Authorities also designate Anti-Corruption Foundation as ‘terrorist’ group and consider total ban on WhatsApp.

Russian authorities have outlawed Human Rights Watch as an “undesirable organisation”, a label that, under a 2015 law, makes involvement with it a criminal offence.

Friday’s designation means the international human rights group must stop all work in Russia, and opens those who cooperate with or support the organisation to prosecution.

HRW has repeatedly accused Russia of suppressing dissenters and committing war crimes during its ongoing war against Ukraine.

“For over three decades, Human Rights Watch’s work on post-Soviet Russia has pressed the government to uphold human rights and freedoms,” the executive director at Human Rights Watch, Philippe Bolopion, said in a statement.

“Our work hasn’t changed, but what’s changed, dramatically, is the government’s full-throttled embrace of dictatorial policies, its staggering rise in repression, and the scope of the war crimes its forces are committing in Ukraine.”

The decision by the Russian prosecutor general’s office is the latest move in a crackdown on Kremlin critics, journalists and activists, which has intensified since Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

In a separate statement on Friday, the office said it was opening a case against Russian feminist punk band Pussy Riot that would designate the group as an “extremist” organisation.

Separately, Russia’s Supreme Court designated on Thursday the Anti-Corruption Foundation set up by the late opposition activist Alexey Navalny as a “terrorist” group.

The ruling targeted the foundation’s United States-registered entity, which became the focal point for the group when the original Anti-Corruption Foundation was designated an “undesirable organisation” by the Russian government in 2021.

Russia’s list of “undesirable organisations” currently covers more than 275 entities, including prominent independent news outlets and rights groups.

Among those are prominent news organisations like Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, think tanks like Chatham House, anticorruption group Transparency International, and environmental advocacy organisation World Wildlife Fund.

Founded in 1978, Human Rights Watch monitors human rights violations in various countries across the world.

WhatsApp might be ‘completely blocked’

Meanwhile, Russia’s state communications watchdog threatened on Friday to block WhatsApp entirely if it fails to comply with Russian law.

In August, Russia began limiting some calls on WhatsApp, owned by Meta Platforms, and on Telegram, accusing the foreign-owned platforms of refusing to share information with law enforcement in fraud and “terrorism” cases.

On Friday, the Roskomnadzor watchdog again accused WhatsApp of failing to comply with Russian requirements designed to prevent and combat crime.

“If the messaging service continues to fail to meet the demands of Russian legislation, it will be completely blocked,” Interfax news agency quoted it as saying.

WhatsApp has accused Moscow of trying to block millions of Russians from accessing secure communication.

Russian authorities are pushing a state-backed rival app called MAX, which critics claim could be used to track users. State media have dismissed those accusations as false.

Istanbul, Turkiye – Pope Leo XIV has chosen Turkiye for his first foreign trip as the head of the Roman Catholic Church, a deeply symbolic move that minority community representatives say is taking place at a time of renewed openness in the Muslim-majority country.

During his visit this week, the pontiff held talks with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, met religious leaders and visited places of worship in the country where Christianity’s deep roots sit alongside a long and influential Islamic tradition.

Today, Turkiye’s population of more than 80 million people is at least 99 percent Muslim, yet the country remains home to centuries-old Greek, Armenian, Syriac and Latin Christian communities that have long been part of its social fabric.

After decades shaped by political tensions, demographic change and property disputes, representatives of minority foundations say today’s climate offers greater visibility and confidence than they have experienced in decades. They also see the timing of Pope Leo’s visit as reflective of a period in which historic foundations feel more able to restore properties, organise religious life and engage directly with state bodies.

“This is, first of all, a great honour for Turkiye,” Manolis Kostidis, vice president of the Greek Foundations Association, told Al Jazeera of the pope’s visit.

“It’s also extremely important for the Ecumenical Patriarchate and for the Greek community. Istanbul has hosted empires for centuries, and welcoming such a guest shows the value of the patriarchate – especially with the support the Turkish government has given in recent years,” he said.

In the early decades of the Turkish Republic, Turkiye’s Greek, Armenian and Syriac populations numbered in the hundreds of thousands. Their decline over the 20th century was shaped by a series of political ruptures – from the 1942 Wealth Tax, which disproportionately targeted non-Muslims, to the 1955 Istanbul pogrom that devastated Greek, Armenian and Jewish neighbourhoods, and the 1964 deportation of more than 12,000 Greek citizens amid tensions over Cyprus.

Other administrative restrictions and legal rulings followed in subsequent decades, gradually accelerating emigration. Today, the remaining communities are far smaller, yet their representatives stress resilience, continuity and a deep sense of belonging to the country they have lived in for centuries.

“If Turkiye’s population is 85 million, we are about 85,000 – one in a thousand,” Can Ustabası, head of the Minority Foundations Representative Office, told Al Jazeera.

“Communities that were once in the millions are now tiny. We’re citizens of this country, but history brought us to this point.”

While the pressures affecting minority groups through the 20th century are widely documented, community representatives agree that the atmosphere of the past two decades stands in sharp contrast.

From the 2000s onward, minority foundations benefitted from a number of legal changes.

The Foundations Law, first drafted in the Ottoman era and later adapted by the Republic, governs how non-Muslim charitable foundations own, manage and inherit property. A series of European Union-driven harmonisation packages between 2003 and 2008 expanded their ability to register assets, reclaim properties seized under earlier rulings, and receive donations and inheritances again.

This culminated in a 2011 government decree instructing the return – or compensation – of properties that had been taken from foundations under the 1974 Court of Cassation ruling and earlier administrative practices.

“Erdogan’s instruction to ‘return what rightfully belongs to them’ changed the attitude of every state body. Previously, getting permission to paint a church took years. Now, doors open easily,” Ustabasi said.

‘One of most comfortable periods’

Lawyer Kezban Hatemi, who has advised minority foundations for decades, agreed that this has been “a major reform” but noted that more needed to be done. “Some cases are still ongoing – this kind of historical process never ends quickly,” Hatemi told Al Jazeera.

According to Hatemi, the earlier reluctance of state institutions was rooted in a decades-old mentality shaped by security fears and restrictive legal interpretations. She said minority foundations faced layers of bureaucratic obstacles for years, with even basic repairs or property registrations blocked. This only began to shift when EU harmonisation reforms created a new legal framework and political resolve emerged to act on it.

“The EU process gave real momentum – but it also took political will,” she said, noting that “a major blockage was removed” even as old fears loom for some.

“People abroad still say: ‘Don’t buy property in Istanbul, you never know what could happen.’ The memory from the 40s to the 70s is still very strong.”

Ustabasi noted that while the process has not always been straightforward, some 1,250 properties “were returned through EU harmonisation reforms and changes to the Foundations Law” between 2003 and 2018.

Kostidis said the impact of the return of the properties has not only been material. “It makes us feel like full citizens,” he said, noting that “minorities have lived one of their most comfortable periods” since Erdogan came to power in 2003.

One of the clearest signs of renewed confidence is among Syriacs, particularly in Tur Abdin – the historic heartland of Syriac Christianity in southeastern Turkiye that stretches across Midyat and the wider Mardin region. In these villages, return migration has slowly begun to reverse.

