March 17 (UPI) — U.S. gasoline prices have surged by 27% and diesel by 34% since the start of U.S. attacks on Iran last month, fuel costs reported Tuesday indicate.
AAA reported that the national average cost for a gallon of gas in the United States was $3.79 Tuesday morning. Diesel was $5.044 per gallon, topping the $5 threshold for the first time in three years, CNBC reported.
A year ago, those prices were $3.078 and $3.592, respectively. A month ago, they were $2.917 and $3.651.
Fuel prices have been on the rise globally since the United States and Israel launched attacks on Iran on Feb. 28 amid negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program. The attacks, which killed Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, prompted Tehran to effectively close down the Strait of Hormuz by banning ships linked to the United States or Israel. About 20% of the world’s oil runs through the waterway that separates Iran and Oman.
Brent Crude, the benchmark price for oil worldwide, rose about 2% to $102 a barrel Tuesday, The New York Times reported. The West Texas Intermediate, the U.S. benchmark, rose to $95 a barrel.
Diesel prices are particularly tied to the U.S. economy, which depends on it for the transportation of goods via trucks, trains and barges. Recent surges in prices could have a cascading effect.
Andy Lipow, president of Lipow Oil Associates, said Tuesday that trucking and rail companies have begun increasing their fuel surcharges in response to the fuel hikes.
“One should really be worried about higher diesel prices,” he said in a note published by CNBC.
President Donald Trump this week put pressure on other nations that rely on oil shipped through the Strait of Hormuz to join a coalition to police the transit route and reopen traffic.
Speaking aboard Air Force One on Sunday, Trump said the United States doesn’t need to be involved in reopening the Strait of Hormuz because little of its oil passes through the waterway. About 7% of the United States’ crude oil and condensate imports passed through the strait in the first half of last year, the U.S. Energy Information Administration said.
He said the United States was protecting it “almost like we do it for habit” and to help “some very good allies that we have in the Middle East.”
Patrick De Haan, head of petroleum analysis at GasBuddy, said Monday, “until we see a meaningful resumption of oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz, upward pressure on fuel prices is likely to persist.”
Iranians attend a funeral for a person killed in recent U.S.-Israel airstrikes at Behesht-e Zahra cemetery on the southern outskirts of Tehran in Iran on March 9, 2026. Photo by Hossein Esmaeili/UPI | License Photo
A man was rescued from under the rubble of a destroyed building following an Israeli strike in the Iranian city of Hamedan, as the US and Israel continue to bombard the country.
Weekly insights and analysis on the latest developments in military technology, strategy, and foreign policy.
A picture of a U.S. Navy EA-18G Growler taking part in the current operations against Iran shows the plane carrying an interesting split load of two different electronic warfare pods. Typically, Growlers carry a pair of new AN/ALQ-249 Next Generation Jammer-Mid Band (NGJ-MB) pods or older AN/ALQ-99 pods under their wings, not one of each. The NGJ-MB pods offer a major leap in capability, but have continued to face reliability and other challenges. In general, the capabilities Growlers provide are essential to help support the launching of standoff strikes in the opening phases of a conflict, as well as missions penetrating deeper into defended areas as time goes on.
U.S. Central Command released the image of the EA-18G, seen at the top of this story, and taken as the aircraft was launching from the Nimitz class aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, last week. The Growler in question is assigned to the Electronic Attack Squadron 133 (VAQ-133). The Lincoln’s air wing, which has been very active in support of Operation Epic Fury since it began, also includes F/A-18E/F Super Hornet and F-35C fighters, E-2D Hawkeye airborne early warning and control planes, CMV-22B Osprey tilt-rotor carrier onboard delivery aircraft, and MH-60R/S Seahawk helicopters.
At first glance, the EA-18G picture is unremarkable, but a closer inspection shows the jet has one ALQ-99 Tactical Jamming System (TJS) pod and one AN/ALQ-249 Next Generation Jammer-Mid Band (NGJ-MB) pod under its left and right wings, respectively. The aircraft also has a drop tank under each wing, as well as what looks to be a third one on the centerline station under its fuselage. The Navy is in the process of replacing the ALQ-99s in part with the ALQ-249, something we will come back to later on.
A close-up look at the AN/ALQ-99 pod under the Growler’s left wing and the AN/ALQ-249 pod under the right wing. USNAn ALQ-99 pod seen being moved within the hangar bay of the Nimitz class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson. USNAn ALQ-249 NGJ-MB pod. Raytheon
The Navy is still in the process of transitioning away from the ALQ-99, and those pods remain in active service alongside ALQ-249s. However, TWZ was told in a past interview with two top officers involved in the NGJ-MB effort that the standard mixed loadout for jets carrying ALQ-249s is one of those pods under each wing, along with an ALQ-99 on the centerline. Growlers continue to fly operational missions carrying just ALQ-99s, as well.
A Growler seen carrying ALQ-249s under each wing and an ALQ-99 on its centerline station during a test flight. USNEA-18Gs with AN/ALQ-249 pods, at left, and ALQ-99 pods, at right, seen on the USS Abraham Lincoln’s flight deck on November 2025. USN
Why the VAQ-133 Growler flew this particular sortie with this split loadout of one ALQ-249 and one ALQ-99 is unknown. It is possible that ALQ-99 was substituted for an ALQ-249 on that particular mission due to a lack of availability of the new pods due to maintenance or other factors.
The NGJ-MB pod has suffered from reliability and other technical issues in the past. At least as of the end of Fiscal Year 2025, the pods have continued to face challenges, according to a newly released report from the Pentagon’s Office of the Director of Test and Evaluation (DOT&E).
“The NGJ-MB with the OFP 5.3 software series is not currently suitable for supporting operational missions, due to additional progress required to improve reliability and availability,” the DOT&E report said. “The NGJ-MB system met its maintainability requirements, and aircrew and maintainers found training to be adequate. Insufficient data are currently available to draw any significant conclusions on pilot and maintainer workload and usability, given the sample size of the data.”
What steps the Navy may have taken to mitigate these issues since the end of the 2025 Fiscal Year is unknown. Whether this particular software configuration is found in deployed pods that are being used operationally is also not known.
“The Navy has deployed the NGJ-MB to five different Electronic Attack Squadrons,” the report also notes.
A VAQ-133 Growler assigned to the USS Abraham Lincoln seen with ALQ-249 pods under its wings last year. USN
In a separate report released in 2020, the Government Accountability Office (GAO), a Congressional watchdog, highlighted negative impacts to EA-18G’s combat range when carrying an ALQ-249 under each wing and one ALQ-99 on the centerline. What the Navy may have done to address this since then is unknown.
A desire to ensure a certain mix of capabilities, together with a need for three drop tanks’ worth of additional fuel, may have also factored in the decision.
ALQ-249s do offer a major boost in capability, broadly speaking, compared to the older ALQ-99s. The NGJ-MB’s use of active electronically scanned array (AESA) antennas, which the AN/ALQ-99s do not have, as well as its modular open architecture design, also opens the door to more rapid integration of new and improved functionality down the line. This could include so-called next-generation cognitive electronic warfare capabilities, which you can learn more about here.
