WANT to know what true happiness feels like? You’ll need to ditch crowded European beaches for mud-covered, chill out sessions and freezing cold lakes.

Earlier this year, Finland was named the happiest country in the world for the ninth year running.

According to the World Population Review, Finland scored 7.74 out of 10 overall in the most recent index – compared to the world average which is 5.57.

The happiness score factors are calculated across six categories including social support, life expectancy and freedom to make choices.

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The report also mentions that top-ranked countries tend to have a combination of a higher income average, longer life expectancy and great freedom.

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So on a recent trip to Finland, I really put those stats to the test exploring different parts of Finnish life and culture to find out just why they are so cheerful.

Saunas

If the Finns are known for one thing, it is their saunas.

With a staggering 3.2million saunas compared to 5.2million people, there is nearly a sauna per 1.6 people.

And until experiencing the sauna culture in the country for myself, I didn’t get the hype.

But being in a sauna is the ultimate relaxation.

And they aren’t all the same kind – you get saunas of different temperatures, wood-fired saunas, smoke saunas and so on.

My favourite was the peat sauna, where I covered myself in mud and let it harden before scrubbing it off in the shower.

It is meant to do wonders for your skin and I did feel very refreshed and clean afterwards.

Saunas are also proven to be good for your health, with benefits for your heart, circulation and stress levels – promoting relaxation, better well-being and a decent night’s sleep.

Free foraging

In Finland, there are Everyman’s Rights – a traditional legal principle that allows everyone to freely explore nature without the landowner’s permission or having to pay a fee.

Whether it be swimming, walking, cycling or even riding a horse, you are allowed to do it all – even on privately owned land.

As part of the rights, you are allowed to pick wild berries, mushrooms and flowers as long as they are not protected species.

And Finland is abundant with tasty berries such as blueberries and lingonberries and mushrooms, such as chanterelles and porcini.

I love UK forests and it is always fun to see different mushrooms, but having such a variety that are safe to eat is something a little more special.

Forests & lakes

Seventy per cent of Finland is covered in forest and 10 per cent of the land area is lakes.

With that in mind, there are a lot of lush green places to walk and open calm waters to swim in.

In total, Finland has around 188,000 lakes with the largest being Lake Saimaa, which is where I visited.

Despite the water being a chilly 17C, thanks to the Everyman’s Rights you can dip in and out as much as you like.

The refreshing dips truly are invigorating and very relaxing if paired with a session in a sauna.

Most of the lakes are surrounded by dense forest with towering trees that look like they have been ripped out of a fairytale.

You can spend even longer enjoying it as you are allowed to pitch a tent for a night or two freely.

Kota culture

Across the parks, forests and at the edge of lakes you will find these cosy-looking indoor-outdoor cabins.

These are actually nicknamed ‘kota’ or ‘Grillikota’ and are shelters invented by the indigenous Sami people of Lapland around 4,000 years ago.

Over the years, the huts have been modernised relevant to today’s uses and now they are usually hexagonal or octagonal wooden cabins along hiking trails used to grill sausages and make food while enjoying outdoor adventures.

Public huts, such as those I found on one of the many islands on Lake Saimaa, are unlocked and free to use and are usually managed by the Finnish Forest Administration.

There only tends to be one rule and that is that the space must always be made for the newest, most exhausted hiker who arrives.

Firewood is also provided for free at public kotas and you must leave no trace.

Less people

Finland is about 1.4 times bigger than the UK, yet the country’s population (5.2million) is just over half the population of the UK’s capital, London (9.1million).

While initially I felt a little uncomfortable when walking around Imatra and seeing no people, it means that everywhere is so peaceful and constantly clean.

The entire time I was in Finland I didn’t see a single piece of rubbish – but with an incentive of around 20 cents per bottle you recycle, it’s easy to see why.

For the last few weeks, Indonesia has been struggling to contain the land and forest fires on its territory. The disaster leads to a cross-border haze crisis affecting neighboring countries, including Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, and the Philippines. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto’s approaches to the environmental issue arouse uncertainties about his commitment toward ASEAN cooperation and good relations with surrounding states. Prabowo’s inaction on Malaysia’s and Brunei’s plan to take the matter to the ASEAN meeting is also questionable, considering his image as a “foreign policy president.”

Recurring regional environmental crisis

The transboundary smoke caused by peatland fires mostly originates from Indonesia, specifically the islands of Sumatra and Borneo. The slash-and-burn method used to clear land is a main factor contributing to the widespread fires, with El Niño season worsening the situation. To mitigate seasonal disasters, the Indonesian government has attempted to strengthen domestic regulations, yet the problem persists. The haze is not simply an environmental issue, as it has a cross-boundary impact in various aspects of Southeast Asia. Wildlife is at risk, schools are forced to move online, people are experiencing respiratory issues, and other public activities are severely disturbed.

ASEAN member states have understood that this problem should be solved regionally for quite a long time. They have maintained coordination under the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution (AATHP), which was fully ratified by all members in 2015, with Indonesia ironically being the last to ratify. However, the agreement lacks strong implementation, as the willingness of the party to act is a significant part of the treaty. This may reflect the ASEAN Way’s value of highly respecting the sovereignty of other member states.

Indonesia’s officials stated that they are committed to the AATHP. They emphasize their own actions of reporting daily updates to the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Transboundary Haze Pollution Control (ACC THPC). They also openly accept assistance from foreign countries to put out the fires. Nevertheless, President Prabowo’s reaction to seeing this issue as a regional problem is nowhere to be found. He indeed made some meaningful gestures in response to the forest fires, yet he mostly saw it from a purely domestic lens. For instance, Prabowo visited several hotspots in Riau, Sumatera, and provinces in Borneo. At a recent high-level government meeting, he also instructed the chief of the Indonesian police to enforce the laws against perpetrators of forest fires, including several corporations, and to conduct further investigations.

Is Prabowo really committed to ASEAN?

As the impact of the smoke has reached neighboring countries, an official statement or public apology from Prabowo is urgently needed. This political gesture will reassure ASEAN citizens that Indonesia is responsible for this matter and willing to cooperate with other member states. For instance, during the 2015 and 2019 Southeast Asian haze disasters, President Joko Widodo showed that he publicly regretted that the fires affected Malaysia and Singapore, and he even felt embarrassed as Indonesia was the primary source of the smoke.

Furthermore, making a formal apology is not always a sign of weakness, as it demonstrates a deep respect for the other party. Prabowo himself apologized to Vladimir Putin for not being present at the ASEAN-Russia Commemorative Summit, which he openly stated during a visit a few days ago. He may also do the same to ASEAN leaders to calm relations amid the crisis.

Despite reports that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia and relevant institutions are actively communicating with other ASEAN states, a clear statement from Prabowo is still required.

A lack of response on regional coordination may leave observers wondering, as Prabowo is known as a foreign policy president and a “de facto foreign minister.” Since the first day of his administration, he actively engaged with global leaders through overseas trips. As of June 2026, Prabowo has visited 29 countries and engaged in over 50 international engagements. This number reflects his strong interest in connecting with foreign counterparts. He also reached out to various powers and blocs, including participation at the Board of Peace (BoP) and a recent official trip to Russia.

However, Prabowo seems to ignore the reality of the current regional crisis caused by fires originating in his country. He remained silent on Brunei and Malaysia’s intention to discuss the issue at the ASEAN level. Even when the foreign public went into uproar through demonstrations at the Indonesian Embassy in Kuala Lumpur and heavy criticism on social media. His choice to focus more on the domestic side of the environmental crisis raises questions about his priority to work with ASEAN.

In the long run, Prabowo’s lack of enthusiasm for ASEAN collaboration will damage Indonesia’s long-standing image in the region and challenge the basis of the country’s foreign policy. Since 1967, Indonesia has always been taking a dominant role in the organization. No wonder the country is associated with the terms “ASEAN de facto leader” and “natural leader.” Indonesia, along with other member states, helps ASEAN to grow as one of the leading regional organizations, and conversely, the bloc strengthens Jakarta’s bebas aktif foreign policy principle. ASEAN has become a platform for Southeast Asian small and middle powers to articulate their foreign policies when engaging with external actors in the middle of great-power competition.

Despite many criticisms of ASEAN’s consensus mechanism, Prabowo still needs to maintain the commitment toward the regional bloc. To date, ASEAN continues to be relevant for Indonesia, especially during the ongoing haze crisis, as stated in Law 38 of 2008 that ASEAN is a cornerstone of Jakarta’s foreign policy.

ITV’s Long Lost Family is back for another emotional episode on Thursday night

A Long Lost Family guest breaks down in tears as he receives news about his sister.

The emotional ITV series, hosted by Davina McCall and Nicky Campbell, sees the hosts strive to reunite family members who have never met, including twins separated at birth and young mothers who had to give up their babies.

On Thursday’s episode, the show hears from Jake, 36, who lives in Australia but was born and grew up in the UK in a single parent family. Jake always knew that he was the result of an extra marital affair. His mother had been a nurse and had met his married father when he was a doctor at the same hospital.

Jake recalled that when he was a newborn, his father occasionally visited, bringing his two children Katie and Tom, who were aged five and three at the time. One of Jake’s most precious keepsakes are two photographs of his brother and sister holding him as a baby.

However, sadly, his mother’s relationship with their father did not last, and Jake never saw his siblings again. When he was 14, Jake and his mum emigrated to Australia.

Despite not seeing his siblings since he was a child, Jake has been desperate to find them and contacted Long Lost Family for help, emotionally saying: “I feel like I always missed out. I missed out on something, that, you know, was really a connection that I craved really. I’ve always somewhat felt a little bit alone. And I just need that connection.”

Sadly, Jake was unable to successfully meet his father after attempting to track him down and therefore unable to learn any more about his siblings. Jake had also tried multiple other avenues to find his siblings, but Katie and Tom appeared to have vanished off the face of the earth.

Even Long Lost Family struggled locating the siblings through their conventional searches. However, the team soon discovered in the series’ files something surprising after receiving thousands of applications.

Months before Jake had applied to the show, Long Lost Family received an application from a woman in Canada called Katie, who was looking for a birth father – with the same surname as Jake’s father. Following a DNA test, it confirmed that Katie was Jake’s half-sister, in an incredible discovery.

Katie is a lawyer who now lives in Toronto and she had no idea that she even had a younger brother. The duo’s brother, Tom, supports Katie’s decision but has chosen not to be involved in any filming at this time.

In an exclusive clip obtained by the Mirror of Thursday’s episode, it sees host Davina share the news with Jake, who breaks down in tears over the discovery.

Asking where his siblings live, Davina explains: “So… Katie, her mum met her stepdad. They moved to… Australia!” Jake is left floored by this discovery as he too moved from the UK to Australia. The guest exclaims: “No way, you’re kidding! No way!” before wiping away tears.