“People who emigrated to Europe are building homes again in Midyat and its villages,” Ustabasi said. “The roads are better than Istanbul, security is solid, and some are even preparing to live there long term.”

He linked the shift directly to improved security conditions in the southeast, a region that for decades was affected by clashes between the Turkish state and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, making travel and daily life unpredictable. “A Turkiye without terrorism opens many doors. People feel safe travelling, restoring homes, returning to their villages,” he said.

Kostidis said returns to Turkiye’s largest city of Istanbul are also possible – but require practical fixes.

“Large-scale returns are unlikely. But yes, some will come back if residency issues are fixed,” he said, calling for “a special regulation” for Greeks from Istanbul with Greek citizenship.

“All communities – Muslim, Jewish, Armenian, Syriac, Greek – should live in this city. Istanbul’s strength has always been its plurality.”

‘Powerful message’

Despite significant progress, several legal and administrative issues remain unresolved, with the representatives citing foundation board elections, legal ambiguity around autonomy and longstanding cases in some properties’ handover.

Ustabasi called for changes in the legal framework, while Hatemi noted the state “still intervenes in foundation governance in ways it never does with Muslim foundations. This mentality hasn’t fully changed – but I’m hopeful.”

Turkish-Armenian journalist and writer Etyen Mahcupyan said the pace of reform shifted after a failed coup attempt in 2016, when state bureaucracy regained influence over politics and decision-making.

He believes restitution slowed as a result, but said momentum could return if Turkiye “brings EU membership back to the forefront”. Turkiye started talks to join the bloc in 2005, but the accession bid has effectively been frozen.

Mahcupyan views Pope Leo’s visit as carrying political and symbolic resonance, given that the pope is seen not only as a religious figure but also as a political actor.

“Considering Turkiye’s foreign policy ambitions, this visit offers positive contributions. Ankara wants to shape a Turkiye that is accepted in global politics – and the world seems ready for it.”

Mahcupyan noted the pope’s “clear position” on Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza “aligns closely with Turkiye’s own line. This kind of convergence is important. It prevents Turkiye from turning inward, helps the world look at Turkiye more gently – and softens attitudes towards non-Muslims.”

He also said the visit helps ensure minority communities “are not forgotten”.

Kostidis agreed.

“A Muslim-majority country hosting the leaders of the Christian world – you can’t give a more powerful message than this,” he said.

For 60 years, San Diego’s Timken Museum of Art has stood in Balboa Park — a travertine-clad Modernist jewel box showcasing priceless Russian icons and masterworks from the likes of Rembrandt, Rubens, Van Dyck and Fragonard, floating among the park’s exuberant Spanish Revival fantasies. But beneath its calm exterior lies an architectural mystery that has captivated Stephen Buck and Keith York, local architecture lovers who have spent the last year obsessively piecing together evidence suggesting that the Timken’s true authorship has been misunderstood, if not deliberately obscured, since the day it opened in 1965.

Their investigation — which has caught the attention of the soon-to-expand museum, not to mention the city’s tight-knit cultural community — began with a secret. In 2013, York, founder of Modern San Diego, a digital archive devoted to the region’s Midcentury design, received a call from one of San Diego’s most respected architects, Robert Mosher. Then in his 90s, Mosher asked to meet for lunch in La Jolla. “I have something I need to tell you,” he said.

Mosher, recorded by York (who was sworn to secrecy until after Mosher’s death in 2015) recounted a story told to him decades earlier by his friend and colleague Richard Kelly, the lighting designer of some of American modernism’s most iconic buildings, including Philip Johnson’s Glass House, Louis Kahn’s Kimbell Art Museum and Mies van der Rohe’s Seagram Building. Kelly had been hired to design the lighting for the Timken. But according to Mosher, during an early meeting Walter Ames, the project’s patron, made a surprising suggestion to Kelly: “You’re the architect — why don’t you design it yourself?”

Kelly, who trained at the Yale School of Architecture but had never designed a building, found himself out of his depth, Mosher added. He turned to his close friend and frequent collaborator Johnson, who helped him sketch a concept that Kelly would refine into a design Ames approved. The plans were handed off to San Diego’s Frank L. Hope & Associates to produce the working drawings.

When completed, the rigorously composed, historically inspired stone pavilion bore all the hallmarks of Johnson and Kelly’s more than half dozen collaborations. Yet when the Timken opened, only Hope’s firm was credited. One of Hope’s architects, John R. Mock, later took credit as the leader of the design. This remained the accepted story until last December, when Buck, a medical research entrepreneur and architecture buff, stumbled on a long-ago post by York about Mosher’s tale. He couldn’t stop thinking about it.

Architect Philip Johnson with Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis in front of New York’s Grand Central Terminal in 1977.

(Dave Pickoff / Associated Press)

“Why would someone like Robert Mosher, at the end of his life, make this up?” Buck asked. “If he was telling the truth, this is one of the most important uncredited works of Midcentury architecture in California.”

Buck and York joined forces, combing through Kelly’s archives at Yale (with Yale student Macarena Fernandez Diaz) and through the Timken’s own files. In addition to evidence of copious correspondence between Ames, Kelly and Johnson, they found Kelly’s detailed architectural drawings of the museum, and a 1959 contract asking Kelly to prepare elevations, plans and other design-related documents. Hope’s firm, according to a separate contract, would “prepare working drawings.” Together the body of evidence seemed to confirm much of Mosher’s story.

It also pointed to why Kelly (and potentially Johnson) was left out. In one letter, Ames wrote that “due to local political cross currents, it was advisable that all plans be filed locally.” In other words, bringing in East Coast modernists like Kelly and Johnson risked a public outcry. “Ames wanted the best design he could get,” Buck says. “But he also wanted the museum built.”

The Timken definitely feels familiar to someone who has visited several Johnson/Kelly collaborations: the bronze accents, the H-shaped pavilion, the glass walls that allow you to see straight through the building, and the pristine travertine — light-colored limestone that originated from the same quarry in Tivoli, Italy, used for Johnson’s New York State Theater (renamed the David H. Koch Theater in 2008) at Lincoln Center. All echo the minimalist precision and classical proportions of their museums across the country. At the Timken, Kelly incorporated downlighting to accentuate the building’s travertine walls, and engineered grids of soffits and louvers that wash the galleries in soft, ethereal light.

Keith York of Modern San Diego.

(Keith York)

“He was experimenting — making light itself architectural,” says York. This was a trademark of Kelly’s, notes Dietrich Neumann, professor of the history of modern architecture and urbanism at Brown University and author of “The Structure of Light: Richard Kelly and the Illumination of Modern Architecture.” “He emphasized materials in a very skillful way. His lighting creates spatial depth. You get a different idea of what the architecture consists of.” Neumann notes that Johnson liked to exclaim: “Kelly is my guru. He’s the greatest lighting designer ever.”

Noted Buck: “There’s nothing in Frank Hope’s body of work that resembles this.” Hope’s firm is best known for its designs of McGill Hall at UC San Diego, the Union-Tribune Building in Mission Valley, and the all-concrete San Diego Stadium, later known as Qualcomm Stadium.