An exploded view of the components inside Raytheon’s NGJ-MB pod, including its active electronically scanned arrays. USNA briefing slide showing the interior layout of the two types of AN/ALQ-99 pod.RAAF
However, as its name makes clear, the ALQ-249 was originally designed primarily to provide mid-band coverage. ALQ-99s come in two separate versions, offering high and low-band coverage, respectively. Air defense radars and other targets for electronic warfare attacks do not all operate in the same frequency ranges, and some are capable of widely modulating their signal outputs specifically to help reduce vulnerability to jamming. Broader frequency ranges could also help when dealing with known threat systems that are being operated in unfamiliar ways.
“The NGJ-MB is assessed to be at least as operationally effective as the legacy AN/ALQ-99 system, against the threats tested on the open-air test ranges during IOT&E,” according to DOT&E’s report. However, the office’s “full assessment of operational effectiveness is provided in the classified IOT&E report published in July 2025.”
A separate Next Generation Jammer-Low Band (NGJ-LB) pod, now designated the AN/ALQ-266, is in development to complement as part of plans to completely replace the ALQ-99 family. However, as of 2024, the NGJ-LB pod was not expected to reach even an early operational capability until 2029. A years-long contract dispute contributed to the delays in work on this pod.
An EA-18G with a prototype NGJ-LB pod on its centerline suspended inside an anechoic test chamber. USN
The Navy has also made a decision to expand the capabilities of the NGJ-MB pod to “extend the upper frequency coverage limit to counter modern and adaptive threats” and to “increase frequency range of the NGJ-MB system and enhance the survivability of the platform and protected entities against emerging threats,” according to official budget documents. When these improved NGJ-MB Extended (NGJ-MBX) pods are expected to enter operational service is unclear.
The Navy has also talked in the past about acquiring a dedicated NGJ-High Band (NGJ-HB) pod to address that end of the frequency spectrum, but the current status of that plan is not clear. “I’ll say high band is still on the to do list, but it’s prioritized appropriately, and we’ll get to it eventually,” Capt. David Rueter, then program manager for airborne electronic attack systems at Naval Air Systems Command (NAVAIR), told TWZ last year.
It’s also worth noting here that external pods are just one part of the complete electronic warfare suite on the EA-18G, which also includes elements integrated inside the fuselage and in fixed pods on the tips of the wings. Just last Friday, Prime contractor Boeing received a new modification to the existing contract, with a value not-to-exceed $489,306,966, for upgrades to Growler’s built-in electronic warfare capabilities with the integration of a new system called the AN/ALQ-264 Beowulf. This is part of a larger ongoing upgrade effort for the Navy’s EA-18G fleet.
A graphic showing various systems on the EA-18G Growler and a typical mission loadout, including the three AN/ALQ-99 pods. RAAF A graphic showing various systems on the EA-18G Growler and a typical mission loadout. RAAF
All of this underscores the overall importance of the Navy’s EA-18Gs to U.S. joint operations, which has been on display as part of the current campaign against Iran. As TWZ has explored in detail, American and Israeli strikes have substantially degraded Iranian air defenses and other military capabilities, but this should not be confused with total air dominance, especially over the northeastern end of the country. When it comes to standoff strikes, the support Growlers provide can help ensure munitions get to their targets, as well as help reduce risks to launch platforms. More recently, there has been a notable shift to direct attacks across other parts of Iran, where air supremacy has largely been achieved. Still, electronic warfare support would help in those areas to mitigate any residual air defense risks.
USS Abraham Lincoln continues flight operations day and night during Operation Epic Fury. Sailing close to Iran, Lincoln and its embarked carrier air wing are executing back-to-back waves of strikes. pic.twitter.com/EPhhmCAyPB
With the Operation Epic Fury air campaign still in full swing, Growler will continue to provide essential electronic warfare support, whatever mixture of pods they carry.
In a devastated enclave where more than two million Palestinians remain crammed into a shrinking strip of land under the overwhelming shadow of Israeli military occupation and bombardment, daily survival is tethered to a fragile October “ceasefire”.
But as Israeli and US bombs rain down on Iran, and Tehran retaliates across the region, that battered truce faces a breaking point, prompting an unprecedented diplomatic manoeuvre: direct talks between United States President Donald Trump’s “Board of Peace” and Hamas.
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Envoys from the new body, personally headed by Trump to oversee post-war Gaza, but with more far-reaching designs, met with Hamas representatives in the Egyptian capital over the weekend, according to the Reuters news agency.
The meetings aimed to safeguard the “ceasefire”, which has been under even more severe strain since the regional war began on February 28.
Following the talks, Israel announced it would partially reopen the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt on Wednesday. The crossing, Gaza’s sole pedestrian lifeline outside direct Israeli control, was shut when the Iran offensive began.
Despite the diplomatic push, violence in the enclave persists. Israeli strikes on Sunday killed at least 13 Palestinians including two boys, a pregnant woman, and nine police officers, serving as a stark reminder of Israel’s all-encompassing military grip on the territory.
A pragmatic shift or tactical ploy?
While the talks mark a notable engagement by Washington, analysts view the move not as a legitimisation of the Palestinian group, but as a calculated tactic underpinned by the threat of renewed violence.
Abdullah Aqrabawi, a Palestinian political analyst, noted that Washington’s willingness to meet Hamas reflects a stark reality on the ground. “There is a comprehensive, realistic acknowledgement that the main military, political, and social actor in the Gaza Strip is Hamas,” Aqrabawi told Al Jazeera.
However, he warned against viewing the meetings as a fundamental shift in US policy. In the era of the Trump administration, diplomatic meetings do not equate with political recognition. Instead, Aqrabawi argued, the approach is framed by the constant threat of a return to a “war of extermination”.
The ultimate goal of these talks, he explained, is to empower a newly formed technocratic committee in Gaza to build a social base capable of challenging the armed group.
The illusion of ‘reverse blackmail’
Initial reports suggested that Hamas had threatened to abandon the “ceasefire” if Gaza border restrictions continued, purportedly using the regional chaos of the Iran war to force Israel’s hand.
Aqrabawi dismissed this assessment, noting that Hamas has consistently expressed a desire to avoid a return to full-scale war. Rather than a successful Palestinian pressure campaign, he said the reopening of the Rafah crossing serves a different strategic purpose for Washington and Tel Aviv.
“Any facilities, whether the Rafah crossing or allowing aid entry, come through the “Board of Peace” and the new technocratic committee formed in the Gaza Strip,” Aqrabawi said. “It is not a response to negotiations or Palestinian pressure, but rather in the context of allowing this committee to penetrate Palestinian society.”
He added that this aims to establish a security foundation that allows for the disarmament of the resistance, even if it leads to internal Palestinian civil conflict.
Disarmament and the 20-point plan
Prior to the regional escalation, Trump’s flagship Middle East initiative – a 20-point plan for Gaza – had partially halted the mass killings and secured the release of Israeli military captives and some Palestinian prisoners. In exchange, Hamas accepted a ceasefire that left the Israeli military occupying more than half of the enclave.
But the second phase of Trump’s plan, which hinges on Hamas laying down its weapons in exchange for amnesty and reconstruction, remains deadlocked. While some might assume the regional conflict gives Hamas leverage to scrap the disarmament clause entirely, Aqrabawi suggested the opposite is unfolding.