Jake adds: “So they weren’t even that far away. I can’t believe it!” Davina then adds that Katie is a lawyer and she has since moved to Toronto.

The guest then asks: “Did they enjoy Australia? Were they happy?” with Davina responding: “They’ve had good lives, I think the family situation, it’s been difficult for all of you, I think, in different ways.

“I think it’ll be really nice for you to be able to speak together about it. Weirdly, we found her because… she applied to Long Lost Family to find your dad.” This piece of information leaves Jake in tears as he exclaims: “Wow!”

Viewers will have to tune into Thursday’s episode to see the two siblings have an emotional reunion.

Long Lost Family continues on Thursday 17th September at 9pm on ITV and ITVX

Donald Trump Jr. has a lot more in common with his dad than just a name, sharing the president’s penchant for shady dealings and for kleptocratic Russians. Sometimes the two proclivities go together. That was the case in May, we learned this week from ProPublica, when Don Jr. married his second wife during a three-day Bahamian bacchanal bankrolled partly with hundreds of thousands of dollars from a Putin-allied oligarch the Trump scion met only recently.

I had to wonder — recalling Don Jr.’s response in 2016 on learning Russia helpfully wanted to dump dirt on Hillary Clinton — whether he replied in kind when his new Russian friend, Umar Kremlev, offered the wedding grift, er, gift: “If it’s what you say I love it.”

My second thought was that Don Jr. is just like his dad in wanting to spend other people’s money, even as the Trump family has accrued billions since President Trump has been back in office. (Cue the continued silence from the sleuths of Hunter Biden’s laptop.)

Just days before ProPublica’s exposé, at last week’s midterm Republican convention in Dallas, the elder Trump proffered a gift of $5,000 to every one of the roughly 270 million adult Americans. But the eponymous “Trump dividend” would come only if Republicans keep their House and Senate majorities after the November midterm elections.

The tab? More than $1 trillion, roughly $1.3 trillion. How generous Trump is with the U.S. Treasury, despite the news just last month that rattled bond markets and raised interest rates: The United States’ gross debt has exceeded $40 trillion. As Trump told CNBC in 2016: “I love debt. I love playing with it.” We can’t say he didn’t warn us. Even before his proposed 5K giveaway, Trump was on track to break his first-term record for adding to the unsustainable U.S. debt ($8.4 trillion).

Trump’s unprecedented offer of a post-election payout provoked predictable cries of “bribery” from Democrats and other critics. But legality aside, even the appearance of a bribe isn’t what bothers me most about the proposal.

For one thing, it won’t happen. No one will be receiving a $5,000 Trump dividend, just like no one received the DOGE dividend or $2,000 tariff refund he previously promised. Even if Republicans pull off a miracle and retain control of Congress, those in power show no zeal for his budget-buster, not after their complicity in adding trillions to the debt since last year with tax cuts, war costs and this, that and the other Trump pet project. And Congress indeed would have to act, under the Constitution, despite suggestions from the obsequious Treasury secretary, Scott Bessent, that Trump could act alone. (But “I’m not ready to discuss it at present,” Bessent told a House committee on Tuesday.)

No, what bothers me most about Trump’s idea — what outrages me — is the damnable fiscal irresponsibility of it.

Trump has turned much of historical Republican orthodoxy on its head, including on immigration, trade and policy toward Russia. But his utter disregard for annual deficits — a record $2 trillion for this fiscal year that ends Sept. 30 — and his shameful profligacy with taxpayers’ money is something Americans haven’t seen in their lifetimes, in either party. Worse, Trump implies otherwise, that he is fiscally responsible, and he does it with lies that are so easily refuted, so often contradicted by his own words, that it’s a marvel that even such a chronic prevaricator as himself can utter them.

This week Trump is still claiming that the $5,000 dividend will be paid for because “we’re taking in trillions and trillions of dollars” in revenue from his inflationary tariffs on more than half of the goods imported into the country. The actual number isn’t even close to that, and he should know it: The data that nonpartisan analysts are crunching are from the government he supposedly runs.

In 2026, tariff revenue through August was just under $200 billion, but more than half of that already has been spent on refunds to big corporations including Amazon, Walmart and Home Depot, in keeping with a Supreme Court ruling against some of Trump’s tariffs. And as if Trump’s dividend proposal weren’t mendacious enough, in making it he seems to have forgotten his claim in his State of the Union address in February that he would use the tsunami of tariff revenue to abolish the federal income tax.

And one last thing: Even if each adult American got $5,000, subtract from that the nearly $2,000 that each household has paid, on average, because of higher tariffs since Trump took office, according to the nonpartisan Tax Foundation.

In this one dumb idea, in sum, the giveaway manifests just about all that is wrong with Trump as president: The lying, of course. Fiscal recklessness. The trashing of commendable Republican doctrines. The Trump bubble of sycophantic yay-sayers. And, in turn, the seat-of-his-pants policy idiocy, from war-making to White House demolishing.

The lack of any actual policy deliberation behind Trump’s $5,000 shocker was clear in his lackeys’ flailing and contradictory reactions — not just Bessent’s specious claim of presidential authority, but also Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick’s inane insistence the administration could somehow “earn the money that Donald Trump wants to pay out” and National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett’s comment, contrary to Bessent’s, that the White House is indeed looking to Congress for funds.

The good news? Americans get it. Recent polls have the percentage approving of Trump’s handling of the economy as low as 28%. Significant majorities say they are worse off since he became president again.

Such numbers portend an election result that isn’t likely to be changed by a promise of $5,000. Especially from a serial promise-breaker.

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A river that is home to about 500 saltwater crocodiles has been given the OK to host Olympic and Paralympic rowing and canoeing events at the 2032 Brisbane Games.

The course on the Fitzroy River in Rockhampton, Queensland, has passed an independent technical assessment into its suitability.

The assessment did not consider the crocodiles but instead looked at “how the course would perform under a range of conditions, weather patterns, water levels and flood risk at both Games time and throughout the period leading into the Games”.

The report was commissioned by the Games Independent Infrastructure and Coordination Authority (GIICA), which noted, external that the Fitzroy River Flatwater Facility “is already a training and competition venue for flatwater sports, supporting school state championships, local regattas, and national team training camps”.

As a recognised rowing facility, contingency plans are in place at events for when crocodiles are spotted and Olympic officials have previously been assured of rower safety.

World Rowing and Paddle Worldwide, formerly International Canoe Federation, both endorsed the course.

“Based on the extensive analysis undertaken, we now know that the Fitzroy River is capable of providing fair competition conditions during the period of the Games, consistent with the requirements of Olympic and Paralympic Rowing,” World Rowing President Jean-Christophe Rolland said., external

Paddle Worldwide President Thomas Konietzko said: “The quality and depth of the technical work undertaken has significantly improved our understanding of the field of play and provides confidence to us and our athletes that the course can deliver fair competition for Canoe Sprint athletes.”

Brisbane 2032 President Andrew Liveris played down the issue of crocodiles last year.

“There are sharks in the ocean and we’re still surfing… it’s a can do, not a can’t do – please change the mindset here,” he said at the time.

Speaking on Thursday about the venue having now been given the go-ahead, he said: “The endorsement provides additional certainty as we move into the next phase of venue planning and Games delivery, ensuring all future design and operational work continues to focus solely on Rockhampton.”

Saltwater crocodiles – known locally as Salties – live in both freshwater and saltwater and can grow to be in excess of six metres long.

President Donald Trump says the United States is “hopefully toward the end” of its war with Iran, claiming that he has directly spoken to officials in Tehran, raising the prospect of renewed diplomacy even as fighting has erupted in Yemen.

However, there is still no confirmation from Tehran that direct negotiations with Washington have resumed. Just a day earlier, a senior Iranian official publicly rejected talks unless Iran’s conditions were met. Tehran, which has, in effect, closed the Strait of Hormuz, has been demanding that the US honour the terms of the deal signed in June.

Trump’s comments come as the conflict has expanded into Yemen, putting increasing pressure on global energy supplies amid an Iran-imposed blockade of the strait through which a fifth of global oil and gas passes. Oil prices crossed $100 per barrel last week and continue to rise as Iran-linked Houthis have damaged Saudi oil installations amid renewed fighting.

So, what is the latest on the diplomatic front, and will the war end soon?

What is Trump saying?

“Well, hopefully we are toward the end of the war,” he told reporters on Wednesday. “They want to make a deal. We’ll see how that works out.”

When asked by a reporter whether he had recently heard from the Iranian side, Trump said he had spoken with them “directly”.

The comments come after Trump on Monday said he was open to talks, and added that Iran “wants to make a deal, quickly and badly” and that he would decide whether Washington would engage with Tehran.

However, Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, accused Trump of sending “mixed signals” and said “no talks until Iran’s conditions are met”.

Trump’s claim that he has heard from Iran “directly” is significant because negotiations between Washington and Tehran have repeatedly depended on intermediaries, including Qatar, Pakistan and Oman. This is not the first time that Trump has claimed direct communication with Iran.

Former Iranian diplomat Abbas Khameyar dismissed Trump’s claims. “I don’t think there has been any additional effort beyond what was already under way in recent weeks,” he told Al Jazeera.

There is a US narrative, he stated, “with tweets and statements by President Trump claiming that the Iranians are calling, pleading and asking for a meeting. But nobody believes this, and matters have not unfolded in that way.”

He added that Iran’s diplomatic activity has not moved beyond the framework already in place in recent weeks, centred on securing enforcement of the existing Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) rather than opening new negotiations.

What is the latest on the US-Iran diplomacy front?

On Thursday, Iran’s semiofficial Tasnim news agency reported that Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi held a telephone call with Pakistani army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, who has been leading the high-stakes diplomatic and mediation efforts between Washington and Tehran.

Araghchi held the phone call while still in Beijing, during which they discussed and consulted on the latest regional developments and issues of mutual interest, according to Tasnim.

A day earlier, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi called on the US and Iran to exercise restraint and “reopen the Strait of Hormuz at an early date”, following his meeting with Araghchi in Beijing.

Araghchi, in a statement after the meeting, said that Tehran seeks “the restoration of calm to the region and friendly and peaceful relations with our neighbours”.

“In this regard we have begun dialogue with the countries of the region,” he added.

In a post on X, Araghchi described consultations with Chinese officials as “successful”, saying Tehran values the strategic partnership it has built with Beijing.

“Today’s decisions will decide the future strategic balance in the region, with immeasurable knock-on effects,” Araghchi said on Thursday.