When Buck and York presented their findings to the Timken’s leadership earlier this year, the initial response was enthusiastic. But as the museum began its own review, the tone grew more cautious. Trustees revisited Buck and York’s research and conducted checks in the Timken’s archives. Executive director Megan Pogue later summarized their position in a letter to the researchers:

Stephen Buck at the Timken Museum of Art.

(Stephen Buck)

“Based on these findings, we reached the unfortunate conclusion that Mr. Johnson was not ultimately involved in the building’s design, although the specific architect or architects within Frank Hope & Associates responsible for the final design seem to remain unidentified. We continue to welcome and encourage further scholarly investigation into this question, particularly given that John Mock has long been credited as the architect — an attribution he personally confirmed in recent years.”

When asked later why the museum didn’t confirm or deny Kelly’s connection, Pogue noted, “Everything in our files is that he was limited to the lighting.” When pressed on the research unearthed at Yale, she acknowledged, “we were so focused on Philip Johnson I don’t know that we did as deep a dive on this issue.”

“I can find no reason why they wouldn’t want to look through this research [at Yale] and come to their own conclusion,” responded Buck.

The interior of a gallery at the Timken Museum of Art in San Diego.

(Timken Museum of Art)

Behind the scenes, practical considerations loom. The Timken is preparing to launch an underground expansion designed by Gensler, which will double its square footage and provide much-needed new exhibition, office and learning spaces. It’s a process that has taken seven years to navigate through the city’s (and Balboa Park’s) public process. The adjacent San Diego Museum of Art is about to embark on its own expansion, replacing Mosher’s west wing with a design by Norman Foster.

“Any new attention, especially about the building’s authorship, could reignite old debates,” Pogue said in an earlier interview. “We’re fascinated by this history, but we have to be careful about how it’s shared.” After consulting with the board, Pogue later noted that proof of a new architect, particularly someone of Johnson’s stature, “could be really good for the museum.”

The museum’s nebulous, careful positioning in many ways mirrors the politics that may have buried Kelly’s and Johnson’s involvement six decades ago. In the early 1960s, Ames faced fierce opposition from civic groups, who decried modernism as a threat to Balboa Park’s Spanish heart. To get his project approved, he appears to have localized the credit.

“It’s the same story, says York. “Silence as strategy. But silence also erases the people who made this building extraordinary.”

Neumann pointed to the long history of architectural creators who have been left out, whether it be a firm owner taking credit for his underlings’ work or a name being omitted to avoid political crosswinds. “It’s a system driven by the old idea of the master architect … and the actual work is often done by others,” he says.

Neither Buck nor York wants to strip all credit from Hope’s firm. “We think of it as a collaboration,” York says. “Together they made something greater than the sum of its parts.”

While the pair are confident that their research has proven Kelly’s authorship, Johnson’s role remains a mystery.

“We know Johnson and Kelly were working together at exactly this time,” says Buck. “Whether or not his name appears on a drawing, it’s clear that he was advising.”

Until that evidence emerges, the Timken remains an architectural whodunit.

“We’re always searching for this elusive drawing by Philip Johnson that’s gonna be a smoking gun,” says Buck. “But this wasn’t necessarily a formal thing. Sometimes that piece of paper doesn’t exist.”

Reporting from Washington — A Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee says it is “unacceptable” that the Obama administration is refusing to provide Congress with the secret legal opinions cited to justify killing American citizens during counterterrorism operations.

Sen. Ron Wyden, an Oregon Democrat who has pushed against the notion of classified legal opinions, expressed his concerns in a letter to Atty. Gen. Eric H. Holder Jr. on Wednesday.

Previously, Wyden has complained about the refusal of the Justice Department to make public secret interpretations of domestic-surveillance law. On Wednesday, the senator said he wanted to know just how much authority President Obama claims when it comes to the matter of killing American terrorism suspects, but that his request, made last April, to see the classified legal opinions exploring that topic has been rebuffed.

“How much evidence does the president need to decide that a particular American is part of a terrorist group?” Wyden wrote. “Does the president have to provide individual Americans with an opportunity to surrender before using lethal force against them? Is the president’s authority to kill Americans based on authorization from Congress or his own authority as commander-in-chief? Can the president order intelligence agencies to kill an American who is inside the United States?”

Sen. Patrick J. Leahy, (D-Vt.), chairman of the Judiciary Committee, also has asked for copies of any classified legal opinions dealing with killing American citizens — but has not been provided any, his office said. At a Nov. 8, 2011, congressional hearing, Holder told Leahy that he could not “address whether or not there is an opinion in this area.”

For the executive branch to claim that intelligence agencies have the authority to knowingly kill American citizens while refusing to provide Congress with the legal opinions explaining its reasoning “represents an indefensible assertion of executive prerogative, and I expected better from the Obama Administration,” Wyden wrote to Holder.

A Justice Department official said the department is reviewing Wyden’s letter and will respond later.

“It would be entirely lawful for the United States to target high-level leaders of enemy forces, regardless of their nationality, who are plotting to kill Americans both under the authority provided by Congress in its use of military force in the armed conflict with Al Qaeda, the Taliban and associated forces as well as established international law that recognizes our right of self-defense,” the official said.

Last month, officials said Holder would be making a speech in the coming weeks laying out the legal justification for lethal strikes against Americans, such as the September CIA drone strike in Yemen that killed Anwar Awlaki, a U.S.-born citizen accused by U.S. officials of helping plan terrorist attacks against American targets. Wyden said he welcomed that.

U.S. officials have said that the CIA goes through extra legal steps when targeting a U.S. citizen as part of its drone strike program.

In early 2010, then-Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair told the House Intelligence Committee that the intelligence community “take[s] direct action against terrorists” and added that “if we think that direct action will involve killing an American, we get specific permission to do that.”

Wyden said he is not suggesting “that the president has no authority to act in this area. If American citizens choose to take up arms against the United States during times of war, there can undoubtedly be some circumstances under which the president has the authority to use lethal force against those Americans. For example, there is no question that President Lincoln had the authority to order Union troops to take military action against Confederate forces during the Civil War.”

However, he said, the question becomes thornier when the U.S. is at war around the world with terrorists who don’t wear uniforms. “And it is critically important for the public’s elected representatives to ensure that these questions are asked and answered in a manner consistent with American laws and American values,” Wyden wrote.

Members of Congress need to understand how or whether the executive branch has attempted to answer these questions so that they can decide for themselves whether this authority has been properly defined, Wyden wrote.

“Americans have a particular right to understand how the U.S. government interprets the statement in the Bill of Rights that no American shall ‘be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law,’” Wyden wrote. “The federal government’s official views about the president’s authority to kill specific Americans who have not necessarily been convicted of a crime are not a matter to be settled in secret by a small number of government lawyers.”

A Washington Post-ABC News poll released Wednesday found that 83% of respondents said they approve of the use of drone strikes against terrorist suspects overseas. Sixty-five percent in the poll, conducted by telephone Feb. 1-4, said that American citizens suspected of terrorism are legitimate targets. Democrats approved of the drone strikes on American citizens by a 58%-33% margin, and liberals approved of them, 55%-35%, according to the Post’s blog, the Plum Line.