The US and Israel, heavily engaged in Iran, are likely intensifying pressure on the Palestinian group to secure a swift, enforceable victory in Gaza. “The pressure happening today on the occupation government and the American perspective of the war with Iran may push them to pressure Hamas to accomplish this task as quickly as possible,” Aqrabawi said.
Yet, Hamas remains resolute. The group views its weapons as essential for resisting the occupation and forming the foundation of future Palestinian security institutions.
As Washington and Tel Aviv attempt to use the spectre of renewed genocide to engineer Gaza’s political future, the reality for the Palestinians trapped inside the enclave remains unchanged. For them, the partial reopening of a single border crossing is not a diplomatic breakthrough, but a fleeting gasp of air in a besieged Gaza Strip where daily survival is held hostage to the demands of the military occupation.
The Middle East conflict risks adding a staggering 45 million to acute hunger levels, warns the UN’s World Food Programme.
Published On 17 Mar 202617 Mar 2026
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Tens of millions more people will face acute hunger if the United States-Israel war on Iran, and its reverberations through Iran’s retaliation, continue through to June, the United Nations warned.
“If the Middle East conflict continues through June, an additional 45 million people could be pushed into acute hunger by price rises,” Carl Skau, the deputy executive director of the UN’s World Food Programme (WFP), said on Tuesday.
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“This would take global hunger levels to an all-time record, and it’s a terrible, terrible prospect,” Skau said, with 319 million people, already a historic high, currently acutely food insecure.
The US-Israeli attacks on Iran that began on February 28 have choked up key humanitarian aid routes, delaying life-saving shipments to some of the world’s worst crises.
Skau said shipping costs are up 18 percent since the war began and that some have had to be rerouted.
The extra costs come on top of deep spending cuts by the WFP, as donors focus more on defence, he added.
Hunger crises in Gaza, Sudan
In Gaza, residents are rushing to stockpile dwindling goods as border closures and the Iran war further strain already fragile supplies, with shortages worsening across the besieged enclave as Israel presses on with its genocidal war there.
Israel is set to partially reopen Gaza’s Rafah crossing with Egypt on Wednesday, ending a two-week shutdown that has deepened an already catastrophic humanitarian crisis in the decimated territory.
Israel shut the crossing the same day it and the US launched strikes on Iran, citing “security” reasons.
The World Health Organization’s regional director for the Eastern Mediterranean warned last week that only about 200 trucks a day were entering Gaza, far short of the estimated daily requirement of 600.
Meanwhile, more than 21 million people in Sudan, nearly half of the population, face acute hunger. Famine has been confirmed in areas where months of fighting have made access for aid workers largely impossible.
In January, the UN warned that aid to Sudan could run out within months unless hundreds of millions of additional dollars are pledged.
Three years of brutal war between the military government and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces have killed tens of thousands of people and displaced 14 million.
Eighteen days into the war in Iran, and the scorecard for global equity markets makes for uncomfortable reading.
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European benchmark indices have shed around 7% since hostilities began — the Euro STOXX 50 down 6.5%, Germany’s DAX off 7%, France’s CAC 40 down 7.2%, and Italy’s FTSE MIB lower by 6.4% — dwarfing the more modest 2.5% decline in the US S&P 500, which benefits from America’s status as the world’s largest oil producer and its relative insulation from the energy shock.
Yet the headline numbers tell only half the story.
Beneath the surface, an extraordinary divide has opened up — between European companies that thrive on expensive energy, and those being crushed by it.
The energy shock reshaping the continent
The conflict’s most immediate economic consequence has been a seismic repricing of energy.
Iran’s effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz — through which 20% of the world’s petroleum flows — caused Brent crude to surge from around $70 to nearly $120 per barrel within days.
As of Tuesday, Brent sits at approximately $105, a 42% rally from pre-war levels.
In an attempt to cap the oil price surge, the International Energy Agency coordinated a historic intervention.
More than 30 nations in Europe, North America, and northeast Asia agreed to release a combined 400 million barrels of oil from emergency reserves — the largest such action in the IEA’s 50-year history.
Yet the oil market has sent a clear signal that even this enormous release is nowhere near enough to address the unprecedented supply disruption, with crude prices surging more than 17% since the announcement.
Natural gas has been hit even harder. The Dutch TTF benchmark — Europe’s most important gas price reference — has surged 60% to €52 per megawatt-hour.
In a note this week, Goldman Sachs energy analyst Samantha Dart warned this week that approximately 80 million tonnes per annum of LNG supply — 19% of the global total — is currently offline following the Strait’s disruption and the shutdown of Qatar’s LNG production facilities.
Her team maintains a TTF forecast of €63/MWh for the second quarter of 2026, warning that tightening European physical balances could push prices into the gas-to-oil switching range before the conflict resolves.
The winners: Energy, renewables and fertilizer
The clearest beneficiaries have been European oil and gas producers, whose revenues move in lockstep with the commodity the war has repriced so dramatically.
Norwegian energy giant Equinor has surged 23.7% since the start of the month, as investors pile into one of the continent’s largest oil and gas producers with substantial assets well outside the conflict zone.
Fellow Norwegian producer Vår Energi is up 19.9%, while Aker BP has gained 17.1%. Italy’s Eni is up 14.7%, and Portugal’s Galp Energia has added 13.6%.
The most striking gains, however, have come from an unexpected corner: biofuels.
German renewable fuels producer Verbio SE has shot up 30.4%, and Finland’s Neste Oyj — the world’s largest producer of renewable diesel — has gained 28.1%.
As conventional fossil fuels become more expensive and supply chains more precarious, energy alternatives become dramatically more attractive to both buyers and investors.
German gas utility Uniper SE, which has spent recent years diversifying away from Russian supply, has rallied 19.1%.
The fertiliser sector has also attracted significant gains, with K+S rising 15.3% and Yara International rising 15.0%.
The moves reflect a commodity supply crisis hiding in plain sight: around one third of global seaborne fertiliser trade — roughly 16 million tonnes — passes through the Strait of Hormuz, including 43% of seaborne urea exports, 44% of sulphur, and over a quarter of traded ammonia.
The losers: Steel, airlines and construction
On the other side of the ledger, the losses have been equally dramatic. Energy-intensive industries and businesses exposed to higher costs with little pricing power have been savaged.
Airlines have taken some of the heaviest punishment. Wizz Air — the Budapest-based low-cost carrier with heavy exposure to Central and Eastern European routes — has collapsed 31.2%.
Air France-KLM has lost 22.1% and easyJet has dropped 21.8%. All three face the same brutal arithmetic: jet fuel costs have surged, hedging programmes offer only partial and temporary protection, and there is limited ability to pass costs on to passengers quickly enough to protect earnings.
Steel producers have been hit with similar force. Salzgitter has fallen 27.9%, thyssenkrupp is down 27.3%, and ArcelorMittal has shed 19.1%, joined by stainless steel specialist Aperam, which has dropped 24.5%.
Steel production ranks among the most energy-intensive industrial processes on earth, and mills operating on thin margins face an immediate profitability crisis when gas prices surge 60% in such a short period.
Spanish engineering contractor Técnicas Reunidas has dropped 23.7%, a casualty of its deep exposure to Middle Eastern energy infrastructure projects now thrown into uncertainty by the conflict.
