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Pakistan has successfully flight-tested its first indigenously developed air-to-air missile, marking a significant milestone in the country’s efforts to establish its own advanced aerial weapons industry. The test of the Fa’az missile, announced by the Pakistani military alongside video footage of the event, puts the country among a relatively small group of nations developing their own air-to-air missile capabilities.

Pakistan’s military announced the successful test on November 3, describing Fa’az (Urdu for Victorious) as an indigenous weapon equipped with an advanced terminal guidance system capable of engaging aerial targets at longer ranges. The accompanying footage shows the missile being launched from a pylon under the wing of a JF-17 Thunder fighter. Importantly, the weapon visible in the video is the Fa’az-IIR, the imaging infrared (IIR) version of the missile, rather than the separately developed active radar-guided Fa’az-RF variant.

Senior Pakistani military officers, along with scientists and engineers involved in the program, witnessed the event. The country’s senior civilian and military leadership subsequently congratulated those involved.

The Fa’az program has been publicly known for several years. Pakistan’s state-owned Global Industrial & Defense Solutions (GIDS) displayed mockups of two variants of the missile at the International Defense Industry Fair (IDEF) in Turkey back in 2023.

These comprised the Fa’az-RF, an active radar-guided missile, and the Fa’az-IIR, which features an IIR seeker. At the time, GIDS described both as medium-range air-to-air missiles with advertised ranges exceeding 100 kilometers (62 miles) and maximum speeds of approximately Mach 3.5. The company also advertised seeker detection ranges of 25 kilometers for the radar-guided version and 40 kilometers for the infrared-guided variant. As always, such figures should be treated as manufacturer specifications, under optimum conditions at best, or inflated at worst. In an operational context, they will vary greatly depending on the type of engagement and the energy and altitude state of the launching aircraft.

Unlike an active radar-guided weapon, an imaging infrared missile relies on the target’s thermal signature for terminal guidance. To achieve engagements at distances of 100 kilometers or more would involve the launching aircraft providing initial targeting information, with the missile using inertial navigation and potentially datalink updates to travel toward a predicted intercept area before activating its infrared seeker for terminal acquisition. This is known as lock-on after launch (LOAL), an approach also used by other beyond-visual-range infrared missile designs.

Speaking to TWZ, Douglas Barrie, senior fellow for military aerospace at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) research institute in London, raised the possibility — so far unconfirmed — that the seekers used in the Fa’az missiles could well have been supplied by China.

“My assumption with the Chinese imaging infrared seeker is that this is good technology,” Barrie said. “If it’s like everything else China is now doing in the guided weapons world, it’s likely up there with the best. Even a detuned version is going to be a good sensor.”

The Fa’az design has previously been compared with China’s SD-10/PL-12 air-to-air missile, also used by Pakistan. GIDS has maintained that it developed its products locally and owns the associated intellectual property rights. The extent of any technological influence from existing foreign missile designs remains unclear, but China and Pakistan already have a very close military relationship.

With that in mind, the program also has important implications for the Sino-Pakistani JF-17 Thunder, which is central to Pakistan’s efforts to develop a more self-reliant combat aviation industry. An indigenous air-to-air missile could give the Pakistan Air Force greater flexibility in integrating, upgrading, and sustaining its fighter weapons inventory without depending entirely on foreign suppliers.

There is also an interesting parallel between Fa’az and the JF-17 itself. The fighter was developed through a partnership with China, giving Pakistan a pathway to build up its own aerospace design and production capabilities. Fa’az could represent a similar progression in the weapons arena, particularly if its development draws on earlier Chinese missile technology while establishing a domestic design and production capability.

Pakistan is not starting from scratch when it comes to advanced air-to-air weapons. The Pakistan Air Force already operates a range of imported systems, including China’s very capable PL-15E, an export version of the PL-15 beyond-visual-range air-to-air missile. The weapon arms both its J-10C fighters and JF-17 Block III jets. Pakistan’s F-16s are meanwhile armed with the American-made AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM), although the use of these weapons is reportedly subject to U.S. restrictions.

You can read all about the air-to-air missiles currently fielded by the Pakistan Air Force in this previous TWZ article.

As for the PL-15E, this weapon features an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar seeker and a two-way datalink, with a published maximum range of around 145 kilometers (90 miles). Pakistan was the first export customer for the missile, which attracted considerable attention following its use during the May 2025 India-Pakistan air conflict. Although the precise outcomes of the reported engagements remain disputed, Beijing has sought to capitalize on the missile’s apparent battlefield performance as a showcase for its advanced weapons exports.

In an operational context, the Fa’az-IIR in particular could be a compelling complement to the PL-15E. In Soviet and Russian doctrine, the launch of a radar-guided air-to-air missile would typically be followed immediately by the pilot firing an infrared-guided missile against the same target, increasing the probability of a kill and complicating any countermeasures that might be employed. The same could apply in the context of the PL-15E and the Fa’az-IIR. Infrared guidance brings other advantages, too, including its capability against low-observable targets that might evade a radar lock-on. This is especially important now that stealthy targets are proliferating. Paired with an infrared search and track (IRST) system for targeting, and other networked data if available, a missile of this kind offers a deadly capability against stealth targets.

Just as importantly, the Fa’az program is about proving Pakistan’s ability to develop and eventually produce this critical class of weapon domestically. Possessing the industrial and technical expertise to design and manufacture an advanced air-to-air missile is significant, and would also provide Islamabad with a compelling export product.

The development comes as air-to-air missile capabilities become increasingly important to the regional military balance. India has its indigenous Astra beyond-visual-range air-to-air missile, while China has developed increasingly sophisticated weapons, including the PL-15. Establishing its own missile program gives Pakistan another avenue to sustain and develop its air combat capabilities.

Pakistan has not released detailed information about the test, including the engagement parameters or performance against an aerial target. Nor has it indicated when the Fa’az-IIR might enter operational service or provided an update on the development status of the radar-guided Fa’az-RF.

Nevertheless, the test marks an important step for Pakistan’s defense industry, taking an indigenous air-to-air missile program beyond exhibition mockups and into flight testing. It is a significant development in the country’s efforts to establish a domestic air-to-air weapons capability and join a relatively small group of countries with the expertise to develop such weapons.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

IRGC says underground military complexes allow missile production to continue even under heavy bombardment.

Iran is building underground military complexes able to sustain weapons production and storage even under heavy bombardment, according to the country’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC).

IRGC spokesperson Hossein Mohebbi made a series of announcements on Saturday about the military’s capabilities during a news conference in Tehran, Iranian media reported.

Among the achievements listed were an “underground missile city” set to be unveiled, the semi-official Tasnim news agency reported.

Mohebbi said the IRGC had rapidly transferred its missile and drone production lines from the surface to underground facilities. This allows Iran to continue producing missiles while its adversaries assumed its stockpiles were dwindling, he explained.

The spokesperson also outlined advances in stealth technology. He maintained that such improvements had allowed Iran’s missiles and drones to pierce air defence systems and accurately strike targets during previous rounds of fighting with the United States and Israel.

“Today, every weapon used by the IRGC Aerospace Force is manufactured using homegrown knowledge and expertise. Moreover, our products are not even derived from reverse-engineering captured enemy war material,” Iran’s IRNA news agency quoted Mohebbi as saying.

A recent report by US newspaper, The Wall Street Journal, shows that Iran caused billions of dollars in damage to US bases throughout the Middle East during previous rounds of fighting.

Meanwhile, a separate report by the Reuters news agency found that Iran had successfully targeted Gulf infrastructure on at least 135 occasions during the same period, causing billions of dollars in damage and lost revenues.

Mohebbi also warned on Saturday that restrictions on the range of Iranian missiles had been lifted. The warning follows a statement from Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, who said that there would be “no geographical limits” to Iran’s response if it were attacked again by the US and Israel.

The US-Israeli war on Iran was launched on February 28, prompting Tehran to close the Strait of Hormuz and triggering a global energy crisis. Mediation efforts have stepped up recently, as regional countries hope to bring the war to an end.

On Friday, President Donald Trump said the US military launched limited strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island, while also claiming Washington had made “a lot of progress” in talks with Iran.

Tehran has repeatedly warned that it will target Gulf energy infrastructure if the fighting resumes. Such attacks would likely push energy prices even higher.

Meanwhile, Washington has also imposed additional sanctions on Iran as it seeks to force Tehran to concede to its demands. The restrictions have further strained the country’s economy, forcing Iran to adopt new trade routes.

On Saturday, US Central Command (CENTCOM) announced it was establishing a new task force that will support ongoing US efforts to prevent Iran from using land routes to transport advanced weapons and other materials.