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[For the record, 9:41 a.m., Feb. 10: An earlier version of this post incorrectly reported that Anwar Awlaki, a U.S. citizen killed by a CIA drone strike last year in Yemen, was born in Yemen. He was born in New Mexico.]

IF you want a thrill on water, then how about trying the world’s tallest waterslide?

Called RIG 1938, its found at Meryal Waterpark in Qatar.

Having only opened last year, it stands at 85m tall, meaning it currently holds the Guinness World Record for tallest waterslide.

But it isn’t actually one slide – and is actually a structure made up of 12 slides.

Others include The Fractionator, where you can pick your own music as you go down.

This slide also holds a record, being the world’s tallest body slide.

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Or there is Vertigo, with a 76m drop, as well as The Broiler which is more like a water rollercoaster with twists and turns

Meryal Waterpark is the biggest waterpark in Qatar.

And if you aren’t a slide enthusiast, then there lots of other attractions to choose from, with nearly 70 in total.

Across the six-acre resort, there are also lazy rivers, wave pools and toddler splash parks.

You can even book a cabana for the day which includes bottles of water, towels and snacks.

For dining options, guests can choose from kid-friendly menus to Italian, Asian and international restaurants.

One tourist said it was the “world’s best waterpark”.

They added: “We love water parks and we have been to Atlantis, Siam Park, Volcano Bay etc … but this place is our number 1.

“Seriously amazing.”

Another agreed, saying: “Fun waterpark for all ages. Crazy slides and very safe.

“The rides were very thrilling. Kids enjoyed it. By far the best waterpark in the world.”

The park is open from 10am-6pm, from November to February, closing on February 26, 2026.

Tickets cost 100 Qatari Riyal (£21) if you book online, while cabanas start from 599 Qatari Riyal (£126).

Guests staying at the nearby Rixos Premium Qetaifan Island North hotel get free entry to the waterpark.

If you want to find the world’s best waterpark, Siam Park in Tenerife is often named one of the best.

For the biggest indoor waterpark in Europe, head to Poland to find Suntago.

Former champion hurdler Constitution Hill fell once again as Golden Ace came through to win the Fighting Fifth Hurdle at Newcastle.

Constitution Hill won his first 10 races but has now fallen three times in four outings.

Newcastle’s largest attendance for jump racing in 20 years was shocked after barely a minute as the horse came down at the second hurdle, before previously unbeaten The New Lion also fell when in the lead.

Anzadam – also previousy unbeaten – was second, with Nemean Lion the third and final finisher.

“Constitution Hill did the same thing as he has twice before, stood off a mile and hit the middle of the hurdle,” former champion jockey AP McCoy told ITV Sport.

The previously unbeaten 2023 Champion Hurdle hero also had heavy falls at Cheltenham and Aintree.

‘I am a terrorist’

A UK activist group has released a video of protesters who were arrested by police for supporting Palestine Action, as part of a campaign calling on the government to lift the ‘disproportionate’ ban. A major legal challenge is currently underway on whether the ban was lawful.

No immediate response from Venezuela after President Trump’s makes the announcement on social media on Saturday.

A popular guest on today’s Saturday Kitchen was called an “idiot” by his co-star for disliking a particular cuisine

Bob Mortimer’s Gone Fishing co-star Paul Whitehouse branded him an “idiot” in a cheeky message sent into this week’s edition of Saturday Kitchen.

On today’s programme (Saturday, 29th November), presenter Matt Tebbutt welcomed the beloved comedian and writer alongside celebrity chef Jamie Oliver.

Whilst fans of the BBC cookery programme were thrilled to see Bob return to the kitchen, his selection of food hell sparked controversy.

Opting for a traditional steak and kidney pie with double peas as his food heaven, his admission that he isn’t keen on Italian cuisine triggered some criticism in the studio.

Bob’s mate and Gone Fishing co-star joined the scolding in his video message, branding the comedy icon an “idiot” for his dislike of pasta and pizza, reports the Express.

Paul’s message kicked off with another dig at Bob’s food preferences, as he remembered the “preposterous and quite disgusting” kebab he created in the latest series of Gone Fishing.

He then dared Matt to prepare a “really nice one with lots of chilli sauce” to compensate for the culinary catastrophe by the lake.

The fellow comedy icon continued lambasting his co-star: “Also, Bob, you claim that Italian food is rubbish.

“I mean, you’re just an idiot. What are you going to do about that?”

Paul then delivered his trademark impersonation of the third member of the Gone Fishing team, Ted the Patterdale Terrier, whom he joked is “after” Bob. “I’m gonna get you Mortimer,” he declared, mimicking Ted’s charming underbite.

“Where’s my briefcase? It’s full of pasta!”

Back in the studio, Bob took the jest in stride, flashing a mischievous grin as Matt laughed.

“That looked like the ramblings of a madman!” the host quipped.

Bob concurred: “He packed a lot in there, didn’t he? He told me he enjoyed the kebab on the day, so…”

He then defended his contentious food preferences: “I’ve been set up with this Italian thing. I said I didn’t like pizza and somehow it’s become all Italians.

“That’s my fault,” Matt admitted. “But it’s funny, let’s run with it!”

Luckily, Bob got his wish and was served a scrumptious steak and kidney pie by guest chef Jamie after 67 percent of viewers voted for food heaven.

Saturday Kitchen airs from 10am on BBC One and BBC iPlayer.

SACRAMENTO — Bill Simon Jr., a wealthy banker and political newcomer, formally launched his bid for governor Friday with repeated attacks on incumbent Gray Davis and a promise to infuse Sacramento with the sensibilities of the business world.

Simon conceded that he was attempting a “big jump” in his first try for office. “I don’t believe that career politicians have a monopoly on leadership,” he said.

“Nor,” he went on, “do I believe the government has a monopoly on the answers.”

Simon, the son and namesake of a former U.S. Treasury secretary, said that if elected governor, he would seek to bring “private solutions” to problems such as traffic congestion, failing schools and management of the state’s water and energy supplies.

“I’m going to offer a different path, a path of smaller government,” Simon said. “Of individual and private sector solutions, rather than big bureaucratic plans. And local government whenever possible.”

But he was vague when pressed for details, sticking to generalities and sweeping criticisms of Democrat Davis. He also took a rare shot at his two rivals for the Republican nomination, California Secretary of State Bill Jones and former Los Angeles Mayor Richard Riordan.

Simon described Jones as “an insider, someone who’s been in politics his whole life.” He questioned whether Riordan had sufficient “fire in the belly” and suggested that Republicans were “looking for a candidate that can make them feel proud of their party, not someone who will try to muddle the differences between the parties.”

Riordan has antagonized some conservative Republicans with his support for abortion rights and gun control and his 20-year history of contributions to Democratic candidates and causes.

Simon, 50, announced his candidacy in the ballroom of a downtown Sacramento hotel, accompanied by his wife, Cindy, and surrounded on a packed dais by more than two dozen friends, supporters and family members.

In launching his candidacy, Simon became the latest in a long line of wealthy newcomers who have tried to make the leap into elective political office in California.