Construction group Webuild has fallen 26.6%, reflecting broader fears that an energy-driven slowdown will freeze infrastructure investment across Europe’s most exposed economies.
Mining company Hochschild rounds out the list, down 21%, rising energy costs compress margins and risk appetite for smaller extractive names evaporates.
Europe enters this crisis in a structurally vulnerable position.
Despite having dramatically reduced its dependence on Russian pipeline gas since the invasion of Ukraine, the continent remains acutely sensitive to energy supply disruptions — and gas storage levels heading into 2026 offer less of a buffer than in prior years.
Israel’s Defence Minister Israel Katz says Ali Larijani, Iran’s security chief, has been killed in an Israeli strike overnight. There has been no confirmation from Iran.
Tourism consultant David Evans has warned that the cost of flying is likely to rise sharply
Expert David Evans warned that the cost of flying could soon surge
A travel expert has advised folks to snap up flights now in anticipation of a predicted ‘surge’ in airfare costs. Tourism consultant David Evans revealed that aviation fuel prices have rocketed by 70 per cent in the wake of the US-Israeli strikes on Iran.
Speaking on BBC Radio 5 Live, he suggested that this could soon make flying considerably pricier. This situation is likely to be compounded by the financial strain many airlines are under due to the cancellation of numerous flights amid the unrest in the Middle East.
When asked by host Rachel Burden whether people should book now before flight prices soar, Mr Evans responded: “If you can get a flight that you feel is offering you a really good value-for-money price and it is via somewhere like Singapore (then yes).
“It’s also worth bearing in mind that, once all this blows over, which hopefully won’t be too far off, the Middle Eastern airlines will undoubtedly be introducing some attractive fares into the market to try and recoup the demand they’ve lost over the past few weeks.
“According to the data we’ve seen, the cost of jet fuel has risen by about 70 per cent. Fuel accounts for roughly a quarter of an airline’s operating cost, so the maths are pretty straightforward – if the fuel price is climbing that much, it won’t be long before air fares start to rise. If this carries on for many more weeks, travelling is likely to become more expensive.”
Mr Evans’ remarks follow revelations that holiday-goers are eschewing Easter trips to traditionally favoured destinations such as Cyprus, Turkey, and Dubai, opting instead for western locations like Spain, Italy, and Portugal, as well as the Caribbean and Mauritius. According to Thomas Cook, bookings to Portugal saw a 42 per cent surge in the fortnight leading up to 13 March.
British Airways has axed some Middle East flight routes until June due to ‘airspace instability’, whilst the UAE and Dubai have been compelled to repeatedly shut down both airports and airspace following retaliatory Iranian strikes. Iraqi officials reported that Iranian strikes over the country on Monday (March 16) were the most intense they had seen throughout the entire war.
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“I think the announcement from BA is probably good news in that it gives those people who would otherwise have been in complete limbo thinking, ‘crikey, is this situation going to improve or not over the next few months’ – now they know their flight is cancelled, they can either rebook on a different route or they can get a refund and use the money to either holiday domestically or to go to a different destination, so at least it provides certainty,” Mr Evans added.
“I guess we could say that the 2020s have been a bingo card of doom and this is the square for 2026, but it is also worth saying that the tourism industry and indeed tourists are incredibly resilient.
“Yes, clearly many people are being disrupted if they had either to or from the UK to or via the Middle East, but there are lots of other destinations that are still open for business and lots of other visitors able to get to the UK very easily.”
An spokesman said: “Due to the continuing uncertainty of the situation in the Middle East and airspace instability, and to provide more clarity to our customers, we’ve extended the temporary reduction in our flying schedule in the region.
“We’re keeping the situation under constant review and are directly in touch with affected customers to offer them a range of options.
“Since the situation in the Middle East began, we’ve helped thousands of customers return home and operated eight relief flights from Muscat in Oman.”
British Airways confirmed that they are operating more flights via other international hubs in replacement of Dubai, which is one of the world’s busiest airports.
This includes four more flights via Singapore and three more flights via Bangkok.
Passengers affected will be able to rebook with another airline, or move their travel to a different date.
Otherwise full refunds are being given to anyone with bookings up to May 31.
The ongoing Iran crisis is still causing chaos for travellers, not just those in the Middle East.
Virgin Atlantic has already ended its Dubai flights for the season early, which were due to conclude on March 28.
March 17 (UPI) — U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has designated a Jewish Iranian-American imprisoned for nearly a year in Iran as wrongfully detained, according to his family.
Kamran Hekmati, a jeweler and longtime resident of Great Neck, N.Y., was detained by Iranian authorities at Tehran’s Imam Khomeini International Airport on May 17, according to the Bring Kamran Home website.
He was in the country for a family matter, and was detained while attempting to return to the United States. The website states he was formally arrested on July 28, less than two weeks after the United States bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities.
His family told UPI in a statement that they were notified on Monday of Rubio’s designation, an official recognition that the United States believes Hekmati is being held in Iran on false charges.
“We are so grateful to President [Donald] Trump and Secretary Rubio for their designation of Kamran Hekmati as a wrongful detainee,” Shohreh Nowfar, Hekmati’s cousin, said in a statement provided to UPI by Global Reach, a U.S. nonprofit that advocates for Americans imprisoned abroad.
“It reassures us that our government has our back in the effort to get Kamran home safely.”
UPI has contacted the State Department for comment and confirmation. Its Office of the Special Presidential Envoy for Hostage Affairs becomes involved once an American citizen is determined to be wrongfully detained.
Hekmati emigrated to the United States following the 1979 revolution.
According to his website, Hekmati was charged with allegedly visiting Israel within the last 10 years based on photos found on his phone of a trip he took to the country for his son’s bar mitzvah. He was sentenced to two years in Iran’s notorious Evin Prison. Advocates said the trip took place 13 years ago.
Hekmati was detained amid growing tensions between the allies, the United States and Israel, and Iran. Iranian authorities formally charged him two weeks after the Trump administration bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities.
He was again charged by Iran in December as tensions rose in the Middle East. Tehran authorities accuse him of meeting with agents of Mossad, Israel’s intelligence agency.
He is reportedly a bladder cancer survivor but requires regular medical testing and preventive medical procedures to guard against its recurrence.
“Kamran appears to be caught up in Iran’s traditional approach of detaining Americans to obtain political concessions from the U.S.,” his advocacy website states.
The announcement comes months after Reps. Tom Suozzi, a Democrat, and Claudia Tenney, a Republican, both from New York, urged Rubio in an early December letter to secure Hekmati’s release and to designate him as wrongfully detained.
Rubio designated Iran a state sponsor of wrongful detention on Feb. 27, a day before the United States and Israel launched their ongoing war with Tehran.
Iranian-American journalist Reza Valizadeh — arrested by Iran’s elite Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in September 2024 and sentenced to 10 years in prison — was also officially designated as wrongfully detained in May.
Nowfar told UPI that the wrongfully detained designation made clear “that the senior-most people in the White House know that Kamran, Reza and the others are being held by the Iranians and conveyed to the Iranians that they will be held accountable for their safety.”
Islamabad, Pakistan — The war launched by the United States and Israel on Iran has already killed more than 1,400 people, set off retaliatory attacks by Tehran targeting Gulf nations and Israel, and pushed global oil prices above $100 a barrel.