The US has also imposed a naval blockade on Iran to prevent it from exporting oil.

Iraqi foreign minister warns of potential regional war, says Baghdad seeking to resolve disagreements with Saudi Arabia.

Iraq has evidence that external parties have been using its territory to launch attacks on neighbouring countries, its foreign minister told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview on Saturday.

Baghdad is investigating attacks launched from Iraqi territory against Gulf states and is seeking to resolve disagreements with Saudi Arabia through dialogue, Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein said.

Saudi Arabia has accused Iran-aligned groups operating in Iraq of attacking its oil infrastructure. In September, Baghdad confirmed that drone attacks on the kingdom’s East-West pipeline originated from Iraqi territory.

Hussein told Al Jazeera that Baghdad was negotiating with Iran-aligned armed factions to bring their weapons under state control and the process must be pursued through dialogue rather than force.

He also said they were in contact with Tehran regarding the issue of weapons held by Iraqi factions.

Hussein said Washington had formally requested the closure of all but two border crossings with Iran. He said that while Iraq welcomed friendship and an alliance with Tehran, it rejected interference in its internal affairs.

Hussein also said Iraq had lost about $60bn from the suspension of oil exports through the Strait of Hormuz, but that shipments have resumed after understandings were reached with Washington and Tehran.

On the issue of combatting ISIL (ISIS), Hussein said that Iraq, Syria, Jordan and Turkiye have formed a committee to fight the group’s presence in Syria.

The full interview will air at 18:00 GMT on Sunday on Al Jazeera.

In the heart of war-ravaged Mosul, two carved lions stand as a fragile link to the city’s shattered past. Bashar, a fisherman, lost his once-grand family home during the battle to liberate the city from ISIL (ISIS) nearly 10 years ago. All that remains is a marble gate crowned with lions, which he fiercely guards.

Fakhri, a devoted collector determined to save Mosul’s heritage, becomes obsessed with acquiring the lions gate for his unofficial museum. His friend Fadil, a musician once silenced under ISIL, challenges him to see the human cost behind every artefact. As Mosul rebuilds, a quiet cultural revival reflects the resilience of a city with 8,000 years of history.

The Lions by the River Tigris is a documentary film by Zaradasht Ahmed.

With Democrats’ decisive victory in the United States’ midterm elections on Tuesday, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries of New York is on the verge of making history as the first Black speaker of the US House of Representatives.

For the 56-year-old congressman, it would be the culmination of almost two decades in office, giving him a central role in Democrats’ efforts to rein in Republican US President Donald Trump in the final two years of his presidency.

But as Jeffries celebrated the “blue tsunami” that swept Democrats back into power the day after the election, some within the party were not convinced that the congressman, known for his cautious approach to politics and longstanding support for Israel, was the right man for the moment.

An online petition on Change.org calling on lawmakers to choose another speaker had collected more than 980,000 signatures by Saturday morning, while several newly elected progressive lawmakers have not said whether they will support him.

“We believe the Speaker should represent the Democratic voters, not just the Democratic establishment,” the petition reads.

“This is not a foregone conclusion,” it continues, urging others to run for the job.

Jeffries, who has spent years cultivating relationships within the Democratic caucus, now finds himself at the centre of a bigger fight within the party, as its growing progressive wing pushes for a more confrontational approach to Trump and a break with some of the ideas that have defined the Democrats for decades.

From Brooklyn to Democratic leader

Jeffries grew up in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, in the 1970s and 1980s, as the neighbourhood was grappling with the crack cocaine epidemic.

“There was a lot of dysfunction and pain that surrounded the communities that I was raised in, but also a lot of love and compassion from family and friends, and community folks,” he told NYU Law in 2019.

The son of two social workers, Jeffries eventually became a lawyer, tracing his decision to pursue a career in law back to the 1992 riots that erupted in Los Angeles after four white police officers were acquitted in the beating of Rodney King, a Black man.

“It crystallized the fact that we still had a long way to go to eradicate social and racial injustice,” he said.

Jeffries went on to work as a corporate lawyer before entering politics, losing two runs for the New York State Assembly before winning a seat in 2006 and eventually being elected to Congress six years later.

In Washington, he helped broker a bipartisan criminal justice reform law signed by Trump in 2018. Two years later, during Trump’s first impeachment trial, he argued that Trump should be removed from office as one of seven House impeachment managers who presented the case to the US Senate.

Rising quickly through the Democratic ranks, Jeffries became caucus chair in 2019 before making history three years later, when he was unanimously chosen to succeed former Speaker Nancy Pelosi as the party’s House leader, becoming the first Black politician to lead a party in either chamber of Congress.

Can Jeffries unite his party?

Jeffries and Pelosi have been compared for their distinct leadership styles. While Pelosi was known for her commanding, top-down approach, Jeffries has built a reputation for quietly and deliberately building consensus among his colleagues.

That approach has frustrated some Democrats, who say Jeffries has been too reluctant to take firm positions and who question whether he is prepared to confront Trump and Republicans in Congress aggressively enough.

Those concerns were on display after Jeffries declared after the election that “the American people don’t want us to get even; they want us to get things done on their behalf.”

Among those who pushed back was left-wing political commentator Hasan Piker, who reposted a video of Jeffries’s comments, saying: “No, we definitely ARE looking for justice and accountability.”

Jeffries also faced criticism after reports emerged in August that he had privately met Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, who does not have a formal role in the administration but has been involved in diplomatic efforts in the Middle East and in Russia.

Jeffries defended the meeting, saying Kushner had requested it and that he had used it to discuss the affordability crisis. But critics argued that rather than meeting privately with Kushner, Jeffries should have been preparing to investigate his business dealings.

Ahead of the election, Axios reported on a plan by some incoming progressive lawmakers – informally known as “The Bloc” and including Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier of New York and Melat Kiros of Colorado – to use the upcoming speaker vote to win concessions from Jeffries on issues such as Medicare for All, cutting funding for ICE, and weapons shipments to Israel.

That may be harder now that the Democrats have a comfortable majority, with Jeffries less dependent on progressive newcomers to secure the speakership. But the result also makes it harder for Jeffries to argue, as he has in the past, that Republican control of Congress is hindering the Democrats’ ability to advance their agenda and hold Trump accountable.

Jeffries’s Israel stance divides Democrats

Of all the sources of tension between Jeffries and his party’s progressive wing, the hardest divide to bridge may be over his longstanding support for Israel and ties to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).

At a conference hosted by the group in 2020, Jeffries opposed putting conditions on US aid to Israel and described Jerusalem as New York City’s “sixth borough”.

He has also been one of the top recipients of financial support from AIPAC and its network of donors, earning the nickname “AIPAC Shakur” from New York radio host Charlamagne tha God.

In a celebratory post after the elections congratulating the candidates it had supported, AIPAC singled out Jeffries and Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer by name.

But Jeffries’s steadfast support for Israel throughout its genocidal war on Gaza has put him increasingly at odds with his own party, and he recently signalled that his position may be changing.

In July, even as he voted against an amendment that would have cut $3.3bn in annual military aid to Israel, he acknowledged the need for a reset in US-Israel relations.

“A meaningful change in direction is needed,” he wrote in a letter to colleagues.

Jeffries appears to have the speakership all but secured, with no serious challenger emerging so far.

However, with Trump still in the White House, a party grappling with its own divisions, and voters expecting change on everything from the cost of living to the war on Iran, the bigger test for Jeffries will come once he is on the job.

Playing with black protective bandaging taped to his left forearm, Ponga was directly involved in four of New Zealand’s six tries. His fancy footwork and slick handling setting up scores for Briton Nikora, Casey McLean and Xavier Willison.

He largely dominated the contest with opposite number Lehi Hopoate, notably clearing out the full-back as he fumbled a grubber kick in Tonga’s in-goal area for New Zealand’s second try, scored by Dane Gagai.

In defence, a bruising try-saving block on Demitric Vaimauga indicated no cause for concern about his wounded wing.

“Obviously a freak of a player,” said Kiwis captain James Fisher-Harris. “The defensive mindset he had tonight, he saved a couple of tries. That’s what I love about KP.

“He’s a freak of nature. His leadership skills are underrated. He’s really good for us, our spine especially.”

But while it was undoubtedly the Ponga show at the home of his NRL side Newcastle Knights, New Zealand are not just a one-man band.

Gagai sparked the counter-attack for McLean’s try by forcing a knock-on around halfway. Jahrome Hughes added directness with his carries and when putting boot to ball. Dead-eye kicker Jamayne Isaako mastered fierce winds to kick five out of six conversions, curling two over from the left touchline, to take his tally for the tournament to 36 from 38 attempts.