China has avoided direct involvement in the war, but President Xi Jinping, at the BRICS summit in New Delhi over the weekend, offered Beijing’s willingness to play a role in peace efforts. He called on BRICS nations to advance peace in the Middle East.

Huiyao Wang, president of the Center For China and Globalization think tank in Beijing, says China’s role in international affairs is increasing in importance during the current geopolitical turmoil.

“China has an enormous role to exercise if needed. So the mere fact that the two fighting parties have no end in sight shows the need for a big guarantor to come in … I think the US wants to end this war and they also need China’s help,” Wang told Al Jazeera.

Meanwhile, US media outlet Axios is reporting that Trump is expected to meet Gulf leaders on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly next week to discuss the conflict, which has hugely affected oil exports from the Middle Eastern countries.

Diplomatic efforts have repeatedly stalled since a Pakistan-brokered MoU signed by Washington and Tehran collapsed last month, as the two sides accused each other of violating their commitments.

The MoU was supposed to kick-start a 60-day period for peace talks between the warring sides and included provisions for the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, which has become a major flashpoint in the war.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said earlier this month that Tehran would return to the agreement if Washington did the same.

What do we know about the Houthi meeting with US officials?

US officials met representatives of Yemen’s Houthi movement at the US embassy in Muscat over the weekend, five sources told Reuters news agency. Oman helped organise the meeting.

The Houthis told US officials they did not intend to attack American vessels and remained committed to their 2025 ceasefire with Washington, according to two sources.

One source said they also pledged not to target Israeli or other commercial vessels, with the exception of Saudi ships.

The conflict had largely subsided in recent years after a 2022 ceasefire between the Saudi-backed government and the Iran-aligned Houthis, but reignited in July.

In recent weeks, the Houthis have seized Yemen’s entire Red Sea coastline to cement their grip on the key Bab al-Mandeb strait – a vital maritime route connecting Asia with Europe – while declaring a blockade on Saudi shipping.

The strategic waterway is a critical maritime corridor linking the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and has become an alternative shipping route as the US war against Iran choked the Strait of Hormuz.

IN LESS than five years the UK is set to get a new theme park that’s the only one of its kind in Europe.

Universal United Kingdom Resort, as it is officially known, will be located in Bedfordshire and is set to open in 2031.

Universal has always been at the forefront of new theme park upgrades, from letting guests use wands to cast spells in The Wizarding World of Harry Potter to interactive dragon robots at How To Train Your Dragon – Isle Of Berk.

Now the company has applied for FOUR new patents, giving fans a sneak peek at what to expect at their theme parks in the future.

These include a hybrid ride vehicle that can transition between being suspended from a track – as if it is floating through the air – to floating on the water.

Images show that the boat-style car would connect to an overhead arm and then when it enters the water it would detach from the arm and float like a normal boat.

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Another patent reveals an AI guide – an audio tour that would be able to see your surroundings and then talk to you.

It isn’t clear yet what the AI guide would be used for by Universal, but it sounds like it could be along the lines of a Google Lens or Pokemon Go experience.

It is also unclear whether these patents are specifically for the UK park or all parks.

What we do know though, is that this week the Universal United Kingdom Resort announced the 23 contractors, engineers and architects that will be used for the project.

Contractors include the team behind the 2012 London Olympic Stadium as well as The Eden Project in Cornwall, the O2 Arena, a number of airport expansions and Battersea Power Station.

Previously announced details about the first Universal destination in Europe include that it will be located on a site in Kempston Hardwick, Bedfordshire – about 45 miles from London.

The park will spread across 476 acres and feature the theme park as well as hotels, restaurants, shops and even room for possible future expansion.

The theme park will be split into four “zones” – the Core Zone, Lake Zone, West Gateway Zone and the East Gateway Zone.

Accommodation and business hotels will be in the Lake Zone, as well as an entertainment complex and a convention centre.

West Gateway Zone and the East Gateway Zone will be where guests arrive by train and car, with restaurants and hotels.

This is also likely to be where the Entry Plaza area will be, as well as parking and a 500-room hotel.

When it comes to what will actually be inside the theme park itself, there are plenty of rumours flying around.

What we do know is that there will be indoor and outdoor rides, as well as areas for shows and entertainment.

The plans state: “[Guests will] experience blockbuster attractions, adrenaline-pumping coasters, and mind-blowing spectaculars.

“They’ll come face-to-face with incredible creatures, heroes, and villains.

“They’ll discover great food, new laughs, new ways to play, and step into immersive worlds they’ve only ever dreamed of.”

There will also be a maximum height of anything in the theme park of 115metres – which if this were to be a rollercoaster, it would take over from Red Force at Ferrari Land (part of PortAventura World) in Salou, Spain, as the tallest in Europe.

Despite Universal not confirming the park map or rides that will feature, industry speculation expects the attraction to focus on its British roots with much-loved franchise Harry Potter featuring.

Other famous films set to play a part in the theme park include Paddington Bear and James Bond.

There are also rumours that Jurassic World, How to Train Your Dragon, Despicable Me/Minions and Shrek could also feature.

Rail lines near the theme park will also get upgraded with a new station on the East West Rail and Midland Main (Thameslink) Line.

It is expected to cost £5billion to bring to life.

We all want to experience those additional delightful perks when staying at a hotel, and there’s one sure way to bag a late check-out for free, and it’s all about timing

Checking into a hotel is a little slice of luxury, whether it’s for a quick city break or a rural escape in the countryside. So it’s no wonder that we want to make the most of every moment in our boutique abode or lavish room and take advantage of a late check-out, something you can often get for free. That’s if you know what to do, and believe it or not, timing is everything.

For several years, I worked as a hotel receptionist, managing room upgrades, check-ins, dinner reservations, special occasions, check-outs, and all the other guest perks that we could provide for free. One of which was a late check-out, and it became a frequent request. Even more so when guests have enjoyed cocktails in the hotel bar and need to vacate their rooms by 10am the following morning. But we wouldn’t and couldn’t hand out a free room update to everyone.

The housekeeping staff needs to access the rooms promptly so they can clean them all thoroughly before the next batch of guests arrives at 3pm, with time of the essence, particularly for Friday arrivals. This meant that we’d only allow a handful of late room check-outs each day, and there was a specific time to ask for the best chances of scooping one of these coveted perks.

Most guests would assume that asking for a late check-out on the morning of their departure was the best option. I can recall countless times when I’d receive a call from a guest at 9.55am asking for a late check-out, and most of the time my answer would be no. For one, it’s too last-minute, and there could be a guest checking into that specific room later that day. Secondly, by this time, I could have already dished out a few late check-outs to other guests, with no more wiggle room for any more, considering housekeeping time constraints.

So you need to plan ahead, and I don’t mean asking before you’ve even arrived. Instead, swing past reception on your way to dinner or afterwards on the way back to your room, the night before you check out. If you’re staying for a few days, wait until your last evening to ask for the request. This would always be the best time to hand out late check-outs, and I’ll explain why.

Typically, the reception desk is quieter in the evening, so staff have more time to handle requests and check the system to see how a late check-out can work in favour of the next day’s arrivals. They can check whether the room the guest has asked for a late check-out in has an arrival the next day; if not, a late check-out is super easy to offer. They can also check for any late arrivals into that room for the following day, move rooms around for the next arrivals, or simply check how many they’ve already dished out.

As mentioned, we would only offer a handful at a time, and the earliest we’d agree to a late check-out would be the night before their departure. Plus, room keys were not programmed until the morning of arrivals, so there’s a lot more flexibility in the evenings to move things around. It’s also worth noting that many hotels will prioritise requests from those celebrating a special occasion, so tick that box!

The worst time to ask for a late check-out is before you’ve even arrived at the hotel or checked into the room. There can be countless changes at hotels: reservations can be cancelled, people can switch rooms, and issues can arise, so it’s hard to predict what pressures the hotel might face to turn rooms around in time for the next arrivals. So always ask the night before you check out.

If you want to try your luck, you could politely request a late check-out on your booking notes. This way, the hotel will read it and deal with it appropriately and in their own time, most probably the night before. We would always do our best to meet requests, but sometimes our hands were tied. Just don’t ask when you check in, it’s the last thing on our mind to sort.

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

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Stay in a Stables Lodge Room and wake up to a traditional Welsh breakfast, with the waterfalls and hiking trails of Gwydyr Forest on your doorstep.

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2 night Victorian seaside break in Devon – £169

Take a trip to “Little Switzerland” in North Devon, so-named due to its gorges, deep valleys and dramatic cliffs that will mentally transport you to the Swiss Alps.

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Basketball superstar Kyrie Irving has offered to pay a fine for American football player Azeez Al-Shaair, who was penalised for wearing the name of Hind Rajab, a Palestinian girl killed by Israeli forces in Gaza.

Al-Shaair was handed a fine of $11,941 by the National Football League (NFL) on Wednesday as he was found to be in breach of the NFL’s rules on players’ equipment and clothing during his team Houston Texans’ game against the Buffalo Bills last weekend.

Shortly after the fine was announced by an NFL reporter on X, the pro-Palestine basketball player responded to the tweet by saying he would “take care” of it.

Al-Shaair, 29, is a linebacker for the Houston-based NFL team and a vocal advocate for Palestinian rights.

During his team’s last NFL game, Al-Shaair wrote Rajab’s name on his eye black, a sticker or paint frequently used by NFL players to reduce glare.

Five-year-old Rajab was killed in Gaza after Israeli soldiers opened fire on her family’s stranded car. A phone call by the Palestinian Red Crescent documented her final moments and was the subject of an Oscar-nominated docudrama.

Al-Shaair, a Black American Muslim player, has frequently spoken about the plight of Palestinians and has paid the price for it.

He was also fined in January, during the NFL’s last season, when he displayed the message “Stop The Genocide” on his nose tape. While it did not specifically refer to a particular conflict, it was widely understood to be about Gaza and Sudan.

NFL criticised for ‘inhumane’ fine on Al-Shaair

The NFL’s fine on Al-Shaair comes at a time when Robert Kraft, the owner of the Boston-based team New England Patriots, confirmed that he pressured pop star Ed Sheeran to drop rapper Macklemore from his tour of the United States.

The billionaire is the owner of Gillette Stadium in Foxborough, Massachusetts, one of the venues where Macklemore was due to appear on stage as the opening act for Sheeran’s US tour in late September.

Letting Macklemore perform in Gillette Stadium would, Kraft said, cross a line, as he described the rapper’s recent performances as including a “broader history of anti-Semitic rhetoric and imagery”.

Kraft is known for launching a so-called “anti-Semitic campaign” during Israel’s genocide in Gaza in 2023, when players, coaches and executives from his Patriots team wore blue pins.