Most have failed: In just the past few campaigns, Al Checchi spent $40 million in a failed bid for governor, Darrell Issa spent more than $12 million in an unsuccessful run for the U.S. Senate (he now serves in the House) and Mike Huffington spent $30 million in a losing campaign for the Senate.

Simon has refused to say how much of his personal fortune he plans to invest in his candidacy, though he has insisted that he will not be “Mr. Megabucks” trying to buy the governor’s office.

Simon, born in New Jersey, moved to California in 1990 to open a Los Angeles office of the family firm, William E. Simon & Sons. The private investment company controls assets of more than $3 billion, including the family-oriented cable network Pax TV.

Citing his business background, Simon said, “I’ve learned to see opportunities and anticipate problems–qualities that I believe that our current governor clearly lacks.

”. . . In the early ‘90s, when many people were writing the obituary for California, we began to invest in California . . . [creating] literally thousands of jobs,” he said.

A resident of Pacific Palisades, Simon has also been active on the board of several local charities, including Covenant House, Catholic Charities and Childrens Hospital. He cited his charitable works as a model he would pursue as governor, “embodying the philosophy that it’s better to teach a person to fish than to give them a fish.”

Simon’s only government experience was a stint from 1985 to 1988 as a federal prosecutor in New York City. On Friday, he repeatedly invoked the name of his former boss: then-U.S. Atty. Rudolph Giuliani, who has given his high-profile endorsement to the campaign.

Ironically, Simon was urged into the governor’s race by Riordan, a friend and fellow parishioner at St. Monica’s Catholic Church in Santa Monica. Later, Riordan decided to run himself.

Twice in recent weeks, the Riordan campaign sent emissaries in hopes of persuading Simon to run for some other office. The freshly declared candidate laughed off a reporter’s suggestion that he had been “double-crossed” by Riordan, in effect disavowing the sentiment.

But Simon pointedly refused, when asked, to rule out attack advertising against the former mayor and GOP front-runner.

“We haven’t gotten to that point,” Simon said. “We’re early in the campaign. Right now I want to wage a campaign based on ideas.”

Jones has formally announced his candidacy; Riordan plans to do so Tuesday in Los Angeles. Davis, for his part, quietly filed papers Friday in Sacramento announcing his intention to seek a second term.

The governor’s plans have been no secret: Even before taking office, he started collecting money for his reelection, setting a four-year fund-raising goal of $50 million. As of Sept. 30, Davis had nearly $31 million in the bank.

Ryanair claimed its Prime subscription scheme was a ‘no brainer’ for frequent flyers, but it failed to attract anything like enough customers and has now been ditched

Budget airline Ryanair has announced the immediate closure of a loyalty scheme to new customers after failing admitting it was loss-making.

The no-frills carrier only launched its £79 a year Prime subscription in March, offering free reserved seats, free travel insurance and access to 12 annual (one per each month) member-exclusive seat sales.

It claimed that “Prime” members who took a dozen flights per year would save up to £420 , or more than the times the cost of the subscription Ryanair said the scheme was limited to 250,000 members on a first come, first served basis.

But the Irish airline has now announced it will be scrapped after just 55,000 people signed-up.

Ryanair said all those existing members will continue to get exclusive monthly low fare offers until October next year, but no new members will be allowed to sign up.

Dara Brady, Ryanair’s chief marketing officer, called the scheme a “no-brainer” for frequent flyer when launching it back in March.

But speaking now, he said: “Over the years, customers have asked for a Ryanair members scheme, so we trialled this ‘Prime’ scheme over the last eight months.

“To date, we have signed up over 55,000 Prime members, generating over €4.4m (£3.86m) in subscription fees. However, our Prime members have received over €6m (£5.26m) in fare discounts, so this trial has cost more money than it generates.

“This level of memberships, or subscription revenue does not justify the time and effort it takes to launch monthly exclusive Prime seat sales for our 55,000 Prime members. We are grateful to our 55,000 Prime members who signed up to this Prime trial over the last eight months, and they can rest assured that they will continue to enjoy exclusive flight and seat savings for the remainder of their 12-month membership.”

He went on: “With over 207m passengers this year, Ryanair will continue to focus on delivering the lowest fares in Europe to all our customers, and not this subset of 55,000 Prime members.”

Ryanair recently made a change so that passengers have to use to use digital boarding passes only. Since November 12. passengers will no longer be able to download and print a physical paper boarding pass. Instead, they will have to use the digital boarding pass generated in the “myRyanair” app on their mobile device -smartphone or tablet -during check-in process to board any of its flights.

IT’S 11pm and I’m at the all-night cafe in pyjamas and slippers, unsure whether to order six or eight chocolate-chip cookies.  

The lady next to me, by contrast, is dressed in a glamorous ballgown and buying an espresso. 

Peering down into the Piazza below — my eight cookies in hand — I spy a lively crowd who are throwing their best shapes to dance music at the silent disco. 

A cruise is like no other holiday. 

While I was preparing myself for a girls’ night in, with room service and a movie, other passengers were rolling out of glitzy restaurants and heading off in search of late-night fun in the Piazza or pouring out of the theatre after another West End-style show. 

Couples were taking a stroll around the outside deck in the warm Mediterranean air and the casino’s bright lights were still drawing in crowds.

SEAS THAT BARGAIN

Six big Black Friday cruise deals from Europe trips to Caribbean sailing

CRUISE ALONG

I went on UK cruise launching first Caribbean holidays with island hopping

Where else can you get such varied fun rolled into one small(ish) space? 

That’s why, when it came to deciding our girls’ trip this year, a voyage on the high seas came out on top.

My work pals and I can’t take credit for coining the girls’ trip at sea. 

More and more women are swapping long weekends sipping pina coladas in Marbella for action-packed sailings. 

And major cruise lines, including Princess Cruises, have begun flogging packages designed solely for female groups — championing the on-board shopping and sleek bars and the appeal of the multiple destinations in one trip. 

Princess Cruises’ Suzanne Korff says: “It’s the ultimate girls’ trip — the perfect blend of luxury, laughter and adventure, all with incredible value.”  

It’s certainly true that cruises offer more bang for your buck — a huge perk in a time when people are more cash-strapped than ever.

My week’s Mediterranean sailing on board Princess Cruises’ Sun Princess cost my pals and I around £900 per person.

When we weren’t pounding the sunny streets of Palermo in Sicily, or gobbling up pizza in Naples, we were aboard the 21-deck ship soaking up the sun.  

That included not just our flights and cabin, but all of our food and all the entertainment — from Broadway musicals in the large theatre to Celtic bands in the traditional Irish boozer. 

When we weren’t pounding the sunny streets of Palermo in Sicily, or gobbling up pizza in Naples, we were aboard the 21-deck ship soaking up the sun.  

And there were plenty of places to gather for a good dip and gossip.

There are two sparkling pools on the Lido deck, complete with plenty of loungers, as well as a fantastic Wake View pool with infinity edge overlooking the back of the ship. 

Mixologist tricks 

For those chillier, early-morning swims, the indoor/outdoor pool in the glass-ceilinged Dome was perfect — again with plenty of places to chill with your pals. 

Those wanting to really up the ante can splash out on a suite, which will give you access to the Sanctuary Club.  