Asked if this was New Zealand’s best shot at adding a second title to their 2008 triumph, Fisher-Harris paused before replying: “Yes.”

“We’re just trying to chase history,” he added. “We’ve only done it once but we’ve been building with this squad, this generation, for the past six or seven years.”

The prime minister blames pro-Russian hackers for the leak, as her top diplomat says the cyberthreat was ongoing.

Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani has said his personal data had been disseminated on the dark web, with Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni blaming pro-Russian hackers for the leak.

Tajani announced in a social media post on Saturday that “for days now, cybercriminals have been publishing my personal data on the dark web and seeking further information, effectively exposing me to new threats and intimidation”.

The threats against Tajani, who is also vice prime minister of Italy, come amid a spate of hoax bomb threats across Europe that have forced flight diversions, security alerts at broadcasters, and attacks on supermarket refrigeration systems.

“They are also targeting my family; they are willing to pay for more details about me and my loved ones,” Tajani added in his X post. “My response is very simple: I will not be intimidated in any way.”

‘Matter of grave concern’

Meloni expressed solidarity with Tajani “following the revelations about the activities of pro-Russian hackers, and the publication on the dark web of personal data”.

She called attempts to sell confidential information about government officials “a matter of grave concern that must be addressed with the utmost determination”.

Tajani added in his statement that Italy’s “position on Ukraine is the political reason I have been targeted: defending the freedom of a sovereign state, taking a clear stand in support of a nation’s democracy and independence, is dangerous in the eyes of these criminal entities”.

He also suggested that the cyberthreats may also be a reaction to the Italian government’s efforts to strengthen the Foreign Ministry’s digital defences.

Tajani did not specify what kind of information had been shared, but suggested that the cyberthreat was ongoing.

He added that the ministry was taking the threats seriously and was coordinating its response with allied countries.

New Zealand (12) 34

Tries: Nikora, Gagai, McLean, Hughes, Willison, Nicoll-Klokstad Goals: Isaako 5

Tonga (10) 10

Tries: Fifita 2 Goals: Katoa

Just 23 days after breaking his arm, Kalyn Ponga returned to inspire New Zealand to a 34-10 victory in a pulsating encounter with Tonga as they reached their first World Cup final since 2013.

Ponga had been named initially in reserve and then as one of the interchange players in the build-up to this contest – and the expectation was that he would be eased back into action and play a limited role.

Instead, head coach Stacey Jones stunned many with his decision to include Ponga in New Zealand’s starting 13 but was repaid in full as the Newcastle Knights talisman starred on home turf at the McDonald Jones Stadium, in New South Wales,

Ponga’s impact from full-back was almost immediate as he sent Briton Nikora over in the right corner inside four minutes.

He was also involved in the Kiwis’ second try of the game – as his contest with his opposite number Lehi Hopoate was crucial to Dane Gagai grounding the ball.

And while the swirling wind made conditions almost unplayable at times, he repeatedly gathered high kicks and made several telling defensive contributions.

One of those included throwing himself in the way of Tonga’s juggernaut second row Demitric Vaimauga to prevent a certain try, while his ability to stall Hopoate’s run and prevent him from offloading to Isaiya Katoa stopped another at a key stage with New Zealand only 12-10 ahead.

The prelude to this fixture was almost every bit as gripping as the main event.

Tonga’s traditional war dance, the Sipi Tau, was met by New Zealand’s Haka and a long stand-off between the players provided the perfect backdrop to a contest brimming with athleticism, power and superb ball-handling skills.

For the second week running, Tonga fans turned out in force with the stands a sea of red.

And they witnessed their side’s participation in a wonderful advert for rugby league with Jojo Fifita scoring two excellent tries.

However, the match ultimately swung away from them in a five-minute period after the break when New Zealand’s outstanding centre Casey McLean surged over in the left corner and the wily Jahrome Hughes darted in to score.

On this occasion, Kristian Woolf’s team, who effectively torpedoed England’s hopes of reaching the last four with a 30-12 in their opening match on 17 October, were unable to stage the same sort of fightback that helped them defeat their Pacific Island rivals Samoa last weekend.

With the scoreboard, time and a gale-force wind against Tonga, Xavier Willison punished them further when they failed to gather a short drop out.

And when Charnze Nicoll-Klokstad superbly grounded Erin Clark’s kick, it put the gloss on a fine New Zealand performance.

The unnamed individual will be the first foreign national to visit China’s space station as part of Shenzhou-24 mission.

China’s Manned Space Agency has selected a Pakistani astronaut as a payload specialist for its upcoming Shenzhou-24 mission, making the unnamed individual the first foreign national to visit the country’s space station.

The Pakistani astronaut would join China’s Shenzhou-24 mission, as part of bilateral cooperation under Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese state media reported on Saturday.

China has not identified the astronaut nor given a date of departure, but the mission is expected to take place by the end of the year.

Pakistani pilots Zeeshan Ali and Khurram Daud spent months training at the China Astronaut Research and Training Center in Beijing for a mission.

Last February, Pakistan and China, longstanding strategic and diplomatic partners, entered into an agreement, establishing a Chinese government-led programme to train Pakistani astronauts. China is Pakistan’s largest trading partner and a key foreign investor.

The China National Space Administration will also deploy Jinnah-1, Pakistan’s inaugural lunar rover. Weighing 35kg (77lb) and fitted with specialised scientific equipment, the rover is tasked with analysing plasma behaviour, radiation, and the composition of lunar soil.

The training programme includes practical operational exercises and intensive Chinese language lessons to prepare the candidates for the mission.

Beijing’s China Central Television reported that after completing a short-term in-orbit flight, the astronauts would return to Earth on board the Shenzhou-23 spacecraft.

China invested heavily in its space programme in recent years – catching up with its main rival, the United States – and aims to land astronauts on the Moon by 2030.

The US, Russia, and China are also racing to build nuclear reactors on the Moon. While the US space agency, NASA, announced plans to develop a nuclear reactor on the Moon by the end of 2030, Russia has been working with China and aims to do the same by 2036.

The reactors will be needed to power the mining of frozen water trapped deep in the moon’s craters, which scientists believe could supply drinking water, air, and rocket fuel for future bases. The reactors would also provide power for lunar bases.

Port Sudan, Sudan – After a two-and-a-half-hour journey from the village of al-Lalouba, Layla Ali arrived in Port Sudan to get help for her five-year-old son, Adam. His severe malnutrition had left his ribs visibly protruding beneath his skin.

He had begun to lose his appetite two weeks earlier and became too sick to move. The distance to the hospital and Ali’s fears about the cost of treatment stopped her from rushing Adam for medical treatment. But when his condition deteriorated further, Ali had no choice but to rush him to hospital.

“We spent five days in hospital while my son received treatment. He suffers from recurring bouts of malnutrition, but this time we brought him to hospital because I was afraid he might die,” Ali told Al Jazeera.

“When Adam became ill, he would stop eating. I used to give him the usual meals we prepared at home, mostly porridge and milk. But the doctors have now helped me understand which foods are appropriate for his age and the nutrients he needs.”

Adam’s condition reflects a wider crisis facing children across Sudan, where a civil war has continued since April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary.

The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) estimates that 825,000 children under five will suffer from severe acute malnutrition in 2026, a 7 percent increase from 2025.

In the first six months of this year, UNICEF and its partners treated 174,700 children with severe acute malnutrition nationwide. The Port Sudan Teaching Hospital has recorded 433 cases between January and August this year.

Maryam Gadalsid, a nutrition counsellor at the hospital, said the number of children admitted with malnutrition continues to rise, forcing medical staff to accommodate as many as possible.

But this has led to overcrowding, with three children to a single bed in the hospital’s 17-bed malnutrition unit, Gadalsid told Al Jazeera, increasing the risk of disease spreading among patients.

“Medical staff assess each child’s condition before providing essential supplies, including therapeutic milk and other nutritional supplies free of charge, with support from the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF,” Gadalsid said. “However, intravenous fluids and medication remain a significant financial burden for many families, struggling with the economic crisis caused by the war.”

Gadalsid added that inadequate nutrition among pregnant women, driven by displacement and economic hardship, was also putting their babies at risk of poor growth and malnutrition.

An increase in the numbers of flies, which can contaminate food and water, and mosquitoes, which transmit malaria, was worrying, she said. Malnourished children, in particular, are at risk of these diseases and viruses.

“With the onset of winter, malnutrition cases increase [and] … the number of flies rises, contributing to the spread of diseases that cause malnutrition,” she said.

Displaced children face worsening malnutrition

The situation is particularly bad in western Sudan’s Darfur region, which had already faced two decades of war before the 2023 nationwide conflict broke out.