On October 15, 2023, the NFL observed a moment of silence for Israel during a game between the Baltimore Ravens and the Tennessee Titans in London, United Kingdom, while the league has sanctioned its player for raising awareness for Palestinians.

The NFL was criticised on social media for slapping a fine on Al-Shaair, with one user calling the move “inhumane”.

“He is advocating for the murder of this innocent child Hind Rajab in Palestine and they fine him?! Nah, that is so inhumane. You should be ashamed of yourself,” the user wrote.

Prominent American Muslim scholar Omar Suleiman questioned whether Al-Shaair would have faced a similar punishment if his tape carried the name of Holocaust victim Anne Frank instead.

“Why is honoring murdered Palestinian children ‘an unauthorized message’?” he asked in a post on X.

Meanwhile, the Texas chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations backed Al-Shaair over his continued advocacy for Palestinians.

“We commend Al-Shaair for using his platform to highlight the memory of Hind Rajab, one of the many children murdered by the Israeli government during its genocide in Gaza,” the rights group said in a statement on its website.

“The NFL has no problem with coaches wearing pins developed for genocide supporter Robert Kraft’s “Stand Up to Jewish Hate” campaign, and it should have no problem with an NFL player mentioning the name of a girl killed in that genocide,” the statement went on to add.

“Al-Shaair’s message was rooted in basic human decency and concern for innocent lives. That should not be controversial, much less subject to a fine.”

Irving’s pro-Palestine stance

Meanwhile, nine-time National Basketball Association (NBA) All-Star Irving has previously made his pro-Palestine stance on Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza clear.

In February, Irving wore a shirt reading “PRESS” at the NBA All-Star Game to honour journalists who had been killed in Gaza while covering the war.

According to reports, the tag on his shirt read: “Dedicated to our beloved journalists in Gaza showing the world the truth.”

In April, Irving changed his display picture on Instagram to an image of a Palestinian child blocked from attending school by Israeli soldiers in the occupied West Bank.

During a pre-game interview in 2024, he was seen wearing a chain with the Palestine flag in the shape of Israel’s landmass.

In 2023, the basketball player wore a keffiyeh, a cotton headdress with a distinctive checkered pattern worn in many parts of the Arab world that represents Palestinian identity, during a post-match news conference.

José Rivera’s “Marisol” came out around the same time as Tony Kushner’s “Angels in America,” and both plays, vibrating with millennial anxieties, carry the earthly battle for human survival up to the heavens.

There’s a dramatically prominent Angel (Taylor Scott) as well in Rivera’s drama, now in an Open Fist Theater Company revival at Atwater Village Theatre. This celestial warrior has been protecting Marisol (Jade Santana) without her knowing it throughout her life. Marisol, referred to by a publishing colleague as “Miss Puerto Rican Yuppy Princess of the Universe,” still lives in the Bronx and is assailed by dangers just getting to and from work every day.

After an incident on the subway with a deranged man threatening her with a golf club, Marisol returns to her cramped, noisy apartment to learn that her guardian angel is abandoning her to enlist in the battle to replace a senile God, who (to judge by the ailing state of the universe) has grown too old for the job.

Jack Sharpe and Jade Santana in ‘Marisol’ at Open Fist.

(John Dlugolecki)

Marisol will have to fend for herself in New York, a dystopian landscape where crime is rampant, poverty is pervasive and the unhoused are threatened by roving gangs of Nazi skinheads who set them on fire for kicks.

What follows is a modern picaresque journey, in which a clever underdog has to rely on her wit and wiles to survive a corrupt and perilous world. Rivera’s play, which won an Obie Award, caught fire in its 1993 New York premiere at the Public Theater with its theatrical street sense, savage imagery and Puerto Rican-inflected magical realism.

The apocalyptic fears boiling up in the play are perhaps even more acutely felt today, with the ravages of climate change compounding each year and the threat of AI hanging an existential cloud over our heads.

But what’s most satisfying about this reencounter with “Marisol” is seeing a new generation embrace the play’s kinetic freedom. Rivera, who received an Oscar nomination for his adapted screenplay for the 2004 film “The Motorcycle Diaries,” solidified his reputation with this play after his breakthrough work “The House of Ramón Iglesia.”

Director Amanda Weier and her company approach “Marisol” as though it were a new play. The quicksilver changes of scene in this urban hellscape are handled with crisp dispatch. Subway cars and burned-out streets don’t require much in the way of elaborate illustration for the overhang of menace to be felt.

Occasionally, particularly in the early going, the blocking and Christopher Moscatiello’s sound design seemed to be working at cross-purposes. The production’s adventurousness, traversing every corner of Brad Bentz’s scenic design, can have a diffuse effect.

But the clever props design (Bruce Dickinson and Anna Krause) fills in any shoestring gaps. And Mylette Nora’s costumes artfully conjure both the underworld and the spiritual realm.

Jade Santana and Hutchins Foster in ‘Marisol’ at Open Fist.

(John Dlugolecki)

Santana’s Marisol, likable yet spiky, anchors the revival. Her interactions with the golf club maniac (Matthew Goodrich) and the scarred homeless man (Hutchins Foster) are fearfully intense, as they should be.

Grace Soens, who plays June, Marisol’s confederate at work, and Jack Sharpe, who takes on the role of Lenny, June’s mentally disturbed brother, expand this unstable world, where it’s hard to know who to trust.

“Marisol” is rife with ambiguity. One of the biggest questions is whether Marisol is dead or alive. But the surreal reality extends to the map of New York. Marisol can no longer tell if she is heading north or south. And the number of characters wielding golf clubs as deadly weapons raises the concern that the villains are interchangeable — and that the good guys have all fled.

One thing that’s certain is that Marisol will have to take up the fight for her own future. With no one left to protect her, she’s learning to look after herself and those she cares about. To become, in other words, the hero that’s needed to turn this momentous struggle around.

A new burger joint in La Castellana, an affluent neighborhood in eastern Caracas. Photo: Santiago Bernal.

Any Venezuelan can tell you how unpredictable our country is. This uncertainty, almost idiosyncratic to Venezuela’s national identity, can be felt before you even arrive. You never really know what awaits you when visiting from abroad, no matter how many times you have made the trip before.

This trip, my first since Maduro was captured by US forces in January and less than two months after the deadly earthquakes that devastated parts of the country in June, was certainly unusual from the beginning.

I arrived in Valencia, a city with a small airport poorly equipped to handle the hundreds of passengers diverted from Maiquetía International Airport, the country’s largest. To reach my hometown of Mérida, I had to take a flight departing from another city, Maracay, because Valencia’s airport was too crowded with international flights to accommodate additional domestic routes. The flight departed not from a conventional commercial terminal, but from a small facility inside Venezuela’s largest Air Force base, surrounded by some of the Russian anti-aircraft equipment and fighter jets that had spectacularly failed to prevent Maduro’s extraction. The check-in process had to be done in a mall in the city, a few kilometers away from the base, to which we were transported in a small shuttle bus. The process was surprisingly efficient.

The road between El Vigía’s airport, which serves Mérida, and the city was in better condition than I expected, although the scars of decades of underinvestment remained clearly visible. In some places, sections of road that had collapsed in landslides more than two years ago were still buried under rubble.

I arrived in Caracas after a drive in a taxi equipped with a Starlink antenna, a gadget that until not too long ago could land you in prison.

As we approached Mérida, I spotted a car-carrying truck filled with brand-new Toyota models.

I could not remember the last time I had seen one of those while living in Venezuela. Maybe 15 years ago? In any case, what would be an unremarkable sight in most countries had become extremely rare in Mérida, a state whose economy depends heavily on its university and small-scale tourism, two sectors devastated by Venezuela’s decade-long economic crisis.

After arriving in Mérida, I realized that the car carrier was serving one of several car dealerships that seemed to have resurfaced across the city, all filled with new vehicles. They were also visible on the streets: hundreds of new Chinese models, alongside smaller numbers of Japanese, Korean, and American cars, were driving around Mérida for the first time I could recall in years.

This may sound banal or superficial, but Venezuela’s aging car fleet had long served as a stark reminder of the country’s economic demise. Between 2014 and 2018, car sales collapsed, reaching a historic low of just 2,000 vehicles sold nationwide in 2018. Seeing a model manufactured after the early 2010s outside Caracas had become highly unusual.

The situation has changed since 2025, when more than 38,000 cars were reportedly sold across the country. That remains a fraction of the more than 300,000 vehicles sold in pre-crisis 2007, at the height of Hugo Chávez’s oil boom, but it is enough to make a noticeable difference.

The return of (limited) consumerism

Mérida’s urban landscape has also been transformed by the hundreds of new stores that have opened across a city where economic stagnation and widespread power outages forced countless businesses to close over the past decade. The same phenomenon was evident in Caracas, where I arrived after yet another tour through Maracay’s Air Force base, and after a drive in a taxi equipped with a Starlink antenna, a gadget that until not too long ago could land you in prison and can now be purchased online through different national authorized distributors.

Beyond new cars, large sections of the city, including old Chacao in Caracas’s affluent east, appear to be undergoing an incipient but rapid process of gentrification, reminiscent in some ways of iconic European neighborhoods such as Gràcia in Barcelona, Ruzafa in Valencia (the Spanish one), or Shoreditch in London.

Chacao’s Bolívar Square is marked by a striking contrast. Its 18th-century church still bears large cracks caused by the earthquakes, while the surrounding streets are now filled with lively atmospheric restaurants and cafés that would not look out of place in Lisbon or Barcelona, and fitted with contactless payment systems charging prices that match those of many large European cities.

These businesses serve a small but very real segment of the Venezuelan population that can afford them. That group is not necessarily limited to enchufados.

This raises an obvious question: how can these businesses be profitable in a country where typical salaries remain around $220–280 a month, less than a tenth of the already meager average European salary, and where living what might be considered a relatively normal life has been estimated to cost around at least $800–1,000 a month per person?

The answer is that these businesses serve a small but very real segment of the Venezuelan population that can afford them. That group is not necessarily limited to enchufados, people who have enriched themselves through their connections to government corruption. Exact figures are difficult to establish, but managers in private companies can reportedly earn around $1,200 a month, while senior professionals in some sectors, including medicine, can make several thousand dollars a month in private practice, depending on their specialization.

The widespread adoption of Cashea, a fintech company offering consumers interest-free microcredit for everyday purchases, has also increased the purchasing power of a broader segment of the population. Cashea’s success is visible not only in Wall Street, but also in its extraordinary penetration of everyday commerce. Its recognizable yellow logo now signals that the service is accepted in businesses ranging from large clothing stores in shopping malls to small kiosks, and funerary homes.

You can even use Cashea to pay for a ride with Yummy, Venezuela’s equivalent of Uber.

