around its edges.

Aaron Reitz, a candidate for attorney general, aired an ad accusing politicians of importing “millions of Muslims into our country.”

“The result?” he says, with a tough-guy glower. “More terrorism, more crime. And they even want their own illegal cities in Texas to impose sharia law.” (More on that in a moment.)

One of his opponents, Republican Rep. Chip Roy — co-founder of the “Sharia-Free America Caucus” — has called for amending the Texas Constitution to protect the state’s tender soil from Islamification by “radical Marxists.”

In the fierce GOP race for U.S. Senate, incumbent John Cornyn — facing a potentially career-ending challenge from state Atty. Gen. Ken Paxton — has aired one TV spot accusing his fellow Republican of being “soft on radical Islam” and another describing radical Islam “as a bloodthirsty ideology.”

Paxton countered by calling Cornyn’s assertions a desperate attack “that can’t erase the fact that he helped radical Islamic Afghans invade Texas,” a reference to a visa program that allowed people who helped U.S. forces — in other words friends and allies — to come to America after being carefully screened.

There hasn’t been such a concentrated, sulfurous political assault on Muslims since the angst-ridden days following the Sept. 11 attacks.

In just the latest instance, Democrats are calling for the censure of Florida Republican Rep. Randy Fine after he wrote Sunday on X: “If they force us to choose, the choice between dogs and Muslims is not a difficult one.” He’s since doubled down by posting several images of dogs with the words “Don’t tread on me.”

In Texas, the venom starts at the top with Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, who’s waltzing toward reelection to an unprecedented fourth term.

In November, Abbott issued an executive order designating the Muslim Brotherhood and the Council on American-Islamic Relations — the latter a prominent civil rights group — as terrorist organizations.

Not to be out-demagogued, Bo French, a candidate for Texas Railroad Commission, called on President Trump to round up and deport every Muslim in America. (French, the former Tarrant County GOP chair, gained notoriety last year for posting an online poll asking, “Who is a bigger threat to America?” The choice: Jews or Muslims.)

Much of the Republican hysteria has focused on a proposed real estate development in a corn- and hayfield 40 miles east of Dallas.

The master-planned community of about 1,000 homes, known as EPIC City, was initiated by the East Plano Islamic Center to serve as a Muslim-centered community for the region’s growing number of worshipers. (Of course, anyone could choose to live there, regardless of their religious faith.)

Paxton said he would investigate the proposed development as a “potentially illegal ‘Sharia City.’ ” The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development last week jumped in with its own investigation — a move Abbott hailed — after the Justice Department quietly closed a probe into the project, saying developers agreed to abide by federal fair housing laws. That investigation came at the behest of Cornyn.

The rampant resurgence of anti-Muslim sentiment hardly seems coincidental.

For years, Republicans capitalized on the issues of illegal immigration and lax enforcement along the U.S. -Mexico border. With illegal crossings slowed to a trickle under Trump, “Republicans can’t run on the border issue the way [they] have in the past,” said Jim Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin.

What’s more, cracking down on immigration no longer brings together Republicans the way it once did.

General support for Trump’s get-tough policies surpasses 80% among Texas Republicans, said Henson, who’s spent nearly two decades sampling public opinion in the state. But support falls dramatically, into roughly the high-40s to mid-50s, when it comes to specifics such as arresting people at church, or seizing them when they make required court appearances.

“Republicans need to find something else that taps into those cultural-identity issues” and unifies and animates the GOP base, said Henson.

In short, the fearmongers need a new scapegoat.

Muslims are about 2% of the adult population in Texas, according to the Pew Research Center’s Religious Landscape Study, completed in 2024. That works out to estimates ranging from 300,000 to 500,000 residents in a state of nearly 32 million residents.

Not a huge number.

But enough for heedless politicians hell-bent on getting themselves elected, even if it means tearing down a whole group of people in the process.

On the cusp of what promises to be a bitter showdown with major league owners, the players’ union has no leader. Tony Clark, the executive director of the Major League Baseball Players Assn., resigned under pressure Tuesday.

Why did Clark resign?