Darfur has been an epicentre of the current conflict and is currently an RSF stronghold. Fighting there, combined with hunger and disease, has created an increasingly desperate situation for millions of civilians, particularly women and children.

In North Darfur alone, there were at least 40,000 cases of malnutrition between January and May 2025, according to UNICEF, when the RSF imposed a siege on the state’s capital, el-Fasher. The city was later taken by the RSF in October, and the paramilitary group is accused of killing thousands of civilians there.

Meanwhile, in Blue Nile State, southeastern Sudan, malnutrition is also taking a growing toll on displaced children.

Sabri Adam, deputy head of the committee overseeing al-Karama 3 displacement camp, which is located in the state capital al-Damazin, told Al Jazeera that cases of malnutrition had risen from 1,800 in September to 2,116 in November, accounting for more than a quarter of the camp’s children. Of those affected, 1,760 are under the age of five.

According to Adam, al-Karama 3 is home to more than 7,600 children under the age of 10, among almost 4,000 displaced families. They had fled areas in western Blue Nile State, including al-Tadamon, Bau and Kurmuk, where military operations between the SAF and the RSF have intensified.

“These families arrived at the camp in extremely difficult humanitarian conditions, amid limited funding and humanitarian assistance from organisations, and a lack of health monitoring despite the growing needs of displaced people,” he said to Al Jazeera.

Adam said the camp received cash assistance from the Red Crescent earlier this month to support people affected by malnutrition and pregnant women. Each eligible household received 620,000 Sudanese pounds (about $60 at the parallel market rate).

The situation is unfolding as the IPC warns of a growing risk of famine across parts of Greater Darfur and Greater Kordofan. Conflict, mass displacement, severe drought and inadequate humanitarian funding are driving a further deterioration in food security.

The El Nino climate phenomenon has led to reduced rainfall in Sudan during the rainy season, leading to drought that is affecting roughly half of the country.

According to the IPC, nearly two-thirds of farmland in North Darfur and roughly half in South Darfur and Kordofan states have had poor vegetation growth, threatening harvests and leaving families facing higher prices and worsening hunger.

War and poverty deepen Sudan’s malnutrition crisis

Back at the Port Sudan Teaching Hospital, Dr Ahmed Youssef, the medical director of the paediatric department, said increasing malnutrition was driven not only by the effects of war and displacement but also by limited nutrition awareness or accessibility among families, particularly in rural communities.

Many families in smaller villages across Sudan rely heavily on flour and milk as staple foods, with meat largely absent from their daily diets.

“We are working to provide families of children with malnutrition with basic nutrition education as a first step towards tackling the problem. However, we face difficulties reaching villages to deliver healthcare and raise awareness,” he told Al Jazeera.

Food contamination, particularly amid unreliable electricity supplies and a lack of refrigerators in many households, makes it difficult for families to store food safely and is also a major issue.

“Families often bring their children to hospital only when malnutrition has reached an advanced stage, either because of financial hardship and fears about treatment costs or because of limited education,” he said.

Tel Aviv-Jaffa, Israel – On election day, Lama Yassin, 31, drove to polling stations in her hometown of Arrabeh, where Palestinian citizens of Israel make up an overwhelming majority, inspired by what she was witnessing.

“You would see families coming to the polls together, grandparents and grandchildren,” she said. “It was the first time in a really long time that I felt there is hope – hope of a change.”

The overwhelming Arab turnout in the October 27 Israeli election won the Arab parties a record 19 seats in the Knesset, the Israeli parliament.

Thabet Abu Rass, an expert on Jewish-Arab relations in Israel, had predicted the Arab parties would be impossible for Gadi Eisenkot’s opposition bloc to ignore: Their seats push it past the 61-seat threshold for a ruling coalition.

Instead, Yassin and others saw Israeli channels invite “Jews to talk about Arabs and Arab voter turnout”, she recalled, with almost no Arab guests.

“The whole conversation was about how dangerous these Arab voters are.” The “most disgusting term” she saw online, however, was the repeated refrain of “election terrorism” on Channel 14, the hard-right, pro-Netanyahu station.

Within a day of the vote, Likud and figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir accused the Arab parties of stealing the election through “bribery, threats, violence, forgeries”. The accusations have continued even after the Central Elections Committee and the Israeli police said they found no sign of organised tampering.

Distraught, Yassin posted an Instagram video that went viral among Palestinians, capturing the doublespeak of Israelis they so often hear:

“Eating hummus with us? ‘Brothers and friends’.

Seeking political power? ‘Terror supporters’.

Helping someone in distress? ‘Brothers and friends’.

Voting in large numbers? ‘Terror at the ballot box’.”

“When it suits you, we are brothers and friends. When it suits you, we are a symbol of coexistence. When it suits you, you go around the world boasting about our integration into Israeli society.

“But the moment we demand to have influence, to shape policy, and to take part in decision-making – suddenly, our very presence becomes a threat.”

When voting becomes ‘a danger to the state’

More than a week after the election, Jaffa’s Ajami neighbourhood offers both the history leading up to – and the fraught circumstances of – this moment that Abu Rass calls Israel’s “political crossroads”.

Faded Arabic signs on abandoned buildings hint at the Palestinian community that thrived in Ajami before 1948. On Ajami’s streets, posters of children killed during Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza hang metres away from campaign posters for Ra’am and the Joint List.

From the back office of his cluttered hardware shop, Omar Siksik, once a Tel Aviv-Jaffa city councilman who now co-chairs Kulna Yaffa, a grassroots, Arab-Jewish civic initiative in the city, weighs this moment of unprecedented representation – met by renewed delegitimisation efforts – against Ajami’s own history. It is a struggle, he says, for basic existence.

Before 1948, Jaffa had about 100,000 Palestinians. After the Nakba, fewer than 4,000 remained – with those left fenced inside Ajami under military rule. “We called it the Ajami ghetto,” explained Siksik. Born there in 1957, he grew up sharing a toilet and kitchen with newly arrived Jewish immigrants who took the homes of expelled Palestinian neighbours.

Over time, the fence surrounding Ajami was torn down, martial law ended, and the Palestinians who remained there were granted Israeli citizenship. But later, when Siksik became the head of the Rabita Association, a nonprofit for the Palestinian residents of Jaffa, he remembered “sleeping under the bulldozers” that were razing the houses of Palestinians in the area, a practice that Rabita had fought in court.

For Siksik and others, election day is the only occasion that’s different for Palestinian citizens of Israel. “This is a democratic election,” he said. “It’s the only thing where we’re equal with the Jews. The only thing.

“When we came and expressed our dissatisfaction with this government, the Arab vote became a danger to the state,” said Siksik. “It’s not normal.”

Many Palestinian citizens of Israel believe they’ve been allowed to remain out of necessity, not equality. “The bus drivers are Arabs, the doctors in the hospitals are Arabs, the construction workers are Arabs,” Siksik notes.

But even those “essential worker” roles are being stripped away. After October 7, Israel revoked tens of thousands of work permits for Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank to enter Israel, and the essential jobs they filled are being replaced by short-term labourers brought from abroad. Yassin notes fabricated stories over the summer on Israeli social media that Arab doctors were poisoning Jewish patients at Rambam Hospital in Haifa.

“If they could give up on anything Arab, they would,” says Yassin. “It’s not because they like us [that they let us remain]… It’s not because they want to; it’s because they have to.”

Facing ‘the whole Israeli system’

Yassin herself went through that struggle for acceptance in Israeli society. After growing up in Arrabeh, she learned Hebrew so well at Ben-Gurion University that “no one knew I was an Arab any more.” She took a job at a regional council near Jerusalem, in an entirely Jewish workplace, to prove she was “fully Israeli”.

“I did not speak Arabic in public. I even voted for [left-wing Zionist party] Meretz and favoured them over Arab parties,” said Yassin. “I wanted to be ‘the good Israeli’.”

But she could never escape that sense of otherness. At the council, colleagues asked if they could call Yassin – whose first name, Lama, means “why” in Hebrew – “Yasmine” instead, because she reminded them of Jasmine from the movie Aladdin. She was Yasmine for a year and a half. “It was another demand of giving up on another part of my identity – one that defines me literally.”

And then, the Sunday after the October 7 attacks, her colleagues would not say hello back to her.

She came to realise that “shared society cannot be built over inequality.”

After becoming director of public policy at the Abraham Initiatives, which advances the rights of Palestinian citizens in Israel, Yassin testified at Knesset committee meetings regarding unchecked crime and violence affecting their communities. She describes being dismissed or silenced outright, despite prior approval to speak. “If you say one more word,” she recalled the National Security committee chairman saying, “I will ask you to leave.”