These businesses still operate within a heavily dysfunctional financial system, distorted by an artificially low exchange rate and an economy constrained by high inflation and low productivity. Yet they serve a segment of the population that is slowly turning into a small, resurgent middle class. That group is helping drive growth in specific sectors, most notably real estate, which has reportedly expanded by around 30 percent in 2026.

This modest revitalization has coincided with an important reduction in street violence. Today, around 60 percent of Venezuelans report feeling safe walking at night, according to Gallup, something difficult to imagine only a few years ago. This is one factor helping explain the revival of nightlife in places such as Chacao, Caracas’ historical center and, to a lesser extent, parts of Mérida.

A similar transformation was evident in Margarita Island, a place I had not visited in almost two decades.

Most of these changes began before the US intervention in Venezuela. But they appear to have accelerated and spread in the months following Maduro’s capture.

Known as the “Pearl of the Caribbean,” Margarita’s tropical beaches, tax-free stores and fascinating history attracted large numbers of European and Latin American as well as Venezuelan tourists during the 1990s and early 2000s. Some of my own fondest childhood memories are, in fact, on the island.

That changed dramatically after 2014, as Venezuela’s political, economic, and public-service crises deepened, leaving the island in a state of abandonment.

Today, Margarita is experiencing a modest but noticeable revival in domestic and international tourism compared with the previous decade. This has been partly fueled by significant investment from domestic and international hotel chains, which now offer a wide range of accommodation, from relatively affordable all-inclusive packages to high-end luxury experiences.

After several years in which the island received mostly Russian and Polish tourists, Margarita is once again welcoming growing numbers of international visitors, particularly from Colombia, and Brazil. Many tourism operators are already looking forward to the possible return of American visitors in the short to medium term.

Less than 15 minutes from the mall in Pampatar, I also visited a community that has gone more than six months without running water.

People I spoke to said Margarita feels more alive and prosperous than it did between 2016 and 2019, the worst years of Venezuela’s crisis, even if the situation remains vastly different from the island’s golden age thirty years ago.

Cities such as Pampatar and Porlamar are experiencing a revival similar to what I saw in Mérida and Caracas, with new restaurants and stores filled with customers. In Pampatar, I visited what was probably one of the largest and most modern shopping malls I have ever seen, comparable to those in Miami or Madrid, filled with stores selling American and European brands whose prices I often found prohibitive even by European standards.

Most of these changes began before the US intervention in Venezuela. But they appear to have accelerated and spread in the months following Maduro’s capture, as the idea that something resembling a normal life might again be possible seems to be taking hold in some.

There is, however, a large elephant in the room. Improvements remain largely cosmetic and circumscribed to a small part of the population.

Far from fixed

On the other side of the Avila, the mountain that separates Caracas’ gentrified neighborhoods from the Caribbean sea, over 12,000 people who lost their homes in the earthquakes wait for solutions in dozens of temporary camps erected among the ruins of their apartments.

But the limitations of this apparent resurgence are perhaps most obvious in the dismal state of public services. Hours-long power outages were common in Mérida and Caracas throughout my stay. Less than 15 minutes from the mall in Pampatar, I also visited a community that has gone more than six months without running water. Its residents make a living largely by collecting and selling salt from the island’s salt flats, with virtually no gear, or protection from the region’s unrelenting weather. 

Businesses, hotels, and even many households have adapted to what are, in practice, nonexistent public services. Solar panels, batteries, and water tanks allow those who can afford them to maintain a large degree of independence from the State-provided services.

For most Venezuelans, however, these solutions remain unaffordable.

The same is true for healthcare and education. Both systems remain crippled by chronic underinvestment and neglect. The Venezuelan public health system remains severely understaffed and unable to provide adequate services to most of the population, while out-of-pocket health costs represent a large proportion of total health expenditure and less than 10% of the population can afford private insurance. In terms of education, despite a recent increase in school enrollment, the number of students has fallen by almost 2.8 million compared with figures reported in January 2024, as large numbers of high-school students continue to leave their studies to work.

Venezuela is far from fixed, and it will never truly be as long as chavismo remains in power. But it is certainly not the same country I left in 2019, nor the same country it was before January 3.

Many of the people I spoke to still want to leave, especially now that expectations of a quick transition to democracy have been tampered by the warm relationship of the Trump administration with Delcy Rodriguez. Others have decided that a somewhat normal life in Venezuela is once again possible and that, despite its uncertainties, it may be preferable to the immense challenge of migration in an increasingly hostile world.

Yes, these improvements are fragile, uncertain, and profoundly unequal. They exclude most of the country. But they are also an opportunity: Not only for some to live a relatively normal, easier life. But also a chance to build on whatever progress has been made and keep pushing towards the deep institutional and political reforms that only a democratically elected government can implement.

Ally Sentnor, Ary Borges and Taylor Suarez scored in Angel City’s 3-1 victory over the Seattle Reign on Wednesday night at BMO Stadium.

In the 18th minute, Angel City midfielder Maiara Niehue’s volley attempt drew a handball on Seattle Reign midfielder Angharad James-Turner. Sentnor converted her second penalty kick in consecutive weeks to open the scoring.

Off a corner kick from defender Evelyn Shores in the 40th minute, an unmarked Borges headed it home to double the lead. Within 30 seconds of subbing on, Suarez raced past multiple defenders and placed it in the side-netting for the 3-0 lead in the 81st minute.

Defender Sofia Huerta’s long-range blast in stoppage time provided the Reign with their lone goal of the game.

Angel City (10-8-6) is unbeaten four matches unbeaten and now only trails the Reign by a point for the last spot in the playoffs. The loss ended a three-game winning streak for Seattle (11-9-4).

On September 12, 2026, United States President Donald Trump stood in Dublin alongside Irish Prime Minister Micheal Martin and said in a cool tone that the Houthis “called us, and they don’t want to fight us”, adding that the group was “allowing ships to pass” and that the situation would “work out very well”.

His remarks came just as Houthi forces had completed their takeover of the coastal town of Dhubab and Perim (Mayyun) Island, which divides the Bab al-Mandeb strait into two shipping channels, after seizing the strategic port of Mocha. This gave them a direct presence at the entrance to one of the world’s most important waterways.

Trump was speaking against the backdrop of a Houthi announcement that they would blockade Saudi oil supplies to Asia and Saudi commercial shipping, signalling the collapse of the traditional “security-for-oil” formula.

What is happening at Bab al-Mandeb is not an isolated event, but the latest in a long series of US retreats from security commitments that for decades underpinned the “security-for-oil” relationship between Washington and the Gulf states.

This is not a passing political position, but a profound shift in the regional security landscape: the United States is choosing not to intervene militarily against an armed group designated as terrorist that controls one of the world’s most important straits and whose actions go beyond the logic of conventional deterrence.

Trump’s remarks: Substance and strategic context

In Dublin, Trump said the Houthis had contacted the US administration seeking to avoid confrontation with Washington. He said they were “allowing most ships to pass” and that the problem was limited to “one country”, which he did not name – an apparent reference to Saudi Arabia – promising to “take care of fixing that”.

He also said the United States had “tight control” over the Strait of Hormuz and that about 25 ships were passing through it each day on average, despite maritime sources denying this.

On the ground, Trump’s remarks suggested that the Houthis remain wary of US military force and American deterrence, which has already put considerable pressure on their regional backer, Iran. They were therefore prepared to bargain, just as they accepted US conditions in 2025.

At the same time, Trump’s directives – as relayed by US military and civilian officials – revealed a clear hierarchy of priorities: Iran as the principal threat, securing the Strait of Hormuz as the vital artery for oil and gas flows, and avoiding another military front in Yemen.

This reflects a narrow strategic logic. From Washington’s perspective, Bab al-Mandeb is less vital to American oil interests than to flows towards China and other Asian markets that compete with the US economy. And because Trump believes the Houthis “are not targeting American ships”, direct intervention would, in his view, place an unjustified additional burden on US forces already exhausted by the Iranian front.

Trump’s position also cannot be separated from domestic politics. The US-Iran war has eroded his political support after he promised to keep the United States out of Middle Eastern wars.

According to The Los Angeles Times, Trump told Fox News that he “might not do it because of the elections”, referring to avoiding further military escalation before the congressional elections. Opening a new front in Yemen could further complicate matters for Republicans in closely contested House and Senate races.

Meanwhile, Saudi circles denied an Axios report claiming that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had called Trump twice on the eve of the Houthi takeover of the coast on September 10, urging him to strike the Houthis, and that Trump had refused.

The sources pointed to Axios’s own July 29 report on Saudi Defence Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman’s visit to Washington, which said he had told the US vice president that the kingdom could manage the confrontation with the Houthis itself and did not need US military intervention. They regarded the two accounts as contradictions in the reporting of Axios’s Barak Ravid.

Observers in Riyadh see the restrained US position as part of a broader policy: the administration currently has no intention of taking direct military action against the Houthis. At the same time, Admiral Brad Cooper, commander of US Central Command, travelled to Riyadh for urgent coordination talks with Prince Mohammed, indicating that Washington is seeking to “intensify its support” for Saudi Arabia while avoiding direct military involvement – a formula well understood in Riyadh.

Trump sought to reassure Saudi concerns by describing the crown prince as a “good friend” and promising that “everything will work out very well”. But he offered no specific military commitment, and the White House announced no explicit guarantees to protect Saudi energy infrastructure or maritime routes.

This reluctance also follows a series of US decisions that have demonstrated a growing retreat from its security commitments in the Gulf. During his first term, Trump did not respond to the 2019 Aramco attack, for which the Houthis claimed responsibility but which was believed to have originated from Iraqi factions to the north. The attack temporarily knocked out half of Saudi oil supplies.

In February 2026, the United States joined Israel in attacking Iran without consulting its Gulf allies and has since faced growing difficulties defending them against Iranian attacks. US forces are now heavily preoccupied around the Strait of Hormuz, limiting their ability to respond to another front in Yemen.

Paradoxically, Washington, now bogged down in Hormuz, appears to need Saudi help in containing Iranian disruption at Bab al-Mandeb, rather than the other way round.

Since the war began on February 28, Riyadh has resisted all US pressure to become involved in a confrontation with Iran for two reasons. First, it believes such pressure carries an implicit aim of portraying the Saudi front as part of the Israeli front. Second, it was not consulted over the launch of the war and is not prepared to be worn down in a conflict serving Israeli objectives.

The erosion of the US umbrella and the fate of the ‘security-for-oil’ formula

Since the 1970s, the US-Gulf relationship has rested on a clear but implicit bargain: the United States provides a security umbrella protecting the Gulf states and energy routes, while the Gulf states ensure a steady flow of oil to the global economy at reasonable prices.