Clark and the union had engaged separate attorneys as federal authorities investigated alleged financial improprieties within the MLBPA, an affiliated licensing company and an affiliated youth sports venture.

The union also commissioned an investigation, initially focused on those allegations, that uncovered an “inappropriate relationship” between Clark and an employee, a person familiar with the matter confirmed to The Times, with the eight-man MLBPA player leadership team advising Clark that he should depart. The employee was his sister-in-law, the person confirmed.

The allegations remain under federal investigation, meaning that player leaders determined Clark could have been a liability on at least two fronts as players and owners head toward what is expected to be the most contentious collective bargaining in the sport in 31 years.

The Athletic first reported Clark had resigned; ESPN first reported on the relationship.

Who will replace Clark as the union leader?

The MLBPA issued a statement late Tuesday saying player leaders had met Tuesday. Players planned to canvass their peers scattered across spring training camps, then meet again Wednesday, with the possibility of voting on a new executive director then.

That could be either a permanent hire or an interim hire; the latter would reflect the urgency of the upcoming labor negotiation. Although the collective bargaining agreement does not expire until Dec. 1, Commissioner Rob Manfred said last week he expected talks on a new deal to start soon after opening day.

Bruce Meyer, the union’s deputy executive director and lead negotiator, would be the most logical successor. The MLBPA hired Meyer away from the NHLPA in 2018, one year into a bargaining agreement in which Clark and union negotiators were widely viewed as being badly beaten by Manfred and league negotiators.

No. It just acknowledged his resignation.

Is Meyer’s ascension a foregone conclusion?

Bruce Meyer in 2022

(Richard Drew / Associated Press)

Likely, yes, but not foregone. In 2021, with Meyer as lead negotiator and pushing for a better deal even as a 162-game season was threatened, players voted to accept the deal on the table. The union promoted Meyer into his current position in 2022.

In 2024, ESPN reported a majority of player representatives supported the replacement of Meyer with Harry Marino, who had unionized minor league players. Ultimately, Clark stuck with Meyer.

At this late date, however, internal bargaining preparations are underway, and Meyer is now a veteran of MLB negotiations. The goal is to “keep everything as stable as we can this year,” Angels pitcher Brent Suter told reporters. Suter is one of eight players on the union’s player leadership team.

Does this mean the players are divided and the owners are united?

No, and not that simple in any case.

On what looms as the core bargaining issue — the potential adoption of a salary cap — Clark and Meyer were aligned. Clark was the union voice calling a cap “institutionalized collusion,” with Meyer filling in the details of why the MLBPA believed a cap would not necessarily enhance parity and could leave players liable to receive a shrinking percentage of revenue over time.

Manfred has argued the current system helps elite players while squeezing the salaries and the jobs of the so-called middle class.

The owners currently appear united on pushing for a salary cap. If at some point they believe they have to do what the NHL did to get a cap — that is, lose an entire season — the interests of the large-market owners and the small-market owners could diverge.

What does this mean in terms of a potential lockout?

Nothing, really. Within the game, a lockout is considered all but inevitable.

Manfred has said he views a lockout as a negotiating tool. If MLB locks out players Dec. 1, no games are lost. If a lockout remains in place April 1, regular-season games could be lost.

In the last collective bargaining negotiation, owners locked out players in December, and a new deal was reached in March, preserving a 162-game season that started one week late.

Palestinians are marking the start of the holy month of Ramadan in Gaza where the impact of Israel’s genocidal war continues to be felt, despite a ceasefire in place since October.

A HUGE new family campsite is opening at a historic UK holiday park this summer.

Billing Aquadrome in Northampton is one of the oldest holiday parks in the UK dating back to 1945 when it opened shortly after World War II.

Sitting on 235 acres the resort has everything from a caravan site and funfair to a marina.

And now it is reintroducing its family camping offering for the 2026 season, after undergoing a massive revamp.

In the refreshed family camping area, guests will find 150 electric pitches as well as an amenities block and a play area.

Nikki Rathie, holidays director at Billing Aquadrome, said: “The return of camping for 2026 is something we know many families have been eagerly awaiting.