Yassin sees that derision of a Palestinian political voice carrying over into the rhetoric – and investigations – surrounding the post-election talks. In Jaffa, that wider climate was felt on November 3, when, about midnight, about 15 security officers, a few of them masked, raided the Jaffa home of Abed Abou Shehadeh, a journalist and activist, arresting him in front of his two children. Accused of having “contacts with a foreign agent”, a court has ordered him held until November 8.

The ‘loyalty test’

In the south, meanwhile, police arrested seven Bedouin men on suspicion of planning to pay people to vote for Ra’am, which calls them party activists and denies the allegations. Arab political leader Ayman Odeh now faces investigations as well by the Shin Bet intelligence service, which is run by the Netanyahu-aligned David Zini, over allegations that he received money from foreign sources to influence voter turnout. Odeh denies the allegations, calling them “political persecution”.

“We are now facing the whole Israeli system,” says Abu Rass. “I think we are facing the deep state also.”

Before the election, Abu Rass had predicted to Al Jazeera that 15 to 17 seats would have Israeli party leaders knocking on the Arab parties’ doors. But despite the Arab parties exceeding even those high expectations, that success has not yet borne such fruit.

With 67 members of the Knesset, including those from the Arab parties, recommending Eisenkot to the president to form a government, the anti-Netanyahu bloc has signalled agreement to remove Knesset speaker Amir Ohana and halt the judicial overhaul legislation. The Arab parties also plan to back a state inquiry into the October 7 security failures. But Abu Rass does not mistake this for a lasting partnership.

“[Eisenkot is] counting on us only for the coming months,” he says, “to help him stabilise his government, to pass this stage of removing the government and Netanyahu.”

And while Eisenkot campaigned on two pillars – removing Netanyahu, and mandating military service for ultra-Orthodox Haredim who largely do not serve – even Avigdor Liberman, long a fierce opponent of Haredi draft-dodging, now signals he would work with the Haredi parties to form an anti-Netanyahu government without the Arabs, who have repeatedly offered to support Eisenkot from outside the coalition to unseat Netanyahu.

Israeli President Isaac Herzog, tasked with choosing a leader to try to form a government, this week condemned “the coarseness and racist expressions that we have heard recently”. But according to Israeli media, during meetings with party leaders, he asked Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas whether he considers Hamas a terrorist organisation. “You cannot constantly put us to this test,” said Abbas, who has repeatedly condemned the October 7 attacks, according to Israeli media.

Yassin has felt and seen these loyalty tests play out before in Israel. “Even if the two million Arabs who live here … say ‘we condemn Hamas,’ the day after, we will have another loyalty test,” she says. “It’s never-ending, and whoever wants to deny our rights in this country does not really need a reason to.”

A Jewish-only coalition, she says, would mean “we went a few stairs down in the whole democracy approach, the so-called democracy in Israel.”

‘We don’t have the privilege of giving up’

Most people in working-class Ajami have swiftly come down from their election-night highs. “I am not optimistic,” said Nadia, a middle-aged woman sitting behind the counter of a clothing store. “If we raise our voice in the streets, we are arrested. If we raise our voice in the ballot, we are dismissed.”

Siksik fears: “I see catastrophic things coming here.”

But Nadia noted she would vote again if it means keeping Ben-Gvir and Smotrich out of government.

As Yassin puts it: “We don’t have the privilege of giving up. If we don’t do this work, no one will.”

After the sense of power the 19 seats gave people, she says, “it’s going to be hard to give it away.”

Sitting in a liberal Tel Aviv cafe, Yassin overheard a conversation at the adjacent table turn to Gaza and “how they killed the children” – apparently in reaction to what she had been saying.

As the opposition bloc appears to be pursuing every avenue to avoid including Arab parties in any position of power, she finds herself looking at even “liberal” Israelis differently.

“I was looking at every one of them and wondering if they would support an Arab or Arab parties being part of the coalition,” she said.

“Because if they don’t want my representatives, it also means that they don’t want me.”

The Sierra Nevada Corporation (SNC) says its decision not to submit a bid to replace the U.S. Navy’s T-45 Goshawk jet trainer was driven by the service’s insistence on a fixed-price contracting structure. The company has also called attention to the potential export opportunities that could emerge for whoever ultimately wins the Undergraduate Jet Training System (UJTS) competition.

For more than a year, SNC had touted plans to compete for UJTS with its Freedom Jet, which was set to be the only clean-sheet design in the running. However, the company confirmed on Tuesday that it had not done so. This has left the Beechcraft M-346N, based on the established M-346 Master jet trainer, submitted by a team made up of U.S. firm Textron and Italy’s Leonardo, as the only known entrant.

Through UJTS, the Navy hopes to acquire 216 new jet trainers to replace its aging fleet of approximately 200 T-45s. The first versions of the Goshawk began entering Navy service in the early 1990s, and the fleet has received significant upgrades since then. The aircraft are aging, and operating and sustaining them have become increasingly challenging. A spate of reported hypoxia-like physiological episodes among pilots led to the development of a new oxygen system in the early 2020s. There have been several Goshawk crashes in recent years due to a variety of factors. The Navy lost another T-45 just in May, with the two individuals onboard thankfully surviving.

SNC had previously said that the Navy’s contracting structure was the central factor behind its decision not to submit a proposal for UJTS, but did not elaborate initially. TWZ reached out for more information and subsequently received a much more detailed response.

Fixed-price risks

“SNC’s decision was driven by the acquisition structure, not the aircraft, the team, or the mission. The current solicitation requires industry to commit to firm-fixed-price production before the aircraft design has fully matured,” SNC told us. “This creates a level of risk we could not responsibly accept and a risk that we believe the Navy will inherit as future cost increases and schedule delays. After careful review, we concluded that we could not commit to pricing a future configuration that has not yet completed the normal design maturation process.”

“Our concerns centered on three related issues: firm-fixed-price production before design maturity, limited visibility into the program’s long-term funding profile, and the requirement to lock in production pricing before key design decisions are finalized,” the company continued in its lengthy statement. “Taken together, those elements place a significant amount of program risk on industry while important aspects of the program are still evolving.”

As the name indicates, firm-fixed-price contracting involves the customer and the vendor agreeing to a hard cost figure up front. Cost growth due to delays and other factors is then generally shouldered by the vendor, though the parties can also renegotiate the terms down the line.

The pros and cons of firm-fixed-price have been a particularly hot topic of debate between the U.S. military and its suppliers for years now. It has been argued that fixed-cost deals are good for U.S. taxpayers, by promoting accountability and preventing an endless stream of funding going into programs that are not delivering results. At the same time, questions have been raised about incentives, or the lack thereof, and the compounding impacts of ballooning costs on program schedules due to factors potentially beyond a company’s control.

Boeing has become something of a poster child for the pitfalls of fixed-price contracting that can emerge on both sides of the equation. In recent years, the company has seen billions of dollars in losses on high-profile fixed-price deals, particularly with the U.S. Air Force. This includes the KC-46 Pegasus aerial refueling tanker and T-7A Red Hawk jet trainer programs. The company has lost more than $3 billion just in the course of work on two new VC-25B Air Force One jets. This is in no small part due to quality control problems and other issues at Boeing. At the same time, fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic and other macroeconomic factors have also played a part.

In April, President Donald Trump signed an executive order that outlined much of this continued debate. It also declared that “it is the policy of my Administration that fixed-price contracts with performance-based considerations should serve as the default and preferred method of procurement in order to advance cost predictability and budget discipline, appropriate contractor incentives and accountability, and streamlined procurement and contract administration.”

Earlier in the year, the Navy had notably announced an increase in the total cost ceiling for the prospective UJTS contract from approximately $1.8 billion to $2.7 billion. At the same time, additional questions have been raised about the availability of funding for the program at the time of the contract award, which is now set to come late next year.

SNC’s clean-sheet Freedom design

SNC had already been taking something of a riskier approach to UJTS. As we noted in the opening of this story, the Freedom jet trainer had been the only clean-sheet design set to compete to replace the Navy’s T-45s. At the time of writing, a prototype has yet to fly. In contrast, the Beechcraft M-346N is based on a design in widespread operational service globally today. Lockheed Martin and Boeing had been expected to put forward versions of existing jet trainers before they dropped out of the running earlier this year.

Furthermore, SNC had been continuing to develop the Freedom jet to be capable of performing carrier qualifications and simulated carrier touch-and-goes at bases on land. This is despite the Navy having long ago axed those requirements from the UJTS program as part of a broader shift in how it trains naval aviators. Unlike the service’s current T-45s, the future UJTS jet trainers are not required to be capable of operating from real carriers at all.