Now, eighteen days into the conflict, aid agencies and countries neighbouring Iran are increasingly concerned about a potential refugee crisis.
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The United Nations refugee agency, UNHCR, estimates that 3.2 million people have already been displaced in Iran since US-Israeli strikes began on February 28. For now, the number of people physically crossing Iran’s borders remains comparatively modest. But this is what could happen next, and has put Iran’s neighbours on high alert.
Iran borders seven countries: Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Pakistan, Turkiye and Turkmenistan. Iraq shares the longest frontier, stretching for almost 1,600km (994 miles).
Each of these states faces its own political pressures, economic limitations and security concerns.
But pressure on the ground in Iran is mounting. The country’s Red Crescent Society reports that more than 10,000 civilian sites have been damaged since the war began, including 65 schools and 32 medical facilities, while more than 1,400 people have been killed in the US-Israel attacks. Strikes have hit residential areas in Tehran, Shiraz and Isfahan.
Meanwhile, commercial flights out of Iran have been suspended as airspace is closed.
Eldaniz Gusseinov, head of research at the geopolitical advisory firm Nightingale International, noted that because strikes have so far been concentrated largely on Tehran and western and southwestern Iran, other parts of the country — especially provinces bordering Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and Pakistan are absorbing much of the internal displacement.
“If the strike pattern remains the same, internally displaced people inside Iran will increasingly concentrate in provinces located near those states, creating the preconditions for cross-border movement,” the Almaty-based analyst told Al Jazeera.
And things could get worse. If Tehran, a city of about 10 million people, were to lose its electricity grid or water supply in a US-Israel attack, for instance, residents could be forced to leave en masse.
“Infrastructure destruction does not produce the gradual, manageable flows that the Syrian war initially generated. It produces sudden, massive displacement, driven by the collapse of basic urban services,” Gusseinov said.
Turkiye fears repeat of Syrian migration crisis
Among Iran’s neighbours, only Turkiye, Iraq and Pakistan have extensive experience of hosting large refugee populations.
Imtiaz Baloch, an independent researcher focusing on conflicts in Pakistan and Central Asia, said that if the crisis in Iran deepens, many Iranians could seek refuge in neighbouring states, particularly Iraq and Turkiye.
Analysts say no country faces greater political exposure than Turkiye.
“Turkiye is currently hosting many refugees from Syria and other countries. A new influx of Iranian migrants would likely intensify the humanitarian burden and create new challenges for both host countries and international relief agencies in the coming days,” Baloch said.
Turkiye shares a 530km (329-mile) border with Iran and allows visa-free entry for Iranian citizens. It already hosts the world’s largest refugee population, including roughly 3.6 million Syrians, and anti-immigrant sentiment has hardened within domestic politics over the past decade.
Turkiye’s interior minister, Mustafa Çiftçi, said earlier in March that the government had prepared three contingency plans for the war in Iran.
The first involves intercepting migration flows within Iranian territory before they reach the border. The second proposes establishing buffer zones along the frontier. The third would allow refugees to enter Turkiye under controlled conditions as a last resort.
Turkish authorities say they have already strengthened the border with Iran, adding 380km (236 miles) of concrete wall, 203 optical towers and 43 observation posts – undertaken, according to a Turkish Ministry of National Defence statement issued in January, as the US was building up its armada in the Gulf late last year.
“Although there is currently no mass migration detection at our borders, additional measures have been taken on the border line, and these measures will be implemented if needed,” the Defence Ministry stated on January 15.
So far, this has not been necessary. According to Turkish government data on the movement of people from Iran, 5,010 entered Turkiye from between March 1 and 3, while 5,495 exited.
But Turkiye has felt the effects of the war’s spillover in other ways. On March 9, NATO confirmed it had intercepted an Iranian ballistic missile over Turkish airspace. The debris landed near Gaziantep, in the western-most part of the country, about 50km (31 miles) from the Syrian border. Iran denied that it was behind the attack on Turkiye.
Crisis on an unprecedented scale?
What makes the current situation in Iran particularly urgent is the scale of its population, say analysts.
Syria had approximately 21 million people at the start of its civil war. Iran has roughly 90 million. The Syrian conflict caused more than 13 million people to be displaced, including more than 6 million who fled the country.
A proportionate displacement from Iran would represent a humanitarian crisis with few modern parallels. To put it into perspective, if a country of 90 million experienced the exact same scale of crisis as Syria, nearly 56 million people would be forced to flee their homes, and nearly 26 million of them would become international refugees.
Gusseinov said such a scale of displacement and the capacity of international aid agencies is “fundamentally mismatched”.
Furthermore, Iran itself hosts one of the world’s largest refugee populations: about 3.7 million displaced people, most of them from Afghanistan.
“Any mass displacement from Iran, therefore, creates a dual crisis: Iranian civilians fleeing outward, and Afghan and Iraqi refugees who were already in Iran being displaced a second time, or pushed back to countries that cannot absorb them,” he said.
Hamid Shirmohammadzadeh, 35, who arrived in Turkiye from Iran, shows his passport while staying at a hotel in Van province, Turkiye, March 5, 2026 [Dilara Senkaya/Reuters]
Iraq and the South Caucasus face difficult choices
Although most population movement is still taking place within Iran rather than across its borders, Iran’s neighbours do have cause for concern, analysts say.
“Iran’s neighbouring countries are already dealing with their own crises, which limits their ability to absorb a potential refugee influx. Countries such as Syria, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Afghanistan are facing varying degrees of economic, political, or security challenges. These internal pressures make it difficult for them to accommodate a large influx of refugees,” Gusseinov told Al Jazeera.
Iraq, which shares Iran’s longest border, faces a particularly complex situation.
The country is not only a potential destination for Iranian refugees, but has also been caught in military exchanges between Washington and Tehran. US forces have targeted armed groups operating from Iraqi territory, while Iran and pro-Iran armed groups have struck – or attempted to strike – US military and diplomatic positions inside the country.
The UN’s International Organization for Migration says disruptions on the Iranian side of the border have led to the closure of several crossing points, although Iraqi crossings remain technically open. Meanwhile, the UNHCR says it is monitoring developments closely, and that the Iraqi government would lead any emergency refugee response.
The semi-autonomous Kurdish region of northern Iraq, which, unlike the rest of the country, still allows visa-free entry for Iranian passport holders, adds another layer of complexity.
The region hosts several Kurdish armed groups, some of which have reportedly been in discussions with Washington about receiving military support in return for joining the war against Iran. The development has prompted Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to strike Kurdish positions inside Iraqi territory.
Baghdad has publicly stated that it will not allow its territory to be used to infiltrate Iran, but experts on the region say its ability to enforce the position is limited.
Further north, the South Caucasus states of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia have each expressed concern while attempting to carefully balance relations with both Washington and Tehran.
Azerbaijan has closed its land borders to routine traffic, requiring government approval for any crossing, while Armenia’s border with Iran, which is just 44km (27 miles) long, remains open.
“Armenia is a small economy already absorbing Russian and Ukrainian migrants,” Gusseinov said.
(Al Jazeera)
Pakistan and Afghanistan confront overlapping crises
To Iran’s east lie Pakistan and Afghanistan, each grappling with existing refugee pressures.