Think your ultimate Mediterranean beach club but with a chilled, tranquil atmosphere and cushioned beds and loungers, scattered between hot tubs. 

There’s also a decent-sized pool, as well as a bar that can whip up all manner of cocktails, including an excellent frozen daiquiri.

Some afternoons, a DJ or live singer appear, perfect to lull you into a serene snooze while you tan.

But the highlight of this exclusive zone is undoubtedly the prosecco wall.

Several times a day, during the afternoon, guests are encouraged to ring a large bell protruding from a plant-covered wall.

Moments later, a hand will emerge from the shrubbery, as if by magic, clutching a complimentary flute of prosecco for the bell-ringer.  

On sea days, the magical wall even serves up mimosas from 9.30am to 11am. 

Of course, drinks can be delivered directly to your sunbed. Food can be ordered anywhere within the Sanctuary Club, too, so you really needn’t lift a finger. 

But with 30 restaurants and bars on board, you would be mad not to dine around.  

Among complimentary options are Soleil and Eclipse dining areas, each serving a la carte breakfast, lunch and dinner in a grand two-level setting.  

For something more casual, The Eatery is Sun Princess’ take on a buffet, where you can flit between Mexican, Italian, American and almost every other cuisine imaginable.  

Elsewhere there’s sushi, pub grub and a gelateria, all included in the price of your cruise. And that’s before you get to the specialty joints, for which guests pay extra.  

Spellbound, created in partnership with American arts venue Magic Castle, is a speakeasy-inspired cocktail bar where mixologists perform tricks. 

The teppanyaki restaurant is well worth the dosh. Sat at a horseshoe-shaped bar, around a huge steel griddle, we watched as our chef turned dinner into a show — tossing eggs with a flick of his fish slice and transforming an omelette into a snake that slithered before our eyes. 

The magic did not end there, though. What makes this cruise ship truly stand out lies behind an unassuming door on the eighth deck.

Spellbound, created in partnership with American arts venue Magic Castle, is a speakeasy-inspired cocktail bar where mixologists perform tricks. 

Welcomed into a cosy, low-lit room with a flickering fireplace and panelled walls covered in black-and-white photographs, we were transported back in time to the roaring Twenties.

We were listening as an ominous voice recalled the story of a family of magicians — when suddenly the wall ahead slid open, revealing a hidden bar. 

Every detail within, from paintings that follow you while you walk, to the ghost of a pianist who even takes song requests, has been carefully schemed. 

And the sorcery doesn’t end there. Smoke-billowing cocktails are accompanied by card tricks — leading up to a grand finale that will have you gasping in awe. 

Not even the sunrise view from our cabin balconies could top that magic. 

If you run cross-country or play soccer at Cathedral High, you‘d better be extra polite and respectful around the head coaches. They also happen to be the school president and principal, respectively.

Martin Farfan and Arturo Lopez continue to hold dual roles, which probably makes Cathedral the only school in the state with such an arrangement.

Despite all the time and responsibilities required to coach and help run Cathedral, they seem to make it work. This past week, while school was closed for the holidays, both held practices Monday. Farfan took his usual jog around the neighborhood after practice and ended up on the field while Lopez held a soccer practice.

Both believe in the importance of academics and the lessons learned in sports to help prepare students for the future.

Their players, however, know with the school’s two big wigs also wearing coaching hats, they always need to be on their best behavior.

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email [email protected].

The Head of the Catholic Church, Pope Leo, visited Istanbul’s Blue Mosque as part of his four-day trip to Turkiye. Officially called the Sultanahmet Mosque, it was built in the sixth century and has great significance to both Christians and Muslims.

United States President Donald Trump has said the airspace above and surrounding Venezuela is to be closed “in its entirety”, as tensions between the countries escalate.

There was no immediate response by Venezuela to Trump’s social media post on Saturday.

“To all Airlines, Pilots, Drug Dealers, and Human Traffickers, please consider THE AIRSPACE ABOVE AND SURROUNDING VENEZUELA TO BE CLOSED IN ITS ENTIRETY,” he wrote on his Truth Social platform.

Trump’s post comes amid weeks of escalating rhetoric by senior US officials against Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his government.

While the Trump administration has said it is targeting Venezuela as part of a push to combat drug trafficking, experts and human rights observers have warned that Washington appears to be laying the groundwork for an attempt to unlawfully remove Maduro from power.

The US has deployed an aircraft carrier to the Caribbean and carried out a series of deadly bombings on vessels it accused of being involved in drug trafficking, killing dozens of people in what United Nations experts have described as extrajudicial killings.

Earlier this week, Trump also warned that he would start targeting Venezuelan drug trafficking “by land” soon.

During a speech broadcast on national television on Thursday, Maduro said Venezuelans would not be intimidated.

More to come …

AFTER separating from her husband Eamonn Holmes, Ruth Langsford has opened up about needing therapy in the aftermath of their shock split.

Ruth and Eamonn, both 65, were together for 27 years and married for 14 when they decided to part ways last year.

It was revealed that the pair were over and they were in the process of divorcing back in May 2024, with this still currently ongoing.

Ruth, who is known for hosting Loose Women on ITV, has now opened up about needing therapy after their split.

While Eamonn moved on and got into a relationship with counsellor Katie Alexander, who is 22 years his junior, Ruth was attending counselling sessions and focused on her healing.

Speaking to woman&home, Ruth said: “I started counselling when Eamonn and I separated, and I’m still having it.

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“It is very powerful and very useful. It gives me tools to deal with things.”

She went on to say: “My counsellor has probably seen us on TV, but she doesn’t know either of us so doesn’t get involved and doesn’t judge.

“She just listens and says, ‘Have you thought about this?’ or ‘Why did you feel like that?’ 

“I think I know myself very well, so it has just been calming.

“It makes me question how I’m feeling,” she added.

Ruth then added: “When my sister died, friends suggested counselling and I said, ‘I don’t [want] just [for someone] to tell me that I’m really sad,’ and I still feel like that. 

“The end of a very long relationship takes a lot of unravelling. Counselling helps you move on from it, to not be held back.”

Ruth and Eamonn announced their split in the spring of 2024 after months of arguing.

Leaving their £2.5million family home in Weybridge, Eamonn soon went public with his new partner Katie.

Asked about whether she would get into a new relationship, Ruth said: “Never say never.”

Speaking to the magazine, she said: “I haven’t been put off having a relationship.

“I haven’t even been put off marriage, but I’m definitely not actively looking, and part of that is because I’ve realised I’m actually quite good on my own.

“I am independent and quite strong.”

Ruth went on: “It has taken me a bit of time [to realise that] and I don’t know what lies ahead, but that chapter now feels quite exciting.

“It’s not as scary as I thought.”

Elsewhere in her interview, Ruth said she once saw “darkness” but now sees light where she did not before.

“Do you crumble? Do you lay down and die? Oh no, not I. I will survive,” she said.

Ruth and Eamonn are not yet officially divorced, with reports swirling that they are currently at war over their money.

The January issue of woman&home is on sale December 4 2025

Now a popular tourist attraction, this abandoned ‘ghost town’ was once home to a bustling community – but it was only 15 years before most of the members vanished

This town has been abandoned for nearly 130 years. That hasn’t stopped visitors from flocking over the years to take in the eerie “ghost town” that was, for a brief period, home to a bustling community filled with optimism for their future – before their collective dream rapidly collapsed in just 15 years.