Freedom Family of Training Systems (FoTS)

Continuing changes to the Navy’s naval aviation training pipelines have been and still are controversial, but it has shown no signs of backtracking. Service officials consistently point to developments in virtualized training and assisted carrier landing capabilities as having fundamentally changed what is required to safely and effectively produce new naval aviators.

Flight Ready: Magic Carpet

Flight Ready: Live, Virtual, Constructive

“Our decision does not reflect any change in confidence in the Freedom Trainer. Freedom was designed specifically for naval aviation training as a clean-sheet, carrier-capable solution intended to deliver modern training capability and long-term lifecycle savings,” SNC said in response to queries this week. “We continue to believe it is the best option for the Navy’s future jet training needs.”

In statements earlier this week, SNC expressed its willingness to re-engage with the Navy if changes are made to its T-45 replacement plans.

Export potential for any future Navy jet trainer

SNC has also now shared insights into how it previously attempted to address its concerns about the UJTS contracting structure with the Navy. The company notably highlighted potential for export deals facilitated through the U.S. government’s Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program.

“SNC engaged extensively with the Navy on the UJTS requirement over several years and raised these specific concerns directly,” per the company’s statement to us. “We appreciate the professionalism and openness of the Navy and PMA-273 team and have remained engaged in a constructive dialogue throughout the process.”

PMA-273 is the Naval Undergraduate Flight Training Systems Program Office at Naval Air Systems Command (NAVAIR).

“We have shared several ideas with the Navy, including additional risk-reduction activities through preliminary design review, proposals based on more mature designs and acquisition approaches that better align production commitments with design maturity,” according to SNC. “Greater visibility into the program’s long-term funding profile would also help, with additional pre-planned Foreign Military Sales partnerships developed with and for the joint force training and readiness.”

“Programs at this level should be considering bringing our allied partnership and investment to the table to drive production and affordability on both the front end and the back end,”  SNC’s statement explains. “There are more than 600 FMS trainer aircraft requirements that could be combined in a joint program for the UJTS at a tremendous cost offset to the Department of War.”

When Boeing won the Air Force’s T-X competition with what became the T-7A Red Hawk in 2018, TWZ also highlighted the immense potential for foreign sales that could result. Despite interest from several countries for versions of the Red Hawk, no export sales of T-7s have yet been announced. The T-7 program, which is notably being run under a fixed-price contract, has also been beset by technical issues, delays, and cost growth.

How the Navy proceeds now with UJTS, if at all, very much remains to be seen, especially with the M-346N being the only known serious entrant at this point in time.

“The program office is restricted from disclosing this information or commenting on active proposals,” a Navy spokesperson told TWZ when asked for an update on UJTS following SNC’s decision not to bid. “To maintain the integrity of the competitive process, source selection information including bidder identities and proposal details, are restricted from public disclosure.”

It is important to note here that the UJTS program schedule has already slipped multiple times. The original goal was for the Navy to begin receiving new jet trainers in 2028. Now, the initial contract for these jets is not even expected to come until the fourth quarter of Fiscal Year 2027, which runs between July and September of next year.

“I’m unable to share details of the proposal or speculate about the Navy’s next steps,” Textron also told TWZ in a separate statement. “Textron Aviation Defense also brings an established American workforce, supply chain and production capability to support delivery at scale. Combined with a mature Integrated Training System that brings together live, virtual and constructive training, the M-346N offers the U.S. Navy a low-risk solution designed to prepare aviators for the demands of the high-end fight.”

“Ultimately, the Navy is best positioned to determine the path forward, and we stand ready to re-engage if the approach is revisited,” SNC told us. “Our view is simply that robust competition delivers the best value for the Navy and the taxpayer over a program of this duration. We would welcome the opportunity to compete under a structure that we can responsibly support.”

For now, as far as we know, the Navy is pushing ahead with UJTS, even though there appears to be only one contender for the fixed-price contract.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

People stopped for minor traffic violations will no longer be referred to US Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

The mayor of Houston, the most populous city in the US state of Texas, has ordered the city’s police force to sharply limit its cooperation with the United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

John Whitmire’s executive order came on Friday, days after Democrats swept statewide offices in the traditionally Republican state.

According to the order, Houston police will contact ICE only when a person is being arrested for a jailable offence, according to the Reuters news agency.

Whitmire said he had consulted Texas’s newly elected governor, lieutenant governor and comptroller before acting, and that the move was meant to reduce fear and anxiety across the city.

“Elections matter,” Whitmire told reporters. “I do this to begin a healing process,” he said, adding he hoped his executive order would become a model for other Texas cities.

Joining Whitmire at the news conference, Houston Police ⁠Chief J Noe Diaz said he supported the change and that his department had already begun to implement the new policy.

Under the new rules, people stopped for minor traffic violations will no longer be referred to ICE simply because they have an administrative immigration warrant.

The decision reverses a policy Whitmire put in place in April under pressure from outgoing Republican Governor Greg Abbott.

Abbott had threatened to withdraw about $110m in state public safety grants, arguing that a city council ordinance limiting police contact with ICE breached Senate Bill 4, a 2017 state law that bars local police from restricting cooperation with federal immigration authorities.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton also sued the mayor, the city council and the police chief over the ordinance.

“We’re taking an interpretation of the law today, working with the newly elected members of the state leadership, in implementing this policy,” Whitmire told reporters. “We don’t want people to worry about ⁠their workers, their family members, their students.”

The issue has drawn intense scrutiny in Houston. The Houston Chronicle found that city police contacted ICE at least 107 times in the first eight months of 2025, compared with nine times in the whole of 2024.

In July, an ICE agent shot dead Lorenzo Salgado Araujo, a longtime Houston resident.

FIEL Houston, an immigrant rights group, called the order a victory for the city but said it was long overdue. “Today Houston won. Today our community can breathe easier,” FIEL Executive Director Cesar Espinosa said in a statement to KPRC.

Whitmire said he expected Houston’s approach to become a model for other cities. In Austin, Mayor Kirk Watson asked city officials on Friday to revise their own policy on ICE warrants.

Luka Doncic poured in 53 points to propel the Los Angeles Lakers to a 124-118 NBA Cup group-stage victory over Portland on Friday as LeBron James’s latest return to Cleveland ended in defeat.

Doncic’s latest big game helped the Lakers shake off a sluggish start that saw them trailing by as many as 16 points in the second quarter.

Doncic closed the first half with an astonishing shot from well beyond the half-court line, pulling the Lakers within seven points and setting the tone for their second-half surge.

The Trail Blazers had pulled within four points in the final minute when he hit a floater, and the Lakers held on for their fourth straight win.

Doncic has scored at least 40 points in six of his last seven games and joined Elgin Baylor, Kobe Bryant and George Mikan as the only Lakers players to score 40 or more in four straight regular-season contests.

“I’m having a lot of fun,” said Doncic, who added five rebounds and five assists.

“Obviously playing basketball, it’s a lot of fun for me. It’s more [fun] when you play like this and when you win games.”

The 11th 50-point game of Doncic’s career was his fourth with the Lakers – passing LeBron James and tying Mikan for the fourth most for the franchise.

James, who left the Lakers for the Philadelphia 76ers in June, made his first trip as a Sixer to Cleveland, where the Cavs spoiled his latest homecoming with a 119-95 victory that snapped Philadelphia’s five-game winning streak.

James, expected by many to opt for a third stint in Cleveland before he chose Philadelphia, was greeted by warm cheers – and scattered boos – when he was introduced.

The four-time NBA champion, playing his 24th NBA season at the age of 41, was cheered again when he exited the game late in the fourth quarter.

LeBron: ‘I did not feel in good rhythm offensively’

In between, it was a rough night for James and his teammates.

The league’s all-time leading scorer finished with eight points on three-of-12 shooting with seven rebounds, three assists, two steals and six turnovers.

Star centre Joel Embiid missed all nine of his shots from the floor, making six free throws for six points.

Jaylen Brown, like James an off-season import, led the Sixers with 20 points, but the Cavaliers seized control early and repelled every Philadelphia surge.

Donovan Mitchell scored 10 of his 23 points in the first quarter. Evan Mobley added 22 points, and Cleveland out-rebounded Philadelphia 56-42 despite the injury absence of centre Jarrett Allen.

“I did not feel in a good rhythm offensively,” James said.

“We didn’t look like much offensively. We had a couple of spurts. We were able to cut [the deficit] to three in the third quarter. But too many turnovers on my behalf.”

Friday’s games were part of NBA Cup group-stage action, which will continue throughout November.

Quarterfinals of the in-season tournament will be played December 4-5 and semifinals December 8-9 before the final on December 11.

The Boston Celtics drained a whopping 24 three-pointers on 44 attempts in a 119-80 blowout of the Hornets in Charlotte.