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“By reintroducing a premium family camping experience, we’re able to offer a much-loved family holiday experience at Billing Aquadrome which complements the other holiday styles on offer.

“This launch marks an exciting new chapter for the park following a year of major investment and regeneration.”

The park is also undergoing a massive £17million regeneration.

This includes new restaurants, the waterside Lake Club, Willow Lakes Aquapark, a BMX pump track, a Himalayan Adventure Golf Course and Adventure Island.

There is a newly opened Zen Den too, for families needing to escape the noise.

By the end of this year, a new indoor entertainment venue will also open.

Campers will also get access to all of Billing Aquadrome’s attractions such as the indoor swimming pool, which has a toddlers’ splash zone and a flume slide.

And guests can also enjoy a programme of activities and live performances including drive-in movie nights, Tough Mudder, an aqua assault course and paddleboard hire.

Guests won’t be charged extra for bringing a dog, having a gazebo or pup tent or any extra equipment.

There is a premium camping experience available as well with 150 electric pitches measuring eight metres by 10 metres.

Bookings for the new family campsite launch on March 26.

However, from February 17, families can sign up to be the first to know when bookings go live.

As part of the launch, 26 families from this sign-up list will each win a three-night break.

When it comes to the cost per night, prices will vary but current pitches available to book on Billing Aquadrome’s website cost from £25 a night during the summer holidays.

If you don’t fancy camping, Billing Aquadrome also has an array of other accommodation types including glamping.

For example, you could stay in one of their static caravans for two nights (midweek) for £129.

And for convenience when staying, there is an on-site shop, hair and beauty salon and a laundrette.

In other holiday park news, UK holiday park with its own shopping village, theatre and golf course plunges into administration.

Plus, the nine most popular Hols From £9.50 holiday parks of last year – as bookings open for 2026.

BRITS will have to carry a little more cash with them on holiday if they want to lounge about on this resort’s beautiful beaches.

The popular Spanish resort of Palma in Majorca has hiked the price of its sunbeds and parasols this summer.

Majorca has always been a popular destination with Brits – it sees between 2.3 to 3.6million tourists each year.

Holidaymakers flock to the island for sunshine in the peak months with daytime highs ranging from 25C up to highs of 40C.

The capital of the Spanish resort, Palma, is known for its huge cathedral, pretty streets filled with ice cream shops and boutiques as well as its beautiful beaches.

Now, local media has revealed that the price of sunloungers on some of Palma’s most popular beach spots has been upped to as much as £60 per day.

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Sunbed and umbrella prices will rise substantially from 2026 – the daily rate for both items will increase to €10 (£8.66), up from €6 (£5.20) in 2019.

Meanwhile, premium loungers will climb from €30 to €45 (almost £40) per day.

However, a picture on the sands of Cala Major reveals prices of premium loungers are as high as €70 (£60.87).

One of the few items to avoid a rise is the foldable canvas parasol, which remains at €30 (£26.12).

Along with the rise in cost of sunloungers, the number of them has actually been reduced.

In mid-2025, the Palma de Mallorca council announced it was planning to remove nearly 1,700 sun loungers from its beaches by 2026.

This is to increase free space for locals and address complaints about overtourism.

The reduction of sunbeds will be on Palma’s four main beaches; Playa de Palma, Cala Major, Ciutat Jardi and Cala Stancia.

The one with the largest reduction will be on Playa de Palma – the number of sunbeds will decrease from 6,000 to 4,436.

Another of its beaches, Can Pere Antoni, which isn’t managed by Palma council, will also have its sunbeds reduced from 200 to 94.

According to Mallorca Zeitung, the council also plans to let beachgoers reserve loungers and umbrellas via an online app by 2027.

Plus, one writer said they found the best kept secret in Majorca which was right by my hotel.

And this Balearic resort town is billing itself as a great winter sun destination – with £15 flights & 25C highs.

One of the U.S. Air Force’s C-32A VIP aircraft has re-emerged wearing a new red, white, and blue paint scheme. The same livery has recently been appearing on other U.S. government executive jets, and is nearly identical to one President Donald Trump had previously chosen for the future VC-25B Air Force Ones. The C-32As are commonly referred to as “Air Force Twos,” a callsign used when they carry the Vice President, but they are often used to transport the President, as well as other high-level officials and diplomats.