This was more than a bilateral understanding between Riyadh and Washington. Gulf security meant oil security, and oil security meant the security of the Western economy, making the bargain a pillar of the international energy system for decades.

Today, there are mounting signs that this formula is beginning to collapse.

First, strategic abandonment: Trump’s refusal to defend Bab al-Mandeb, and his response to the Houthis’ request that the US stay out of the conflict in return for allowing American ships to pass – effectively a political deal – marks a watershed. For the first time, the United States is clearly hesitating to defend energy security and a pivotal ally against a direct threat to global energy infrastructure. This is not temporary hesitation, but a redefinition of the US commitment.

Second, the redirection of priorities: Washington’s focus on the Strait of Hormuz and avoidance of a front in Yemen point to a new approach: not a comprehensive security umbrella, but selective protection of direct US interests. Hormuz matters because it carries Gulf oil to markets on which the US economy depends, while Bab al-Mandeb – from Trump’s perspective – primarily serves exports to China and Asia, interests Washington does not consider worth further military investment.

Third, military exhaustion: the US military is exhausted by the war with Iran and its stocks of advanced interceptor missiles have been depleted. This is structural rather than temporary, reflecting a growing inability to manage multiple fronts.

Fourth, domestic politics: the erosion of Trump’s political support because of the Iran war makes further military expansion politically costly. What was once a guarantee of Gulf security – US power – has become hostage to domestic electoral calculations.

Does this mean the end of the “security-for-oil” formula? Not necessarily. But it does point to a fundamental shift from a bilateral US-Gulf arrangement to a more complex, multilateral one.

The US umbrella has not disappeared, but it has contracted. The United States still maintains forces in the region and remains focused on the Strait of Hormuz, but its commitment is no longer comprehensive or unconditional.

Saudi strategic hedging

For years, Riyadh has been pursuing alternatives through strategic hedging. Its announcement of a 14-state multinational defensive maritime alliance – including Turkiye, Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan and Djibouti – is an attempt to fill the US security vacuum, while US or European naval forces are also deployed around the strait as part of similar Western coalitions.

Saudi Arabia is also strengthening its air and missile defences, developing its naval capabilities and deepening defence ties with countries including Turkiye and Pakistan. These efforts have included the “Strategic Mutual Defence Alliance” with Pakistan and the Mecca alliance with Turkiye and Pakistan in August 2026.

What we are witnessing is not the end of the US umbrella, but its shift from a “comprehensive guarantee” to “conditional and limited support”, forcing Gulf states to rethink their collective security.

The Saudi position on industrialised countries’ disregard for supply security

Saudi Arabia now faces one of its most serious security challenges: the Houthis control Bab al-Mandeb, are choking Saudi trade and have already launched drone and missile attacks towards Saudi territory.

Saudi oil exports to Asia fell from around 3.4 million barrels a day in June to just 128,000 in August, before partially recovering to 700,000 this month. Oil prices have meanwhile exceeded $107 a barrel, while the price of a gallon of petrol in the United States has risen by 35 percent.

The real danger is the simultaneous disruption of two maritime chokepoints: Hormuz, through which about 20 percent of global oil and gas supplies pass, is almost closed because of the US-Iran war, while Bab al-Mandeb, which accounts for 10-12 percent of global oil, is under Houthi control. Closing both could block about a quarter of global supplies.

Even without complete closure, the continuing threat creates a permanent “risk premium” on prices, according to economic analysts. Although Saudi Arabia benefits in the short term from higher prices, it is strategically harmed by instability because Vision 2030 depends on foreign investment, tourism and stability, not temporary wartime oil revenues.

Riyadh has long played a leading role in stabilising oil markets, frequently using its position as a swing producer to limit volatility. But amid the indifference of industrialised countries to supply security and the threats facing energy sources and routes, Saudi Arabia cannot put aside the dangers to its own security, sovereignty and people for countries that disregard the geopolitics of energy.

For this reason, Saudi Arabia has previously declared that it “will not bear responsibility for any disruptions or shortages in global oil supplies” resulting from Houthi attacks on its oil facilities.

This is more than a warning. It redefines the implicit social contract with its allies: Saudi Arabia is no longer prepared to act as guarantor of last resort for global energy security without something in return.

Its message is that the international community – particularly the major industrialised countries that benefit from oil flows – must share responsibility for protecting maritime routes, rather than leaving Riyadh to bear the cost alone.

‘Collective responsibility’ as a new security doctrine

The Saudi Ministry of Defence reinforced this approach in its statement on the proposed maritime alliance, stressing that “the security of international maritime routes is a collective responsibility that requires effective and sustainable international partnership”.

This is more than a diplomatic appeal. It amounts to a reformulation of the regional security contract: Saudi Arabia is not asking industrialised countries to defend Saudi interests, but to help protect their own interest in the continued flow of oil on which their economies depend.

In July 2026, Saudi Arabia announced a “Multinational Defensive Maritime Alliance” of 14 founding states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Pakistan, Turkiye, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Bangladesh, Nigeria, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia.

At least 43 countries and organisations attended the founding meeting in Riyadh. The alliance may mark an important turning point, reflecting an implicit Saudi acknowledgement that the US umbrella is no longer sufficient and that Riyadh must build its own security capabilities with regional allies.

US exposure: A deeper strategic reading

Trump’s statements downplaying the Houthi takeover of Bab al-Mandeb and his refusal to intervene reflect not only a political decision, but a structural weakness in US deterrence.

The United States is unable to manage multiple fronts. Its concentration around the Strait of Hormuz limits its ability to respond in Yemen; fighting has depleted stocks of advanced interceptor missiles; and the unpopularity of the war and approaching congressional elections constrain its freedom of action.

From the perspective of countries in the region, the US military presence in the Gulf is no longer an unconditional security guarantee. The question of whether allies could be abandoned again is pushing decision-makers from Riyadh to Abu Dhabi, Kuwait and Doha to diversify their security and defence partnerships.

That means deeper defence ties with Turkiye and Pakistan, stronger air and missile defences and naval capabilities, maintaining open channels and seeking risk-reducing understandings with regional powers including Iran, and multinational maritime alliances to protect navigation.

But these alternatives have limits. Can any regional alliance fully compensate for the absence of a major power such as the United States when confronting threats on the scale of Iran and its proxies? US intelligence, logistical and interception capabilities have no regional equivalent, leaving a security gap that cannot quickly be filled.

The new regional order: Towards multipolarity

What we are witnessing is not merely a passing security crisis, but the emergence of a new regional order marked by the decline of unilateral US dominance. The United States is no longer the sole security power in the Gulf, as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkiye and Iran gain weight and Gulf states diversify their partnerships and seek more collective regional security arrangements.

Trump’s response to the Houthi takeover of Bab al-Mandeb is therefore not simply a political position, but a sign of a tectonic shift in the regional security order. The “security-for-oil” formula that governed US-Gulf relations for decades has not formally ended, but it no longer provides the guarantees on which it was built. The US security umbrella remains, but it has become selective, conditional and subject to domestic US calculations unrelated to the interests of the Gulf states.

Saudi Arabia, caught between the hammer of the Houthis at Bab al-Mandeb and the anvil of Iran at the Strait of Hormuz, is pursuing a different approach: insisting that protection of maritime routes become a “collective responsibility” and that it should no longer bear alone the cost of protecting the interests of industrialised countries dependent on its oil.

This position – backed by the announcement of a multinational maritime alliance – marks the beginning of a redefinition of the regional security contract, although significant questions remain over whether ambition can be translated into capability.

Oil prices above $107 a barrel may be only an early sign of what lies ahead. If US exposure continues and regional understandings guaranteeing freedom of navigation remain out of reach, the world could face an energy crisis comparable to those of the 1970s, but without a US security umbrella ready to contain it.

Bab al-Mandeb is therefore more than a maritime strait. It reflects the end of one era and the beginning of another, in which Gulf security is no longer an American gift but a collective responsibility still searching for new arrangements.

Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, appears to favour a combination of deterrence and avoiding all-out war. Rather than sliding into open-ended attrition, it seeks to support national allies on the ground, enable the Yemeni state to restore its sovereignty, contain the logic of the militia and build a national doctrine that limits external penetration.

Yemen’s stability is no longer a purely Yemeni matter, but a first line of defence for the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandeb and for the cohesion of the Arab sphere, with Riyadh and Cairo remaining central pillars in confronting projects of disintegration and fragmentation.

Within this emerging order, the Saudi-Egyptian partnership is becoming a cornerstone of regional security. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s expected visit to Cairo and summit with President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi give practical expression to the principle of “collective responsibility”.

Riyadh and Cairo recognise that the security of the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandeb is not a local matter: it is vital to the Suez Canal and Egyptian economy, and forms strategic and security depth for Saudi Arabia.

By coordinating diplomatic and military action, supporting the full liberation of Yemen and containing the reach of the militias, the two countries are helping shape an autonomous regional security order intended to fill the vacuums left by retreating international powers, protect international navigation and confront shared threats from a position of parity and capacity.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The head of Air Mobility Command (AMC) on Wednesday offered some new details about what went into repairing a KC-135 Stratotanker riddled with shrapnel holes from an Iranian attack. We have previously written about a couple of these jets damaged during Operation Epic Fury (OEF) as they came through RAF Mildenhall in the U.K. on their way back to the U.S. for comprehensive repair work. We are also getting new information of how AMC kept its fleet operating at such a prolonged high-tempo ahead of and during OEF.

The discussion about the damaged tanker took place during a panel at the Air & Space Forces’ Air, Space and Cyber Conference that TWZ is attending. The tanker in question was damaged as it was preparing for a mission, explained AMC commander Lt. Gen. Daniel H. Tulley.

“A KC-135 ops crew is in the jet,” he said. “KC-135 maintenance team is about to launch this jet. Unexpected Alarm Red [an attack warning]. Everyone jumps in a bunker.”

After the barrage, the airmen emerged from their bunkers and checked out the plane.

“That aircraft is smoking,” Tulley said. “There are holes in it, and it’s a fully loaded KC-135. Two hundred thousand pounds of jet fuel. Took 48 hours for that [fuel] to be drained out of that aircraft. In the meantime, first on the scene was I think the pro super [production superintendent] and the expediter. They immediately began to collect the fuel… They start to patch the holes. They start to fix all the systems. Long story short, they were eventually able to get that plane to make a transoceanic flight back home to be fully repaired.”

Tulley did not say where the attack took place. However, as we have previously reported, five tankers were reportedly damaged in an Iranian long-range strike on Prince Sultan Air Base (PSAB) in Saudi Arabia on March 14. That was later confirmed in a Department of War Inspector General report released earlier this week.