Jayson Tatum drilled five three-pointers on the way to a game-high 34 points for Boston, who led by as many as 46 in the wire-to-wire win.

Wembanyama fuels Spurs

San Antonio star Victor Wembanyama, coming off a stunning 52-point, 24-rebound performance in a win over Dallas, scored 30 points and pulled down 14 rebounds to lead the Spurs to a 124-109 victory over the Kings in Sacramento.

The Oklahoma City Thunder continued their dominance of the Grizzlies with a 128-97 win in Memphis.

Ajay Mitchell scored a career-high 35 points, and two-time defending NBA Most Valuable Player Shai Gilgeous-Alexander added 28 for the Thunder, who notched a 13th straight regular-season win over the Grizzlies despite missing injured starters Jaylen Williams, Cason Wallace and Chet Holmgren.

The absences were irrelevant as the Thunder jumped to a 71-49 halftime lead.

Russia’s Defense Ministry has released footage showing a Mi-28NM Havoc attack helicopter firing a small, low-cost cruise missile, supposedly during combat operations in Ukraine. The video provides the clearest official indication yet that Russia is exploring a non-traditional, new launch platform for its emerging family of relatively inexpensive standoff weapons.

One missile is seen being fired from a pylon beneath the helicopter’s left-side stub wing; the helicopter returns after the mission with an unfired missile still hanging under the right-side stub wing. The Defense Ministry has not provided a date, precise location, or details about the target. Nor has it identified the weapon, which could be either the S8000 Banderol or the Dan-T, two closely related and visually very similar Russian missile developments.

The footage is not entirely unexpected. Earlier this year, photographs began circulating showing a Mi-28NM on the ground, carrying what appeared to be the same missile. There had also been unconfirmed reports from Ukraine in August that Russia was using the helicopter as a launch platform for Banderol, including firing the weapons from over the Sea of Azov against targets around Odesa.

The Banderol, developed by Russia’s Kronstadt company, was first detailed by Ukrainian military intelligence (GUR) in the spring of 2025. According to GUR, the missile is approximately 16.4 feet long, has pop-out wings, and is powered by a small turbojet engine. It reportedly flies at around 310 miles per hour, has a range of up to 310 miles, and carries a warhead weighing approximately 110 pounds.

GUR’s analysis also provided a detailed rundown of the foreign components it identified in the weapon. Its production involves “around 30 companies” supplying “more than 20 key components,” with potentially additional parts that have yet to be identified. Among the components reportedly used are a small commercial Chinese SW800Pro turbojet and a Russian-made Kometa digital antenna for satellite navigation. The weapon also makes extensive use of components sourced from foreign manufacturers, including in the United States.

The other possible candidate is the Dan-T, apparently derived from the Dan-M target drone, but with a roughly 300-pound warhead added. It is also reported to have a range of around 310 miles, while costing approximately 35 percent less than the Banderol.

The Banderol first emerged publicly through Ukrainian intelligence reporting, but Moscow eventually began acknowledging the weapon. Russian state television showed it beneath the wing of a Kronstadt Orion drone in July 2026, when it was first officially presented, albeit heavily obscured.

Ukrainian reporting indicates that the weapon has already seen operational use. Between mid-May and mid-July, the Ukrainian Air Force recorded 16 strikes involving Banderol. It reported five launches in a single barrage on July 16.

There are also indications that the Dan-T could ultimately become the more widely procured weapon. Reports from Ukraine suggest that Russia’s Aerospace Forces may have decided to focus procurement on the Dan-T, with plans to acquire tens of thousands of the missiles. Unlike the Banderol, the Dan-T is also reportedly intended for launch from combat aircraft and ground-based launchers. In September, Russia was already pitching the weapon for export at the El Alamein International Airshow in Egypt.

The use of a helicopter to launch a weapon of this type is particularly unusual. A relatively slow- and low-flying platform like the Mi-28 would be much more vulnerable to enemy air defenses than a fixed-wing tactical aircraft. However, the reported range of the Banderol and Dan-T would allow the helicopter to launch well away from the intended target, potentially from across the border while remaining in Russian airspace. For comparison, the maximum range of the Kh-38 (or LMUR) missile — which is otherwise the farthest-reaching Mi-28 weapon — is a little over nine miles.

For many months now, Russia has been seeking to expand its arsenal of weapons capable of striking Ukrainian targets from standoff distances. Mounting losses of Russian tactical aircraft to Ukrainian ground-based air defenses have underscored the need for weapons that can hit targets precisely at and well behind the front lines without exposing expensive aircraft to excessive risk.

Most notably, Russia has fielded the UMPK, a fairly crude type of guided glide bomb that has caused considerable difficulties for Ukrainian air defenses since its introduction around early 2023. The UMPK series has since been followed by more refined winged precision-guided glide bombs.

However, these weapons are unpowered. The small turbojet engine fitted to the Banderol and Dan-T puts them in the cruise missile category, while their reported range of up to 310 miles is particularly significant, if accurate. That range comes at the expense of warhead size, especially when compared with larger Russian cruise missiles.

The weapons’ navigation and electronic warfare protection systems are also important considerations. An inertial navigation system, combined with a jamming-resistant satellite navigation system, should provide a degree of resilience against the kind of electronic warfare jamming that is increasingly being employed by Ukraine. Satellite navigation can also help correct for accumulated drift, an important consideration given the accuracy limitations of inertial navigation systems over longer distances.

In essence, the Banderol and Dan-T offer Russia a lower-cost, potentially higher-volume complement to its more sophisticated cruise missiles.

As we noted previously:

“The Banderol is particularly relevant in the context of the economics of the Ukraine conflict. Russian forces have increasingly used combinations of relatively inexpensive one-way attack drones and more expensive cruise and ballistic missiles. The drones can be produced in large numbers and used to complicate air-defense operations, while the more capable missiles provide greater speed, range, payload, or penetration capability. A small turbojet-powered weapon such as Banderol offers another point on that spectrum.”

The ability to launch these weapons from non-traditional platforms, including drones, attack helicopters, and potentially ground-based systems, would also give Russia greater flexibility in how it employs them. Its bomber fleets and fixed-wing tactical aircraft could concentrate on their primary roles and make use of their established weapons, while other platforms take on some of the standoff strike mission.

For the Mi-28NM, meanwhile, the ability to employ a long-range cruise missile could provide a useful additional role, particularly after the helicopter fleet has suffered heavy losses during the war in Ukraine.

According to the Oryx open-source tracking group, Russia has lost 21 Mi-28s since launching its full-scale invasion of Ukraine four years ago. This figure could be higher because Oryx only tabulates losses it can confirm visually. Russia began the conflict with a force of around 110 Mi-28s of all versions. Other Russian battlefield helicopter types have suffered even heavier attrition, reflecting the level of danger that rotorcraft are exposed to when close to the front lines.

⚡️Video of the destruction of the Mi-28 of the 🇷🇺Russian Air Force using an 🇺🇦FPV drone. The first recorded case pic.twitter.com/LWosDeX2Ah

— 🪖MilitaryNewsUA🇺🇦 (@front_ukrainian) August 7, 2024

Russia is not alone in exploring this concept. The U.S. Marine Corps is working to give its AH-1Z Viper attack helicopters a new long-range strike capability through L3Harris’ modular Red Wolf launched-effects family. The weapon, which has already been test-fired from an AH-1Z, is being developed under the Marines’ Long Range Attack Missile (LRAM) effort, with a reported range in the low hundreds of miles. Beyond its kinetic strike role, Red Wolf can also be configured for missions such as communications relay and electronic warfare and has also been pitched for U.S. Army helicopters and tiltrotors. The effort reflects a broader push to give rotary-wing aircraft the ability to deliver precision effects well beyond the range of their traditional weapons, while raising questions about where the boundaries between cruise missiles, drones, and other launched effects are increasingly drawn.

For the Kremlin, the appeal of such weapons lies not only in their relatively low cost, but also in the ability to field them across a wider variety of platforms, further complicating Ukraine’s efforts to deal with incoming attacks.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Agadir, Morocco – Mustapha Harmouch moves slowly across the sand at Agadir’s Corniche, sweeping his metal detector in low, even arcs. He tunes out the surfers paddling beyond the shore, the children shrieking in the waves and the chatter of families, all his attention is on one sound: the beep that means the coil has passed over something buried beneath the sand.

For the 33-year-old content creator, that uncertainty is the whole appeal. The detector does not distinguish between treasure and rubbish, it gives the same signal whether the object below is a coin, a ring, a discarded piece of aluminium, or an old piece of fishing equipment.

“The excitement comes partly from not knowing what lies beneath the sand,” he told Al Jazeera English.