The C-32A with the new paint job was caught flying from Majors Airport in Greenville, Texas, yesterday by an aircraft spotter who goes by the handle @tt_33_operator on Instagram. The aircraft was using the callsign Vader 20 at the time. Online flight tracking data shows that the jet is serial number 99-0003. The Air Force’s Boeing 757-based C-32s are regular visitors to Majors Airport, home of L3Harris’ Mission Integration plant, which is a hub for conversions, upgrades, and other work related to large special mission aircraft.

The jet’s new paint scheme is white over dark blue, separated by red and gold cheat lines. The livery also includes a large American flag, depicted blowing in the wind, on the side of the tail. The flag has the same general style as the one on the tail of Trump’s personal 757, also commonly called “Trump Force One.” “United States of America” is in large lettering and a standard U.S. military ‘stars-and-bars’ insignia is also painted on the side of the fuselage of the C-32A. There is no readily visible serial number, which is in keeping with a policy that Air Mobility Command (AMC) enacted under President Joe Biden’s administration, ostensibly intended to improve operational security.

99-0003 has been at Majors Airport since at least last December, according to available tracking data. Spotters caught the aircraft arriving in Greenville on December 8, at which time it was wearing the blue, white and gold scheme typically seen on Air Force C-32s. Earlier this month, it was sighted completely stripped of paint.

The Air Force currently has some eight C-32As in its inventory. The service also operates a fleet of more secretive C-32B Gatekeeper personnel transports, which have overall white paint schemes.

TWZ has reached out to the Air Force for more information about the new livery on 99-0003 and what plans there might be now for applying it to the rest of the C-32 fleet or other aircraft.

For decades now, the Air Force’s C-32As have worn the same white-over-blue paint scheme, which is also found on Boeing 737-based C-40 Clippers. Other business jet-based executive aircraft the service operates wear similar liveries.

The typical C-32A livery shares distinct similarities with the one currently worn by the Boeing 747-based VC-25A Air Force One aircraft, but there are differences. The famed Air Force One scheme dates back to President John F. Kennedy’s administration, and was created with the help of legendary designer Raymond Loewy at the urging of First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy.

In 2019, during his first term in office, President Trump unveiled a new red, white, and blue scheme for the forthcoming VC-25B Air Force One aircraft. As already noted, the scheme is essentially the same as the one now seen on 99-0003.

President Biden subsequently reversed that decision, with the Air Force rolling out new renders of the VC-25B wearing a version of the Kennedy-era livery in 2023. In August 2025, following Trump’s re-election, the Air Force told Inside Defense it was “implementing a new livery requirement for VC-25B,” but did not elaborate.

There are certainly growing signs that the red, white, and blue livery that has now emerged on an Air Force C-32 is becoming a standard for executive jets across the U.S. government. The first aircraft to appear with this paint scheme was a 737 Boeing Business Jet (BBJ) with a luxurious interior and clear ties to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Details about that jet, which carries the civil registration number N471US, and has been flying around the United States and to destinations abroad since December, remain limited.

The U.S. Coast Guard, which falls under the purview of DHS, has now received the first of two modified Gulfstream 700 (G700) jets wearing this livery, as well. Also known as Long Range Command and Control Aircraft (LRCCA), the G700s provide VIP transport for the Secretary of Homeland Security (currently Kristi Noem), as well as other senior DHS and Coast Guard officials. The aircraft also fit into continuity of government plans in place to ensure U.S. authorities can keep functioning in the event of a host of different severe contingency scenarios, including major hostile attacks and devastating natural disasters. The Coast Guard already operates two LRCCA jets based on older, out-of-production Gulfstream models, which it says are becoming increasingly difficult to sustain. Older Gulfstream types are still in widespread service elsewhere across the U.S. government, including with the Air Force.

Separate from any deliberations over paint schemes, the Air Force has similarly been exploring various options for ultimately replacing the C-32As in recent years. The very last 757 rolled off Boeing’s production line in 2004, and the type has been in declining use by airlines and other operators globally, which has impacts on residual supply chains.