You can see two of the shrapnel-damaged KC-135s as they passed through the UK on the way home in the following photographs shared with us by aviation photographer Andrew McKelvey. We do not know if either of these is the one discussed by Tulley.

Lt. Gen. Linda Hurry, Commander of Air Force Materiel Command (AFMC), followed Tulley’s comments with additional details about the repair work.

“I’ll pick right up on that because it was our aircraft battle damage repair team that was actually able to patch their aircraft back together to get it back to Tinker [Air Force Base in Oklahoma] that can put it completely back where it needed to be,” she noted. Tinker is home to the Expeditionary Depot Maintenance (EDMX), which is “responsible for maintaining the Air Force’s sole source for Aircraft Battle Damage Repair (ABDR) rapid repair capabilities for the entire tanker and bomber fleets,” according to the Air Force.

“So with Operation Epic Fury, we’re asking those questions: What can we sustain for how long? And it begs a question about regeneration,” Tulley further explained. “You know, our new teammates have regeneration as part of their doctrine, so readiness in contact is the way we’re approaching this. What can we do to improve how we generate capability while under fire, in contact, persistently in an extended or protracted conflict? Lots of great examples of work being done to get after this. General Hurry’s team has brought a lot of capability forward at Mildenhall Air Base.” 

One example of how this has worked has been repairing damaged aerial refueling booms in the U.K. instead of all the way back to the U.S., Tulley highlighted. The booms, which extend from the back of tankers so that receiving aircraft can get their gas, can be damaged by the process, especially during combat refueling.

“I think we turned 30 booms instead of bringing them all the way back to the states,” Tulley noted.

Repairing battle damage is certainly a unique situation for AMC airman, but keeping hundreds of the command’s tankers and cargo aircraft moving at such a high rate prior to and during the war was a huge undertaking that was helped by new maintenance concepts. The Air Force sent maintainers and parts to bases in Europe to drastically speed up major maintenance that would have demanded the aircraft return stateside.

“We moved some maintenance actions forward, so they didn’t have to – the aircraft didn’t have to go all the way back to the states,” Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Kenneth S. Wilsbach said during his keynote speech earlier this week. “We put some of them in Europe, so they could get through some normal safety inspections that were either due or deferred. Got those done, and the aircraft doesn’t have to go all the way back to the states. They can go somewhere in Europe, get the thing done, and then get right back to the flight. And so, those measures by Air Mobility Command paid dividends in the readiness of our mobility fleet.”

Air Force Global Strike Command (AFGSC), which maintains the service’s fleet of strategic bombers and its ICBM force, did something similar at RAF Fairford in the U.K., AFGSC commander Gen. Stephen L. Davis explained.

“It’s a complex problem,” said Davis. “I would say in the past we probably didn’t do this the right way. When we thought a conflict was kicking off, the first thing we do is start sending bombers forward, and that actually consumes our readiness. So I think we got it right during OEF.”

“We pushed maintainers and support personnel forward to RAF Fairford, and then we actually took the bombers, we loaded them up in CONUS [Continental United States]. We took them to the Middle East. They actually did a mission. They employed, deployed, conducted a combat mission, and then landed at Fairford. And then for the next, well, I guess they’ve been there for now six-plus months.”

“They’ve been conducting nearly daily operations out of there,” Davis proffered. “When bombers are back at home base, they build readiness. When we deploy it forward, they consume readiness. And then, as [Gen. Hurry] said, we’re getting great support in terms of parts, in terms of supplies, and in terms of forward depot support. So that fleet remains healthy.”

Being able to do as much repair and maintenance work as close to the front lines as possible will be hugely important in any future fight against China, and, unfortunately, repairing battle damaged aircraft will be necessary too. Clearly, the Air Force has learned some very important lessons from Epic Fury.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

If you’re looking for a Netflix series to watch, this show already has two seasons available and it’s so good, viewers will happily stay up all night watching every episode

On the hunt for a new Netflix series? It can be hard finding something new to watch, but Netflix is showing a series so good viewers are binging all episodes within days.

The show is so addictive, viewers will happily stay up late to binge as many episodes as they can. Two seasons are currently available to watch and the streaming platform even confirmed in May this year a third season will be on the cards. Social media users recently shed light on the comedy series which stars Kate Hudson and Max Greenfield. So what show is everyone talking about?

Running Point, a sport comedy series, follows Isla Gordon (Kate Hudson), who’s unexpectedly put in charge of her family’s pro basketball team, the Los Angeles Waves.

The reformed party girl has a lot to prove as she soon learns that running a basketball team comes with its own set of challenges both on and off the court.

Over on Reddit, many people who have already watched both seasons had really good reviews about the Netflix series. One person wrote in the Running Point forum: “Just started this show, I LOVE IT!

“Last night I was endlessly scrolling through comedy shows on Netflix and nothing was sticking. I decided to start Running Point (with low expectations) and it immediately hooked me. I stayed up all night and just started season 2.”

Speaking about the entire cast, which also features Drew Tarver, who plays Sandy Gordon, Isla’s younger half-brother and chief financial officer of the Waves, Scott MacArthur as Ness Gordon, the older brother and general manager of the team, and Brenda Song as Ali Lee, Isla’s college roommate, best friend and chief of staff.

The person continued: “Kate Hudson absolutely crushes her role as President of the Waves.”

Over in the comments section, other people agreed Running Point has been a good watch. Someone said: “Oh my gosh yes! This was my first thought when I watched this show, all the similarities to Arrested Development.

“It’s so great. My personal favourite is Ness and all his quirkiness and how funny he is.”

A third admitted: “I came across it last weekend. Binged it in 2 days.” And a fourth chimed in: “My family and I started it like a week ago and we already finished it, so funny! Ness is hands down my favourite character, and I really like Sandy.”

Season 2 premiered in April this year, while Netflix announced a month later the series would be renewed for a third season. While an official release date is not finalised, previous release patterns suggest season 3 could be out around early 2027.

Published on 17/09/2026 – 9:55 GMT+2•Updated
10:03

Investors in Europe took the Federal Reserve rate hike in their stride.

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Both the Euro Stoxx 50 and the broader pan-European Stoxx 600 traded over 0.6% higher at the start of Thursday’s session.

France’s CAC 40, Germany’s DAX 30, Italy’s FTSE MIB, Spain’s IBEX 35, the Netherlands’ AEX and Switzerland’s CH20, all traded between 0.2% and 0.7% higher than their Wednesday close.

The UK’s FTSE 100 led the pack and rose more than 1%.

Carmakers and industrials led the Paris index, with Renault gaining more than 2%, Stellantis 1.6% and Schneider Electric 1.3%. Technology went the other way, with Dassault Systèmes falling 2.4%.

The calm followed a rougher session in New York, where the Dow Jones Industrial Average closed 1.2% lower on Wednesday and the S&P 500 fell 0.4%, while the Nasdaq was broadly flat.

Asian markets were mixed overnight with Tokyo’s Nikkei 225 rising 0.2%, Seoul’s Kospi gaining 0.9%, while Hong Kong’s Hang Seng lost 0.7% and the Shanghai Composite 0.4%.

Reactions were “pretty much expected since the rate hike was also in line with market expectations”, said Lorraine Tan, director of equity research for Asia at Morningstar, adding that the Iran war is likely to keep pressure on inflation.

A stronger US dollar and higher yields

The more consequential moves were in currencies and bonds.

The US dollar climbed to its highest in seven weeks against a basket of major currencies, lifted by the jump in short-dated Treasury yields that followed the decision.

The euro was trading around $1.146, down 0.5% from Wednesday’s open.

A stronger US dollar makes European exports more competitive in American markets, but it also raises the cost of anything priced in dollars, which includes oil and gas, which compounds Europe’s energy bill at a difficult moment.

In bond markets, the two-year Treasury yield, the maturity most sensitive to rate expectations, jumped to around 4.72% from 4.67% before the decision, holding near that level on Thursday.

The 10-year sat close to 5%, reflecting both the war-driven energy shock and mounting investor concern about American government debt.

Traders now fully expect another rate hike by December and put the odds of a move as soon as October at around 50%. Goldman Sachs became one of the first major Wall Street banks to forecast consecutive hikes, reversing its previous view that this month’s move would be the only one.

Attention turns next to the Bank of England, which announces its decision later on Thursday and is expected to hold rates steady, and to the Bank of Japan on Friday, where a hike is anticipated.

Additional sources • AP

The provided source describes the unique structure and cultural significance of the Ethiopian calendar, which remains several years behind the standard Gregorian system. This specialized timekeeping method consists of thirteen months, including a final short month used to account for remaining days and leap year calculations. The text highlights Enkutatash, the Ethiopian New Year, explaining how the holiday commemorates both the legendary return of the Queen of Sheba and the arrival of vibrant yellow flowers at the end of the rainy season. To celebrate, families gather for a week of festivities that begin with the lighting of traditional wooden torches to welcome a period of sunshine. Collectively, the article serves as an overview of how historical tradi … 

Cal Raleigh had two hits and three RBIs, Josh Naylor had two hits and two RBIs and the Seattle Mariners kept their slim playoff hopes alive with a 7-2 victory over the Angels on Wednesday night.

Randy Arozarena also walked, singled and scored three runs for Seattle, which is 5 1/2 games behind Texas and Houston in the American League West and 6 1/2 games behind the Chicago White Sox for the third AL wild-card spot with nine games left.

It was 2-2 when Angels starter Yusei Kikuchi (1-6) walked Arozarena and Dominic Canzone with one out in the fifth. Raleigh roped an RBI double to left for a 3-2 lead, and Julio Rodriguez was walked intentionally to load the bases.

Angels first baseman Vaughn Grissom made a sliding, backhand stop of Naylor’s potential double-play grounder, but his throw to second sailed into left field for an error, two runs scoring on the play for a 5-2 Seattle lead.

Mariners reliever Carlos Vargas (1-0) struck out Josh Lowe and Christian Moore — each on three pitches — with the bases loaded to end the bottom of the fifth, and Seattle pushed the lead to 7-2 on RBI singles by Canzone and Raleigh in the sixth.

Kikuchi threw 37 pitches during a two-run, three-hit first in which the Mariners scored on Raleigh’s sacrifice fly and Naylor’s RBI single.

Israeli prime minister pledges to advance two bills aimed at addressing the ‘immense damage’ done to Israeli soldiers.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has pledged to pass a law that would revoke the citizenship of anyone who defames ⁠Israel’s soldiers, including the directors of NAZA, a documentary about Israeli soldiers’ killings of civilians in Gaza.

Directed by Israeli journalists Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, NAZA documents allegations that mass civilian deaths were built into Israel’s target decisions in its genocidal war against Palestinians in Gaza – something Netanyahu and the army reject.