According to the UNHCR, since October 2023, about 5.4 million Afghans have returned to Afghanistan from Iran and Pakistan, many not by choice.
Following the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan and the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, a huge wave of Afghans sought refuge across the country’s borders, fearful of economic collapse and security threats.
The UN and international migration agencies estimate that between 1 and 1.5 million Afghans fled to Iran in the immediate aftermath of the US withdrawal, pushing the total Afghan population in Iran to upwards of 5 or 6 million.
Concurrently, hundreds of thousands of newly displaced Afghans crossed into Pakistan, joining a long-established refugee community there and swelling the total number of Afghans in the country to more than 3 million.
In response to this influx and citing domestic economic and security pressures, both Pakistan and Iran initiated aggressive mass deportation campaigns, forcing millions back into Afghanistan. Between late 2023 and the end of 2025, between 2.8 million and 3.5 million Afghans are thought to have been sent back.
Pakistan’s stringent repatriation plans pushed out more than 1.3 million people, while Iran drastically accelerated its expulsions, deporting nearly 2 million individuals in 2025 alone.
According to the UNHCR, in 2026 so far, more than 232,500 Afghans have returned to their country, including 146,206 from Pakistan and 86,253 from Iran.
The primary concern now is that the war in Iran could accelerate these returns, pushing people into communities already struggling to cope and potentially triggering further onward migration. The UNHCR has also warned that largescale and hurried returns of refugees could trigger further instability in the region.
Further complicating the situation, Pakistan and Afghanistan have been engaged in fighting, as Islamabad claims that Afghanistan is providing a safe haven to armed groups launching attacks at Pakistan. Kabul has consistently denied the presence of any such groups on its soil.
Another bout of hostilities in October 2025 led Pakistan to close its borders with Afghanistan. Since then, Afghanistan’s trade and economic ties with Iran have deepened.
“Destabilisation of the Iranian economy, therefore, hits Afghanistan through two channels simultaneously: reduced trade flows and refugee return surges,” Gusseinov said.
Meanwhile, Pakistan faces its own geographical and security challenges.
The country’s border with Iran runs through Balochistan, its largest but most volatile province, where separatist sentiment has simmered for decades. The province has seen an increasing number of attacks by armed groups seeking independence from Pakistan. In February this year, Pakistan’s military concluded a weeklong security operation in the province, and claimed it had killed 216 fighters in targeted offensives.
While Balochistan’s provincial officials say they have sufficient resources to accommodate refugees if large numbers begin arriving across the southern border, researcher Baloch said the reality was more complicated. Any refugee crisis, he said, could make the situation in Balochistan difficult for Islamabad to manage.
“Balochistan’s porous border is next to Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan province, a region that has historically been home to various separatist groups. Any significant influx of refugees across this border could impose additional security and economic costs on Pakistan,” Baloch said.
“Right is right, wrong is wrong, and Trump’s wrong.” Former Marine Brian McGinnis, whose hand was broken by police and a congressman earlier this month in a protest at the US Capitol, says Donald Trump is “wrong” when it comes to the joint US-Israeli war on Iran.
WASHINGTON — President Trump expressed frustration Monday that U.S. allies were not enthusiastic about sending warships to protect merchant vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a sign of Washington’s growing isolation as it tries to stabilize one of the world’s most critical shipping lanes amid its war against Iran.
Trump declined to name the “numerous countries” he said had agreed to help reopen the oil route, which has come under the threat of retaliation from Iran, but was annoyed that most longtime allies were hesitant about joining his international police force. He said they should be “jumping to help us.”
“Some countries that we have helped for many, many years, we’ve protected them from horrible outside sources and they weren’t that enthusiastic — and the level of enthusiasm, it matters to me,” Trump said at the White House.
For Trump, securing allies’ help is as much a domestic economic need as it is international diplomacy. Since the hostilities against Iran began on Feb. 28, Tehran has retaliated by targeting regional oil facilities and at least 20 vessels operating in and around the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.
The result has been “the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market,” according to the International Energy Agency, and it has led to international oil prices surging more than 30% to over $100 a barrel as the war entered its third week with no clear end in sight.
The diplomatic friction, meanwhile, reflects the limits of Trump’s influence at a moment when the global economy is absorbing one of the worst oil supply shocks in modern history, a dynamic that has prompted Trump to warn that countries refusing to help may find Washington a far less generous partner in turn.
Despite Trump‘s demands, several key allies have publicly rebuffed his calls for support.
French President Emmanuel Macron formally rejected the request, saying that France would maintain a “defensive and protective” posture focused on stability rather than escalation.
German Foreign Minister Boris Pistorius was blunter, saying, “This is not our war; we didn’t start it.”
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer also declined to commit, saying the U.K. “will not be drawn into the wider war.” Italy, Spain, Australia and Japan similarly declined, while South Korea and China have not publicly stated their intentions.
The rejections seems to have only sharpened Trump’s demands. At one point during an event Monday, the president turned to House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and said he would share a list of nations that declined to help, suggesting Congress could have a role in any retaliatory measures against reluctant allies.
“Why are we protecting countries that don’t protect us?” Trump said.
Yet Trump also sent conflicting signals about how much allied help he actually needs. At one point he claimed the United States did not require assistance from other countries.
“We don’t need them, but it’s interesting — I am doing it, in some cases, not because we need them, but because I want to see how they react,” Trump said.
On the threat to merchant ships, Trump projected uncertainty. He said the possibility of mines was “enough to keep people” from transiting the waterway, but said that “we don’t even know” if Iran has placed any mines in the strait.
“They may have no mines,” he said. “We hit every one of their mine ships. Every one of them is gone — but it only takes one.”
Speaking aboard Air Force One on Sunday, Trump also sent mixed messages about the threats and the need for help. He said the United States was coordinating with roughly seven countries to deploy naval forces to “police the straits — before adding, in the same remarks, that “maybe we shouldn’t even be there at all.”
He suggested American forces should not be there because other nations depend more heavily on oil shipments through the oil route, an about-face that drew criticism from allies, who said it created confusion about Washington’s strategy in a conflict the United States had itself started.
“To keep the strait open, I have a very hard time believing that China and the other countries the president enlisted are really going to be escorting ships through the strait. That just really doesn’t add up to me,” Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) said in an NBC “Meet the Press” interview Sunday.
“The bottom line is, we really don’t know how long this war is going to be,” he added.
Trump, however, is keeping the pressure on allied countries, making the future of the conflict more open-ended depending on their response.
Trump insisted Monday that “numerous countries have told me they are on their way,” but said he would “rather not say” who they are.
He then said the tepid responses from some U.S. allies had reinforced his skepticism about the value of the NATO alliance, echoing comments he made over the weekend when he warned that a failure to assist would be “very bad for the future of NATO” and that the U.S. would “remember” those who did not step up.
When asked if he was confident Macron will help with the reopening of the strait, Trump told reporters: “Yeah, I mean sure. … I think he’s gonna help. I mean I’ll let you know.”
Europe has nonetheless been drawn deeper into the conflict.
The U.K. initially refused to support U.S. military operations, but softened its position after Trump mocked Starmer as “no Winston Churchill” and called Britain a “once great ally.” France also said last week that it was preparing a separate “purely defensive” naval mission to escort commercial vessels through the strait once it was safe to do so.