The Air Force had previously considered rolling a C-32 replacement effort into work on successors for the E-4B Nightwatch and E-6B Mercury command and control aircraft, but subsequently decided against that course of action. The Boeing 747-based E-4Bs are now set to be succeeded by E-4C Survivable Airdrop Operations Centers (SAOC) converted from newer 747-8i airframes, which could also take over some of the roles now performed by the E-6B. The E-4s and E-6s are commonly referred to as ‘doomsday planes’ because of the role they could play in launching nuclear strikes.

A proposed plan to augment the C-32 fleet with additional “large commercial derivative aircraft” was also put forward in the past. Most recently, the Air Force has laid out the possibility of supplanting its C-32s, as well as at least a portion of its C-40s, with a single common platform. Doing so would offer a way to simplify executive airlift operations compared to how things stand now with the two fleets of different narrow-body airliner types.

In the meantime, the Air Force has continued to upgrade its C-32 fleet, including making critical improvements to the jets’ secure communications capabilities and installing new interiors. You can read more about the latter, specifically, here.

There has been a surge of new executive aircraft developments under the current Trump administration, in general. This has been particularly visible in the acquisition of additional 747s in relation to the much-delayed VC-25B program. This includes the purchase of second-hand 747s from German flag carrier Lufthansa to provide training support and as sources of spare parts for the future VC-25Bs. The Air Force is also repurposing a highly-modified ex-Qatari VVIP 747-8i, ostensibly gifted to the U.S. government, as what is now being called a VC-25 bridge aircraft. TWZ has previously raised significant questions about the feasibility of using that aircraft in the Air Force One role.

Time will tell what the future may hold now for the Air Force’s C-32s, but at least one of the jets is now flying with a new paint scheme that is seeing growing use across the U.S. government. By the time the VC-25Bs enter service, they will likely be surrounded by identically painted executive airlift aircraft.

Update: 4:25 PM EST –

The U.S. Air Force has now confirmed that other C-32As are set to receive the new red, white, and blue paint scheme, and that this livery will also be applied to the future VC-25Bs and the ex-Qatari 747-8i.

“The Air Force is implementing a new paint scheme requirement (red, white, gold and dark blue) for VC-25B as well as the additional executive airlift fleet, which will include the new 747-8i and four C-32 aircraft,” a spokesperson for the service told TWZ. “The C-32s will be painted during regularly scheduled maintenance. The first C-32 has been painted and is expected to be delivered to the Air Force in the next few months.”

CBS News had first reported these details, citing anonymous sources, earlier today, following the publication of our initial story.

Special thanks again to @tt_33_operator for sharing the pictures of the C-32A wearing the new paint scheme.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

A BRITAIN’S Got Talent star was accused of a child sex offence just days before she was found dead at home, an inquest heard.

Kerri-Anne Donaldson, 38, reached the semi-final of the ITV show in 2014 as part of the group Kings and Queens.

An inquest heard today Kerri-Anne was arrested on suspicion of “child sex offending” but no further details were revealed.

The dancer was detained on June 4, 2023, and questioned at a police station.

She was discovered dead at home in Farnborough, Hampshire, three days later by her sister Cara Donaldson.

There was a note at the top of the stairs urging Cara not to come inside alongside photos of her dog and family.

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The song “You are so Beautiful” was also playing when Kerri-Anne was found, the inquest heard.

The court was told the performer’s cause of death was given as hanging.

A post mortem also found she had non-fatal levels of medication in her blood, which were consistent with an overdose.

The inquest heard evidence yesterday from Detective Constable Benjamin Harris, of Hampshire Constabulary, who led the investigation into the unknown accusation against Kerri-Anne.

He said her accuser had let police know the dancer threatened to take her own life “if someone finds out” about the allegation.

Det Con Harris said he had considered the possibility her comments could be a “form of control” against the complainant.

He said: “In my experience in some offences it can often be said without wanting to carry it out.”