Something about abandoned places has long captured people’s imagination. From urban explorers venturing to long-forgotten theme parks and hotels, to tourists taking trips to visit ghost towns like this one, there’s something that really draws people towards a forgotten space.

This ghost town is especially poignant due to the nature of its inception. With a new industry opening up the possibility of wealth and prosperity for anyone who was adventurous enough to come and work hard to make it happen, only for those who took the plunge to be left disappointed, and forced to give up their home nearly as quickly as they had settled in.

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Custer in Idaho is located in the stunning scenery of the state’s Challis National Forest and was once a gold mining town, where at one stage 600 people lived and worked, hoping to strike on the precious metal and secure their fortunes. Some of the structures there date all the way back to 1879, and by 1896, the community was the largest it would ever be.

The fortunes of the gold mining in Custer swiftly turned, and it was nearly totally abandoned just a few years later, with only two families reportedly daring to remain by 1911. Many people in the gold mining town had been employed at a large stamp mill, and when the business collapsed, they had no choice but to abandon ship and leave to seek their fortunes elsewhere.

Most of the once bustling community stands exactly as it did over a century ago, when it was in use, from the eight saloons where people would meet to relax, a shoe store, and a place of worship, as well as a very small Chinatown, which also provided laundry services. Part of the National Register of Historic Places, perhaps part of the draw of tourists to Custer is how emblematic it is of the so-called American Dream, which offered immigrants a chance at new prosperity. Even if the town was not a long-term success story, its former residents may have hoped for.

Seasonally, tours throughout the historic town are offered, and the former school has been restored and turned into a museum filled with artefacts regarding the area’s history. Nearby, there is another draw, not just the stunning hikes and immaculate scenery: the area plays home to natural hot springs, which are well worth a visit.

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WASHINGTON — In the waning days of his presidency, Bill Clinton promised to use his clemency powers to help low-level drug offenders languishing in prison. When Carlos Vignali walked out of prison on Jan. 20 and returned home to his family in Los Angeles, he appeared to fit the broad outlines of that profile.

But the 30-year-old Vignali, who had served six years of a 15-year sentence for federal narcotics violations, fit another profile entirely. No small-time offender, he was the central player in a cocaine ring that stretched from California to Minnesota. Far from disadvantaged, he owned a $240,000 condominium in Encino and made his way as the son of affluent Los Angeles entrepreneur Horacio Vignali. The doting father became a large-scale political donor in the years after his son’s arrest, donating more than $160,000 to state and federal officeholders–including Govs. Pete Wilson and Gray Davis–as he pressed for his son’s freedom.

The grateful father called the sudden commutation of his son’s sentence by Clinton “a Hail Mary and a miracle.”

The improbability that such a criminal would be granted presidential clemency, as well as the younger Vignali’s claim that he alone steered a pardon application that caught the president’s attention and won his approval, has sparked disbelief and outrage from nearly everyone involved in his case.

“It’s not plausible; it makes no sense at all,” said Margaret Love, the pardon attorney who oversaw all Justice Department reviews of presidential clemency applications from 1990 to 1997. “Somebody had to help him. There is no way that case could have possibly succeeded in the Department of Justice.”

Because it is a hard-edged criminal case, Vignali’s commutation adds another dimension to the wave of eleventh-hour Clinton clemencies and raises new questions about the influence of political donors and officials on different stages of the process.

As criminal justice authorities in Minnesota learned of Vignali’s sudden freedom, they reacted with the same indignation that has greeted several other beneficiaries of the 140 pardons and 36 commutations Clinton granted in his last hours as president.

The Vignali case also illustrates the secrecy that enshrouds the clemency process.

A federal prosecutor who had urged Justice Department superiors to reject clemency for Vignali demanded an official explanation–only to be denied information from his own department. The judge who sentenced Vignali is openly aghast at the decision, which was made without his knowledge. And they all–from defense attorneys to street detectives to former pardon attorney Love–scoffed that Vignali could have walked free without the intervention of politically connected helpers.

Key details of the case remain a mystery. Did political officials and other authoritative figures appeal for Vignali’s freedom to the president or high-ranking Justice Department officials? What action, if any, did the Justice Department recommend to the White House?

Vignali could not be reached for comment. But his father strongly denied that he or anyone else in the family asked politicians to press their case with Clinton.

“I didn’t write him a letter, I didn’t do anything,” Horacio Vignali said. “But I thank God, and I thank the president every day.”

For now, the Vignali case is a curious tale of how an inmate buried deep in the federal penal system won presidential help while others in more desperate straits remained behind.

“Go figure,” said an exasperated Craig Cascarano, the lawyer for one of Vignali’s 30 co-defendants, many of them poor and black. “How is it that Carlos Vignali is out eating a nice dinner while my client is still in prison eating bologna sandwiches?”

Clinton Concerned About Drug Sentences

Clinton and his White House staff have not fully explained why he granted certain clemencies, including the highly controversial pardon of fugitive commodities broker Marc Rich.

But in recent months, the president had expressed concern about mandatory federal sentences imposed on some small-time drug offenders.

“The sentences in many cases are too long for nonviolent offenders,” Clinton said in a November interview with Rolling Stone magazine. “. . . I think this whole thing needs to be reexamined.”

His comments prompted a flurry of last-minute clemency requests to the White House, said the former president’s spokesman, Jake Siewert, particularly since Clinton believed that Justice was not moving fast enough in making clemency recommendations to the White House.

“Most of the drug cases involved people with a sentence that the prosecutor or the sentencing judge felt was excessive,” Siewert said, “but were necessitated by mandatory-minimum guidelines.

“So in most of the drug cases, either a prosecutor or a sentencing judge or some advocate identified people who were relatively minor players or who had gotten a disproportionate sentence.”

Siewert, asked about cases such as Vignali’s, said he did not remember any specific cases but added: “We tried to make a judgment on the merits.”

Although Vignali family members themselves may not have tried to influence the process directly, others weighed in early on. After Carlos was convicted, and during the legal appeals process, Minnesota authorities were deluged with phone calls and letters from California political figures inquiring about the case and urging leniency, they said.

“There was a lot of influence, oh yes,” said Andrew Dunne, the assistant U.S. attorney who prosecuted Vignali in Minnesota. “We would receive periodic calls from state representatives in California calling on behalf of Carlos after the sentencing.

Dunne, who said he interpreted some of the more persistent calls as “perhaps improper influence,” said he could not remember whether the California politicians were based in Sacramento or Washington. But “they wanted to know: Is there anything that could be done to help reduce the sentence?”

Horacio Vignali said he did not know who made such calls and had “no idea why they did that.”

In a two-year investigation, state and federal law enforcement authorities used wiretaps and raids to break a drug ring that transported more than 800 pounds of cocaine from California to Minnesota, where it was converted to crack for sale on the street.

Detectives learned that Vignali, a rapper wannabe who called himself “C-Low,” played a central role in the enterprise. He provided the money to buy the cocaine in Los Angeles, where it was then shipped to Minnesota by mail.