Moving forward, it is unclear how the European Union and other nations around the world will respond to Trump’s pressure.
“Nobody wants to go actively in this war. And of course, everybody is concerned what will be the outcome,” Kaja Kallas, the European Union’s top diplomat, said Monday after a meeting of foreign ministers in Brussels. “This is not Europe’s war, but Europe’s interests are directly at stake.”
‘For 40 years, we’re protecting you’: US President Donald Trump criticises allies’ reluctance to commit forces to open the key waterway for Gulf oil exports.
Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr is using his bully pulpit to push back against coverage of the U.S. military action in Iran that his boss President Trump doesn’t like, marking an extraordinary escalation in his clashes with the media.
On Saturday, Carr posted a message on X suggesting TV stations could lose their government licenses to use the public airwaves if they “don’t operate in the public interest.”
Underneath his statement, Carr shared a social media post from Trump, who complained about the New York Times and Wall Street Journal stories on the five refueling tankers were hit during an Iranian missile strike on the Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia.
Carr seized on Trump’s missive to issue a warning to TV outlets, which are frequently threatened by the president when he is angry at their coverage.
It’s the latest attempt by the FCC chair to apply pressure on media companies that irritate Trump with critical coverage of his administration.
Since becoming FCC chairman last year, Carr has repeatedly threatened to use the levers of power he has to punish TV and radio stations when they get in Trump’s crosshairs. His behavior has alarmed free speech advocates.
“Broadcasters that are running hoaxes and news distortions — also known as the fake news — have a chance now to correct course before their license renewals come up,” Carr wrote, without providing evidence to back up his claims. “The law is clear. Broadcasters must operate in the public interest, and they will lose their licenses if they do not.”
Carr’s threats are based on his assertions that said he wants to enforce the FCC’s public interest obligation for broadcasters that use the airwaves. He made similar remarks in the fall, which prompted two major TV station groups to keep ABC’s “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” off the air for a week due to remarks the host made regarding slain right-wing activist Charlie Kirk.
Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have repeatedly attacked news organizations for any reporting that doesn’t say the war in Iran is anything but a rousing success.
Ellison, the chief executive of Paramount who, along with his father, has forged strong ties to the White House, will have control over CNN in addition to CBS if the company’s deal to acquire the news outlet’s parent Warner Bros. Discovery is completed.
Carr made the appointment of an ombudsman for CBS News a condition to approve Ellison’s Skydance Partners deal to acquire Paramount last year. Paramount also drew scrutiny over its controversial decision to pay $16 million to settle Trump’s legal salvo against “60 Minutes” over the editing of an interview with his 2024 opponent, then-Vice President Kamala Harris. Most legal analysts viewed the case as frivolous.
The FCC has no jurisdiction over CNN, which is why most of Carr’s barbs are aimed at ABC, CBS and NBC, which air on local TV stations. He once wrote on X, “More Americans trust gas station sushi than the legacy national media.”
Trump said in a social media post Sunday that he was “thrilled” with Carr’s remarks and would support his efforts to go after what he called “Highly Unpatriotic ‘News’ Organizations.”
“They get Billions of Dollars of FREE American Airwaves, and use it to perpetuate LIES, both in News and almost all of their Shows, including the Late Night Morons, who get gigantic Salaries for horrible ratings,” Trump wrote.
Andrew Jay Schwartzman, a Washington-based public interest communications attorney, believes Carr’s conduct and threats violate the 1st Amendment, adding that any serious attempt to revoke licenses would be tied up in legal challenges.
“Even if he started to try to deny a license renewal as quickly as he could, Brendan Carr would be long gone before that case would be over,” Schwartzman said. “The law intentionally sets out a very steep burden for the FCC to deny a license renewal; the process takes many years, during which time the licensee continues to operate normally under ‘continuing operating authority.’”
Carr’s remarks Saturday drew immediate blowback from Democrats and 1st Amendment advocates, noting the FCC’s role does not include policing the free press.
“Once again, this FCC pretends it has the power to control news coverage,” FCC Commissioner Anna Gomez said Monday in a statement. “In reality, the FCC has vanishingly little power over national news networks. It licenses local broadcast stations, not networks, and no licenses are up for renewal until 2028.”
Calif. Gov. Gavin Newsom weighed in as well, posting, “If Trump doesn’t like your coverage of the war, his FCC will pull your broadcast license. That is flagrantly unconstitutional.”
Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), usually a reliable voice of support for the Trump administration, expressed his concerns over Carr’s remarks.
“I’m a big supporter of the 1st Amendment,” Johnson told Fox News on Sunday. “I do not like the heavy hand of government no matter who’s wielding it. I’d rather the federal government stay out of the private sector as much as possible.”
Gomez added that while attempts to pull licenses border on folly, Carr’s threats and attacks on the media can create a chilling effect and erode the public’s confidence in the press.
“Over the past year, this FCC has attacked the media as part of a years-long campaign by this Administration and its allies to discredit factual, independent coverage while blaming the press for growing public distrust,” Gomez said. “Meanwhile, it is the FCC’s own credibility and public trust that are rapidly eroding.”
Trump is not the first president to target TV station licenses in response to negative news coverage. At the height of the Watergate scandal in the 1970s, Richard Nixon’s allies attempted to challenge the TV licenses for three stations owned at the time by the Washington Post.
The effort didn’t get far.
The last Los Angeles outlet to lose its broadcast license was KHJ in 1987, when the station was part of RKO General, a media company owned by the General Tire and Rubber Co. The case was related to corporate malfeasance and not broadcast content on the stations.
The process to revoke the RKO licenses took seven years from the moment the FCC voted in favor of the move.
“Since then, only small mom-and-pop radio stations have been litigated,” Schwartzman said. “The cases nearly always involve lying to the government, felony convictions or failure to pay regulatory fees. In one recent case, a small owner convicted of tax evasion still kept his license.”
There would be other logistical hurdles to the FCC making good on Carr’s threats.
As Gomez noted, Carr’s FCC only has regulatory control over the TV stations that carry the network signals. If stations were drop network programming for any reason, they could violate their affiliation contracts and lose the right to carry NFL football and other content that delivers big ratings and revenue.
Sinclair Broadcast Group wanted Kimmel to apologize to Kirk‘s family and contribute to his organization Turning Point USA before putting the host’s late night show on the air.
That did not happen and “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” returned to Sinclair’s stations anyway.
Offering another rationale for the US-Israeli war on Iran, Donald Trump claimed he ordered strikes to prevent a nuclear conflict that would have turned into World War III. He also said not even the “greatest experts” thought Iran would retaliate with attacks on Gulf states.
Israeli forces have attacked multiple towns in southern Lebanon after announcing “limited and targeted ground operations” against Hezbollah. Israel has warned residents will not be able to return to their homes until the military says so.
As the war US-Israeli war on Iran enters its third week, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has said that his country has shown it is ready to take the war “as far as necessary” and that the conflict must end in a way “that our enemies will never again consider repeating these attacks”.
AS A RESULT of the Iran crisis, Brits have been looking for different destinations to travel to, with demand rising for some countries.
The conflict in the Middle East has had a ripple effect throughout the travel sector, with Brits being forced to cancel their holidays as the Foreign Office has issued ‘do not travel’ warnings to some destinations.