The officer told the inquest the suggestion of self-harm was “something we take very seriously” and he reported it to his senior officers and advised his colleagues who arrested Kerri-Anne.

He said following the interview, he graded the dancer’s risk of self-harm as “standard”.

The officer added: “When I spoke to Kerri, which was after the interview, in the cell she presented to me at that time that she was fine, so normal.

“She had no indication that she wanted to take her own life, when that was spoken about with her she gave no indication that would happen.”

Det Con Harris said Kerri-Anne told him she had seen a counsellor previously and added: “She knew how to get help and she was in no way considering harming herself.”

But he told the court “with the benefits of hindsight” he should have included a question about the complainant’s comments when making the risk assessment.

The inquest heard yesterday how following her release from custody, Kerri-Anne failed to return home – causing her family to report her as a missing person.

She was later found at a Travelodge hotel in Woking, Surrey, after taking an overdose.

Cara said her sister told an emergency doctor at St Peter’s Hospital in Surrey that she had wanted to kill herself.

Recalling the tragic statement, she continued: “I just wanted to hug her.”

Psychiatric liaison nurse Serina Juru, who carried out a mental health assessment after the overdose, said today she assessed Kerri-Anne as at a “high and imminent risk of suicide” and rated her risk as level 10 out of 10.

She told the court the dancer said she could be sent to prison if convicted of the offence and that she “could not face that”.

The nurse added: “She wanted to end her life because she was embarrassed about what had happened.”

Ms Juru said she offered Kerri-Anne an “informal” admission to hospital for further assessment or home care support but she refused both that day leading her to start a “high-risk care plan”.

She said the performer also told her that if she was discharged into the care of her sister Cara, she would wait for her to leave to look after her children and then take her own life.

The inquest heard Kerri-Anne was discharged from hospital the following day into Cara’s care when Ms Juru was not on duty.

Psychiatrist Dr David Enright, who had assessed her, said she was “calm” and no longer thinking about suicide.

But Cara said when she drove her sister home on June 6, the dancer told her she had made the decision to take her own life.

She claimed the family had not been given any care plan or advice on how to assist the star when they left the hospital.

Cara also said she asked her sister about the allegation and was told she was not guilty and that it had “all been constructed”.

She said she spent the evening with her sister and was reluctant to leave her alone, saying: “If you do anything, Kerri, that will always be on my shoulders.”

Cara continued: “[Kerri-Anne] joked ‘I am not going to do that’, so I left.

“One of the last messages was ‘Thanks for everything today’ and she gave a heart emoji, I just thought she was OK.”

But when Kerri-Anne did not answer the phone the next morning, Cara went round to her home and discovered her dead.

Describing her sister, she said: “Heart of gold, full of fun, brought happiness to life, especially mine, career-driven, adored her family, adored her friends, fantastic dance teacher, everyone loved her.”

She said Kerri-Anne had been on television a few times and added: “Her main passion was to choreograph dancing.”

The Kings and Queens Latin dance troupe were a big hit with BGT fans, making it all the way to the semi-final of the ITV show.

Kerri-Anne performed alongside Neil and Katya Jones and Kai Widdrington, all of whom became professionals on Strictly Come Dancing.

Following her death, Neil said: “Kerri Anne Donaldson – remember that name and please never forget it because it belongs to a woman who loved to dance, create and perform, she had the cheekiest laugh and a heart of gold.

“She hated getting in the car with me, but would always listen to my crazy ideas, we shared so many moments and stories and she was always the voice of reason.

“Kerri you were my friend and like my big sister.”

Ex-Strictly dancer Joanne Clifton also paid her respects to the “beautiful dancer”.

She said: “I have no words… This is just heartbreaking.. truly devastating.

“We’ve known you and shared the dance floor with you basically all our lives.

“Dance up there with the angels Kerri.. you beautiful dancer, you beautiful soul.”

Amy Dowden echoed those sentiments, writing: “So shocked and sad. Such a beautiful dancer and kind soul.

“Sending love to all your family and friends. Heaven has certainly gained an angel. Keep dancing up there lovely.”

If you are affected by any of the issues raised in this article, please call the Samaritans for free on 116123.

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