Tony Adams, one of the police detectives who worked on the case, said Vignali “was making big money” from the ring. “Let me put it like this,” he said, citing wiretaps: “This kid went to Las Vegas and would lose $200,000 at Caesar’s Palace and it was no big deal.

“He had a condo in Encino worth over $240,000. And yet his tax records showed he was only making $30,000 at his dad’s auto body shop.”

Most of the defendants pleaded guilty and received prison sentences, but Vignali and two Minneapolis men went on trial.

The senior Vignali sat through the entire trial and at one point, according to Cascarano, testified as a character witness on his son’s behalf. In his statement, the lawyer said, Vignali alluded to his wealth by saying that he had spent $9 million on a palatial Southern California home that once belonged to actor Sylvester Stallone.

A jury convicted Carlos Vignali in 1994 on three counts: conspiring to manufacture, possess and distribute cocaine; aiding and abetting the use of a facility in interstate commerce with the intent to distribute cocaine; and aiding and abetting the use of communication facilities for the commission of felonies.

He drew a 15-year prison sentence and wound up as an inmate in the Federal Correctional Institution in Safford, Ariz.

Todd Hopson, one of the men tried with Vignali, was sentenced to more than 23 years, said his lawyer, Cascarano. The lawyer described Hopson as “an uneducated black kid with a noticeable stutter” and a middle-level figure whose role in the Minneapolis drug ring “was nothing compared to Vignali.”

But under mandatory federal guidelines, Hopson’s conviction required a stiffer sentence because he had been involved in converting the cocaine into rocks of crack, Cascarano said.

A Big Jump in Contributions

Political contribution records indicate that Horacio Vignali also apparently owned interests in used car lots and auto body shops in Los Angeles and Malibu. And, according to Cascarano and to media reports dating from the mid-1990s, Vignali also grew wealthy on commercial real estate interests that included a prime tract across from the Los Angeles Convention Center.

But when contacted by The Times, the father said only, “I run a taco stand and a parking lot.”

Through 1994, the year his son was convicted, Horacio Vignali made a few small federal and state campaign contributions, usually less than $1,000, according to a Times analysis of campaign finance records. But in October 1994, just before the start of his son’s seven-week trial, Vignali stepped up his contributions, donating $53,000 to state officeholders.

By last year, he had become a large-scale contributor. Vignali has given at least $47,000 to Gov. Gray Davis. He gave $32,000 to former Gov. Pete Wilson during his last term. He made two $5,000 donations to a political action committee operated by Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-Los Angeles). And last August, while the Democrats were holding their national convention in Los Angeles, he contributed $10,000 to the Democratic National Committee.

Asked about his donations, the senior Vignali said only, “I’m a Democrat.”

As he was becoming a major contributor, the senior Vignali also hired more attorneys to appeal his son’s conviction. But by 1996, he had exhausted the appeals process.

He then turned to Danny Davis, the Los Angeles lawyer who had helped represent the young man at trial, with another request: to pursue a presidential commutation for his son.

Davis declined, telling the father his chances were “like a snowball in Hades.” Davis criticized the political nature of the clemency process but suggested that the family was smart enough to realize that Clinton could be contacted through political channels.

Still, Davis said Carlos Vignali deserves credit for successfully handling his own application for clemency.

It is unclear when Carlos Vignali filed his application, but by February 1999, it would have seemed quite dead.

That was when Dunne received an inquiry from the Justice Department asking for a recommendation on the Vignali pardon application. Dunne and his boss, then-U.S. Atty. Todd Jones, wrote a scathing letter sharply opposing any break for Vignali.

They pointed out how deeply Vignali was involved in the drug ring and how he had never acknowledged responsibility or shown any remorse.

After sending the letter, Dunne said, “I never thought this had a chance of happening. As far as we were concerned, this was a dead issue.”

Jones also remembered being vehemently against a commutation. “I can’t tell you how strongly we registered our objection,” he said.

Love, the former pardon attorney, said that, without approval from prosecutors, any such clemency request usually is denied.

Told of Vignali’s freedom, she said: “What you’re telling me is absolutely mind-boggling.”

Vignali’s trial judge, U.S. District Judge David Doty, said he was not contacted by the Justice Department. Had he been, he said, he would have joined the prosecution in arguing against special treatment for Vignali.

Doty said Vignali never acknowledged his crime after his conviction nor showed any remorse.

“He was non-repentant,” the judge said. “Even after I sentenced him, he claimed he had been railroaded.”

However, Doty did write Clinton on behalf of drug defendants in two other cases, both involving disadvantaged individuals who had been subjected to harsh sentences for minor drug offenses.

Clinton commuted the sentences on his last day in office.

Doty said that those were worthwhile commutations–noting that both defendants were sorrowful and had completed most of their prison time.

The pardon attorney’s office refused to release any information about Vignali’s commutation to The Times.

Horacio Vignali said he learned that his son was out on Jan. 20, the day Clinton left the White House and George W. Bush became president. “My son called the house and he said, ‘They’re turning me loose! They’re turning me loose! I’m a free man! I’m a free man!’ ”

The father insisted that his son put together the pardon request with minimal help from Los Angeles attorney Don Re. (Re did not return phone calls for comment.)

Ron Meshbesher, a Minneapolis defense attorney who also represented the son during his trial, said that several days after the commutation the Vignalis called him at his office.

The son came on the line “all excited,” Meshbesher recalled. The stunned lawyer asked: “How’d you get out?” Vignali told him that the “word around prison was that it was the right time to approach the president.” The son insisted he had written the application himself.

In an interview with The Times, Horacio Vignali insisted that Clinton’s commutation was not payback for his Democratic Party contributions. He said that he met Clinton only once, in 1994, around the time of his son’s conviction. Vignali said he shook the president’s hand in a rope line at a fund-raiser.

Although he insisted that he had not orchestrated his son’s freedom, the senior Vignali conceded that others may have helped.

“I guess some people wrote on his behalf,” he said. “I have no idea who they are. I just don’t know.”

*

Times researcher John Beckham in Chicago contributed to this report.

Go Ahead Eagles striker Victor Edvardsen has been fined for mocking the appearance of an opponent born with a cleft lip.

Edvardsen made gestures about Stuttgart midfielder Angelo Stiller’s nose during their Europa League match on Thursday.

A cleft lip, which can also affect the shape of the nose, occurs when parts of the baby’s face do not join together properly during development in the womb.

Edvardsen, who said he went into the Stuttgart dressing room after the game to apologise to Germany international Stiller, has been fined 500 euros (£432) by Go Ahead Eagles, who will donate the money to their social services fund.

“I would like to take this opportunity to apologise for my behaviour,” said 29-year-old Edvardsen, who has one cap for Sweden.

“Things were said and done between us that have no place on a football pitch. I’m a role model and I have to act accordingly.”

Go Ahead Eagles general manager Jan Willem van Dop said: “As a club, we are completely dissatisfied with Victor’s behavior and distance ourselves from it.

“It’s good that he apologised afterwards, but it remains a stain on the evening.”

German side Stuttgart secured a 4-0 win away at Go Ahead Eagles in the Netherlands.