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A number of European destinations are experiencing a rise in demand including spots in Spain like Ibiza (pictured)Credit: GettyItaly has seen an increased in demand too, where you could visit cities like Florence (pictured)Credit: GettyWhile some providers are seeing bookings for Greece fall, despite it being safe to travel to (pictured: Corfu)Credit: Getty
And now, Brits looking at booking a holiday are choosing destinations closer to home in Europe.
Last week, On The Beach confirmed that they had experienced a drop in demand for popular holiday destinations including Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and Egypt, as a result of growing tensions in the Middle East.
This is despite the Government having no warning against travel to any of the popular holiday regions in these countries.
But on the other hand, TUI has seen increased interest in Greece, as well as Portugal and Spain, as customers look to “familiar destinations”.
Neil Swanson, a director at TUI, said: “While we are seeing some cancellations in the affected areas, these are currently outweighed by customers choosing to amend their plans instead,” reports The Guardian.
Hays Travel on the other hand, has seen interest grow for trips to Italy, Malta and Croatia.
And Surrey-based holiday operator Kuoni has seen interest in longer haul destinations such as the Caribbean grow although this also comes with a jump in price as well.
Mark Duguid from Kuoni said: “What we’ve seen is huge increases in flight prices, because the seats remaining are limited – we are talking about seats going up by £1,000 a person for an economy seat, which then prices the holiday out of the market for many customers.”
Pure One Travel founder, Wesley Baker, said: “Travellers are still eager to explore the world, but geopolitical events inevitably influence where people choose to go.
“We are seeing customers pivot towards destinations they perceive as easier and more straightforward to reach.”
The tour operator added that interest has increased for destinations such as Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece.
Baker added: “Many travellers are simply redirecting their plans rather than cancelling them.
“Europe remains extremely popular, while long-haul destinations in Latin America are also attracting interest from travellers looking for something more adventurous.”
According to Expedia, popular European destinations for this spring based on search data include Paris in France; Amsterdam in the Netherlands; Rome in Italy and Majorca and Tenerife in Spain.
Hays Travel has seen interest grow for trips to Italy, Malta and Croatia (pictured: Florence, Italy)Credit: GettyPure One Travel are seeing increased interest for Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece (pictured: Milan, Italy)Credit: Getty
Ljubljana in Slovenia has seen a 90 per cent increase in search as well, and Valencia in Spain has seen a 65 per cent increase.
The Sun’s Head of Travel Lisa Minot explained: “There’s no doubt the current crisis in the Middle East is going to have a seismic impact on our holiday habits.
“Reports of travellers stranded in the UAE and across the globe will certainly prompt those looking to travel long haul to look at alternative ways to fly – with direct flights to places like Thailand, the Maldives and Japan sure to be very popular.
“Closer to home, the situation will sadly likely impact destinations like Turkey, Egypt, Cyprus and possibly even Greece.
“And with soaring fuel costs, tour operators will be looking to price alternative destinations competitively.
“But there are other options – our traditional resorts in places like Spain and Portugal are good, safe bets.
“Comparison giant TravelSupermarket has crunched the numbers for this summer and declared Spain’s Costa Calida one of the best-value destinations for this summer.
“Dubbed the ‘warm coast’, this region stretching along the south eastern region of Murcia is one of Spain’s most underrated coastlines with 150miles of beaches, crystal clear waters and the unique Mar Menor lagoon, Europe’s largest saltwater lake.
“Also worth exploring are the likes of Montenegro, Albania and even North Macedonia for cheaper hotel and restaurant costs as well as traditional favourite Bulgaria.”
HomeExecutive InterviewsIran Conflict Sparks Risk, And Opportunity, For Egypt: CIB CEO Hisham Ezz Al-Arab
As the regional conflict involving Iran intensifies and shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has nearly come to a halt, business leaders across the Middle East are considering both the risks and potential opportunities. Hisham Ezz Al-Arab suggests that some oil shipments might shift to the Suez Canal.
As CEO and board member of Commercial International Bank (CIB), Egypt’s largest private-sector bank, Hisham Ezz Al-Arab sees first-hand how the war is shaking regional financial markets, disrupting emerging economies, and putting pressure on currencies as investors rush toward safe-haven assets.
Global Finance:How is the current war on Iran affecting the economies and the financial sector of the region?
HishamEzz Al-Arab: The region faces a lot of uncertainty as markets react more strongly than they did during last June’s 12-day war. Oil prices crossed the $100/bbl mark for the first time since 2022 as a result of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which controls around 25% of global oil and 20% of gas shipments, in addition to refineries that shut down due to security risks. This poses a key risk on GCC countries, particularly Qatar and Kuwait with both high oil production and reliance on the Strait of Hormuz, as well as increased freight and insurance costs.
GF:What is the impact on Egypt?
Ezz Al-Arab: In the short term, the situation impacts Egypt in terms of the uncertainty. Emerging markets — including Egypt — have seen major portfolio outflows, particularly placing pressure on the Egyptian pound and reversing its progress against the US dollar over the past year to reach an all-time low. This has subsequently triggered a hike in safe-haven assets, including USD and gold, as risk-averse investors have reallocated their investments from emerging markets. In the long term, risks include inflation re-accelerating and Central banks keeping rates on hold.
GF: What is your take on the currency adjustment?
Ezz Al-Arab: I think the central bank (CBE) is doing an excellent job with its flexible approach to managing the exchange market, particularly regarding cash repatriation. With a significant volume of carry trades being unwound — estimated at roughly $7 billion–$8 billion out of a total $35 billion–$40 billion — the CBE has allowed the pound to move from approximately 47 to 53 EGP per dollar. In the past, this was not possible. We had fixed rates, which drove capital away, rather than retaining it. The shift to a flexible exchange rate framework has proven to be a critical tool in absorbing external shocks, and I think the CBE will not hesitate to let the pound gradually drift as long as more money is coming out.
GF:Can you see some opportunities for Egypt?
Ezz Al-Arab: I believe the conflict provides an opportunity for Egypt as it hosts alternatives to the Hormuz Strait: The Sumed pipeline (2.5mb/d capacity), as well as being a possible bridge to Saudi Arabia’s Red Sea pipelines (5mb/d capacity). This places Egypt as a strategic partner in the current crisis as well as provides the country with preferential access to a congested oil market.
Additionally, the situation will positively impact the Suez Canal. The ships that used to go through the Strait of Hormuz to reach Gulf nations will likely now unload in Jeddah and Yambu on Saudi Arabia’s Western coast. So whatever is coming from Europe will now go through the Suez Canal with a lower risk, as well as all the traffic coming to Saudi or out of Saudi, even in terms of oil or products. Another potential upside is that recent regional tensions may prompt some travelers to consider alternative destinations, and Egypt remains well-positioned given the strength and diversity of our tourism sector.
GF:How is the situation affecting the 3 million Egyptians employed in the Gulf, especially in Saudi Arabia and the UAE?
Ezz Al-Arab: I think whoever doesn’t have a second residence in Egypt will start to think about buying one, and that should have a positive impact on demand for real estate. But on the other hand, we wouldn’t like to see the economy in the GCC being impacted because potential job losses or an exodus of workers could ultimately lead to a decline in remittances.