The film won the Special Jury Prize at the Venice Film Festival last week. During his acceptance speech, Abraham said “our country is doing these crimes” and highlighted that Israel is systematically and deliberately targeting Palestinians in Gaza.

“NAZA” takes its title from an Israeli ⁠military term for expected “collateral casualties” and is built around anonymous interviews with intelligence officers and soldiers.

It has been harshly criticised in Israel, with the military examining potential legal action against those involved in it.

But it has also played into the charged domestic political atmosphere before Israel’s October 27 election, as public opinion polls suggest Netanyahu’s ‌right-wing coalition could fall short of a majority in parliament.

On Tuesday, Netanyahu accused several of his election rivals of failing to take a tough stand against the documentary, claiming this made them unfit for office.

On Wednesday, he pledged to advance two bills that he said would address the “immense damage” done to Israeli soldiers in the film.

“The first [order]: To revoke the citizenship of anyone who defames [Israeli] soldiers, and the second: To hit them in their pockets and increase the statutory damages for defamation they can ⁠be sued for by 20 times,” Netanyahu said in a social media video. “We ⁠will hit them both in their pockets and in their citizenship, as their place is not with us.”

Netanyahu cited three examples in proposing the bills: “The recent film NAZA which portrayed [Israeli] officers and soldiers as war criminals”, 2025 remarks by left-wing ex-general-⁠turned-politician Yair Golan that “a sane country does not kill children as a hobby”, and a military legal officer’s 2024 leak of a video showing ⁠soldiers abusing a Gaza detainee.

In 2022, Israel’s Supreme Court passed a law that permits stripping citizenship from Israelis who carry out actions that constitute a breach of trust against the state. Any new legislation would likely face similar court challenges.

More than 73,000 Palestinians, most of them civilians, have been killed in Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza since October 2023, according to health authorities.

THERE’S lots of exciting things happening in 2027 across England, with plenty to interest all ages.

From the opening of the world’s first Minecraft land to a beautiful resort in Oxfordshire and the reopening of a funicular cliff lift in Kent – these spots should be on your radar.

Chessington, Surrey

If you’re a fan of the Minecraft video game, head to Chessington World of Adventures in Surrey for the opening of an immersive new land.

Minecraft World will cost £50million and will also have the first ever Minecraft coaster.

There will be other interactive features too like “epic block built playscapes” along with themed food and drink stores and a gift shop.”

It’s easy to make a day of it too by checking out the other 40 rides and attractions at the theme park.

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Paultons Park, Hampshire

Over at Paultons Park in Hampshire, the theme park will be opening its very first water coaster.

Called Serpent’s Curse, it will be an exciting new addition Valgard: Realm of the Vikings and it will be one of the biggest rides ever built in the theme park.

The watercoaster will be 471-metres long, with top speeds of 44mph and will open next spring.

For ride enthusiasts the details say that it will have ‘a lift hill, fast-flowing twists and curves, and a dramatic plunge into a final splashdown.’

The exact date of the opening of the ride is yet to be confirmed.

Blackpool, Lancashire

Blackpool Pleasure Beach is known for having it all, and it’s about to reopen a much- loved attraction, the River Caves.

The classic water ride first opened in 1905 before closing in 2024 due to technical complications – it will reopen next year after a period of “reimagination”.

It’s one of the oldest operating dark rides in the world and takes visitors through Ancient Egypt and lost jungles past dinosaurs and temples on a boat.

Amanda Jean Thompson OBE, the managing director of Pleasure Beach Resort teased some details, she said: “What I can tell you is what will remain – the Egyptian scene will remain but it and the Angkor Wat scene, which is so integral to Aviktas will remain, but rethemed and redone.”

She added: “I think the Blue Grotto may stay because I particularly like that area. The rest will be new and remains top secret for now, because I keep changing my mind.”

For anyone heading to Blackpool, another must-do is head to Sandcastle Waterpark which was recently voted the best waterpark in the country.

It’s kept at a toasty 29C and has more than 18 waterslides and attractions including a spa.

Don’t forget to pop into the seafront Wetherspoons either – called Velvet Coaster, it sits right on the front with views across the pleasure beach.

It’s across three floors, there’s a beer garden on the ground floor, a balcony on the first floor, and a roof garden on the pub’s highest level.

Morecambe, Lancashire

Work has officially started on the £100 million Eden Project in Morecambe and the majority will open in 2028.

But part of it will actually open next year – and it will be completely free to enter.

Called the Bring Me Sunshine Garden, it will have tall Austrian pine trees, grasses, a natural flower meadow as well as a solar-powered, shell-shaped outdoor pavilion and classroom that harvests rainwater.

The garden was shown off at the 2026 RHS Chelsea Flower Show and will open as a permanent part of the Eden Project in Morecambe in spring 2027.

The rest of the Eden Project Morecambe is scheduled to fully open in winter 2028.

There’s plenty to see in Morecambe like the Happy Mount Park, the Eric Morecambe Statue and The Smugglers Den pub all rated highly on TripAdvisor.

Folkestone, Kent

If you love the Kent coast, Folkestone might be the seaside town to visit next year as its funicular lift is set to open after being closed for 10 years.

Folkestone’s Leas Lift first opened in 1885 and was forced to close back in 2017.

But a long campaign has finally seen restoration works start – and it’s set to reopen in 2027.

The £6.6million works will restore the main systems, which connect the top of the cliff to the beach.

The cafe is also being restored, along with the waiting room and addition of an outdoor terrace.

It remains one of the oldest in the UK, and one of just three of its kind left, being a water-balance funicular.

Along with its beach, the town has its own art trail, including a 2014 Banksy, as well as the Antony Gormley cast iron statues and ‘Folkestone Mermaid,’ similar to the one in Copenhagen.

Pop by its Artist’s Quarter to see local artwork and coffee shops.

Oxfordshire

If a bit of R&R is part of your 2027 plans then perhaps a trip to Oxfordshire is on the cards.

CABÜ is set to open a new resort just outside of the Cotswolds – and it will be the third of its kind in the UK.

It will have beautiful luxury cabins, a relaxing nature spa as well as indoor and outdoor swimming pools.

There will be a new range of 51 “ultra- cool timber cabins” which will have either one, two or three bedrooms.

Guests will be able to use all of the facilities which include a nature spa, hot tubs, saunas and plunge bucket.

There will be an indoor swimming pool too surrounded by loungers and huge windows which will let in lots of natural light.

During the warmer months, guests can enjoy the outdoor pool – also on site will be a shop, restaurant, two bars and a studio events space.

The resort will open in Langley and will be a short distance from popular Cotswolds villages like Bourton-on-the-Water, Stow-on-the-Wold and Burford.

Isle of Wight and East Yorkshire

If you’re looking for a holiday park break next year, then two Parkdean Resorts are getting major makeovers for spring 2027.

The first is Thorness Bay on the north-west coast of the Isle of Wight.

Added to the site will be the new Hat-Tricks Sports Bar with pool and darts.

Joe’s American Grill is its new dining and there will be Minigolf & Adventure Activities which include high ropes, low ropes and climbing wall.

The second resort undergoing an upgrade is Skipsea Sands in East Riding of Yorkshire.

As part of a £5million makeover, it has recently added a Clip & Climb wall, Bear Grylls Escape Rooms and Fairground Golf.

Paignton, Devon

If you fancy a trip to the seaside this summer, one of the biggest hotels in Paignton is getting a huge refurb.

The Redcliffe Hotel is set to open in early 2027 and when it does, it will have been closed for a full year for the refurbishment.

The hotel has Indian-style architecture and sits right next to Paignton Beach and Preston Sands.

During the refurb, the 67-room hotel will be reduced to 55 rooms and the ground floor function room will be converted into guest rooms.

There will be a new restaurant and bar, and enhanced spa facilities.

Outside, there will be a restaurant patio with seating pods, planters and benches, terraced terraced gardens, guest patios and a refurbished outdoor pool area as well.

If you want to find a slice of Greece in Devon, then head to Elberry Cove which sits on the South West Coast Path between Paignton and Brixham and has crystal clear waters.

The announcement late last year that the iconic train company would start running double-decker trains across its network from 2031 was big news for those of us who love the towering carriages found in Italy, France and Spain

Eurostar’s new-look trains will feature two-storey bars, maximizing passenger capacity and Continental drinking opportunities.

The announcement late last year that the iconic train company would start running double-decker trains across its network from 2031 was big news for those of us who love the towering carriages found in Italy, France and Spain, but never in the UK. The height of UK tunnels means we’re stuck trundling around on lower-capacity, single-storey trains.

Except that is on the high-speed line from London to mainland Europe, which is perfectly capable of taking taller trains, a la France’s TGV Duplex, Switzerland’s SBB IR Dosto and Germany’s DB IC2.

Eurostar’s double-decker announcement last year was exciting enough, but now the Belgium-headquartered firm has announced that its new Celestia trains will feature two-storey bars as its “star attraction”. A Eurostar spokesperson told Euronews Travel: “The name Celestia means ‘heavenly’, reflecting the idea behind the double-decker bar: to create a travel experience beyond the ordinary.”

Eurostar has ordered 30 Celestia trains, with the first scheduled to begin service in May 2031. As well as sporting the bar, the classic blue, grey, and yellow livery that high-speed train fans have become used to seeing whizzing through the countryside will be replaced by a new, more understated grey and green. Their capacity will also be increased.

A Eurostar spokesperson explained: “Eurostar Celestia will have a bespoke design to capture the unique, premium experience Eurostar passengers expect. It is expected that each 200-metre set will have around 540 seats. If running in 400m formation (as through the channel tunnel today), there would be around 1,080 seats per service, a 20% increase from today.

“The first trains are due to join the fleet in January 2031, with commercial services launching in May 2031. Six new trains will be operational at that time, marking the beginning of a new era for travel on board Eurostar Celestia. Once delivered, the new trains will operate alongside the current fleet of 17 e320s, bringing the total fleet to 67 trains – a 30% uplift overall versus today.”

The train company has pledged that the new trains will offer 20 to 50% energy savings compared to the current fleet.

Eurostar is upping its game ahead of the arrival of a potential competitor on the rails. In August, Virgin was granted track access by the Office of Rail and Road, having announced plans to run a rival rail service to Eurostar through the Channel Tunnel. The access will allow Virgin to run up to 20 daily return services between London and Paris, Brussels or Amsterdam, with the agreement running from 1 October 2030 to 31 December 2040.

Eurostar has held a monopoly on passenger services since the tunnel opened in 1994. Before Virgin can join it on the tracks, it needs to secure rolling stock for the services and get safety approval from UK and EU authorities. The ORR approval only covers the HS1 route from London St Pancras to the Channel Tunnel, and not on rail networks in mainland Europe.