Harmouch bought a Tianxun TX 850 metal detector online about four years ago. What began as a hobby has since become an occasional part of the videos he posts on Stofishing, a YouTube travel and spearfishing channel with roughly 123,000 subscribers.

“It’s a nice hobby because it’s the kind of exploration where I find something and learn something new,” he said. “Each outing is a chance to encounter something I would otherwise never have known about.”

That curiosity has led him to old coins, including some associated with historical periods and places such as the Al Haouz region and Fez.

In the coastal town of Sidi Ouassay, about 65km south of Agadir, he says he found one of his rarest hauls: 14 Moroccan falus, old bronze or copper coins, in a single spot.

Some were too damaged by salt and the passage of time for their markings to be easily read, but Harmouch says the oldest dates to 1289 on the Hijri calendar.

For Harmouch, the coins’ value lies less in their price than in what they reveal about the past.

“I just collect them as a memory,” he said with a glint in his eye.

In the same area, he once found what he thought was a meteorite, only to learn it was a common, inexpensive mineral.

“Before asking, I thought I had found the best discovery,” he said, laughing at the memory.

That sense of possibility and adventure is what keeps him returning to the beaches around Agadir.

Harmouch goes detecting about four times a month, often with fellow members of the Moroccan Association for Research and Exploration Enthusiasts. He favours Taghazout and Agadir’s Corniche, where there is less rubbish for his detector to pick up.

The beaches have yielded jewellery, Moroccan coins and foreign currency, including a French 20-franc silver coin.

The possibility of finding something valuable is still part of the appeal. He once found a small gold ring in Taghazout.

“I always try to identify and return valuable lost items to their rightful owners,” Harmouch says.

Where the law draws the line

Morocco’s main legal framework for protecting historical monuments, archaeological sites, works of art and antiquities dates to Law 22-80, which regulates archaeological prospecting and the treatment of historical discoveries. The government has reiterated that unauthorised archaeological searches on land or at sea are prohibited.

Under the law, searches intended to uncover monuments or moveable objects of historic, archaeological, or anthropological importance require authorisation, while accidental discoveries are subject to reporting requirements.

If a non-archaeological activity uncovers monuments, coins, works of art, or antiquities, the discovery must be reported to authorities. The objects should not be damaged or moved, except where necessary to protect them.

Finding a modern coin lost by a holidaymaker is one thing; deliberately searching for archaeological material is another.

But on Morocco’s coastline, archaeologists say the context in which an object is found can be just as important as the object itself.

Underwater archaeologist Basma Oumaima explains why context matters: “Sometimes something as simple as a fragment of metal, a coin, or a small tool can become important because of where it was found and what was found around it”.

“That does not mean curiosity itself should be discouraged. Metal detectors themselves can actually be useful tools in archaeology when they are used as part of a proper archaeological survey, where every find is located, recorded and studied within its context”.

Harmouch says he respects the law. Members of the association carry identification, avoid private property and heritage sites and treat detecting as a hobby rather than a job. His source of income, he says, comes mainly from content creation and a fishing equipment store.

‘Every person has their luck’

For Mohamed Botaib, metal detecting has never been his main source of income. A former sports coach currently looking for work, he searches beaches, forests and mountains as a hobby.

His finds have been modest: ordinary coins, Moroccan dirhams and rings.

“Every person has their luck,” he said.

For Jalal Zegnoune, another detectorist, removing unwanted metal is one of the hobby’s practical sides. His detector has produced coins, jewellery, glasses and watches, along with less glamorous finds, including rusted sardine-can fragments, nails and lost fishing gear.

“I remove such objects from the beaches because some can be dangerous to beachgoers,” he said.

Zegnoune works full-time as a maintenance technician in Casablanca and goes metal detecting when he’s free or for limited hours in the evening.

“I also enjoy meeting other people who practise the hobby and sharing the objects they find.”

“When we look at the beach, it’s not to find treasure,” Botaib says. “It’s also our way of contributing to keeping our beaches clean. We collect pieces of metal and aluminium that we find and throw them away.”

USS Theodore Roosevelt moored at Changi Naval Base in Singapore last night just before midnight Eastern Time, her final stop before continuing on to the Middle East. The Roosevelt Carrier Strike Group (CSG) will join the George H.W. Bush and George Washington CSGs, which are both now prepared, locked, and loaded should the commander in chief follow through on threats to renew military action against Iran after Tuesday’s midterm elections. Roosevelt and the three escorting warships will transit the Strait of Malacca next before heading west toward the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR), a journey that will likely take one to two weeks.

Meanwhile, the U.S. quietly launched strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island on Monday, according to a report first published by The Wall Street Journal. The U.S. officials cited by The Journal said the strikes were reactive and for defensive purposes, but the paper notes they were the latest in a “series of limited strikes Washington has secretly carried out against the country in recent weeks.” However, it’s possible that CENTCOM began shaping operations to prepare the battlefield if the go order is given. The U.S. military did not announce the strikes publicly, a noteworthy deviation from past operations that were typically disclosed, but U.S. President Donald Trump told Fox on Tuesday it was “just a minor attack” on a recently built “anti-aircraft facility.”

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring and visualizing America’s flattop fleet, including deployed CSGs and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARGs), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

How Fast Can The Theodore Roosevelt CSG Get To The Middle East?

The Theodore Roosevelt CSG completed combined exercise Keen Sword 27, which involved four other allied navies, on October 29. After being topped off by fleet replenishment oiler USNS Tippecanoe the following day, Roosevelt and her three escorts – guided-missile cruiser USS Chosin and guided-missile destroyers USS Paul Hamilton and USS Decatur – entered the South China Sea via the Luzon Strait and steamed southwest toward Singapore. A U.S. official told Axios that the group will spend a few days in Singapore but “won’t reach CENTCOM’s area of responsibility before mid-November.”

According to MarineTraffic, Roosevelt switched on her Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponder about 100 nautical miles east of Malaysia at 11:25 Eastern Time on November 5, broadcasting a precise position publicly for the first time since departing Yokosuka on October 19. The flattop moored at Berth 3/4 at RSS Singapura–Changi Naval Base approximately 12 hours later, followed by the other three warships over the next few hours.

The next leg of Roosevelt’s transit to the CENTCOM AOR runs north through the narrow Strait of Malacca and west across the vast Indian Ocean. In August, USS George Washington completed the journey from the Strait to the Arabian Sea in just over one week. A few days in port and a roughly 10-day cruise support the reporting of a mid-to-late November arrival.

Elements of the Makin Island ARG, which is also reportedly bound for the Middle East, were still in Yokosuka, Japan, as of publication. The three-ship amphibious group, packed with more than 2,200 Marines, will likely replace the Boxer ARG, which is approaching eight months deployed and due for relief. The fleet of amphibious warships is stretched thin, with only 31 in the fleet, but Navy and Marine leaders believe at least 40 are required.

Which Carriers Are On Station If The U.S. Launches Post-Midterm Strikes Against Iran?

USS George Washington, with Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 5 embarked, and USS George H.W. Bush, with CVW 7 aboard, are both operating in the Middle East. The composition of both CSGs is fluid as CENTCOM frequently rotates destroyers and cruisers assigned to strike groups with those on independent deployments. Imagery posted on DVIDS, the military’s content-sharing platform, shows Bush launching and recovering F/A-18E/F Super Hornets and EA-18G Growlers on November 4, and Washington conducting a fueling-at-sea evolution alongside fleet replenishment oiler USNS Oscar V. Peterson on November 3.

Washington left Yokosuka, where she is forward-deployed, 167 days ago on what was expected to be a routine three-month patrol in the Western Pacific. However, the flattop was redirected to the Middle East to relieve the battle-worn USS Abraham Lincoln, leaving the roughly 5,000 Sailors aboard unprepared for an unexpected, and potentially extended, combat deployment. Bush, whose crew knew what their mission was upon departure, has been deployed for 220 days. Neither carrier has broadcast AIS since arriving in theater.

An author on the WSJ article referenced above, Shelby Holliday, embarked on Washington in mid-October and provided a firsthand account of life aboard the carrier in a series of must-watch videos on YouTube and Instagram. Sailors spoke candidly about the deployment, and some hinted at what could come next.

Holliday’s interview with the “Gun Boss,” Cmdr. Brian Garcia, showcased AGM-84H/K SLAM-ER (Standoff Land Attack Missile-Expanded Response) air-launched cruise missiles and GBU-31(V)4/B JDAM (Joint Direct Attack Munition) bombs equipped with BLU-109 bunker-buster penetrators. “We’re getting more of these weapons right here, and a couple other items that they feel we’re going to need for whatever the mission set sets forward in the future,” Garcia said. When asked what the magazine room looks like before an escalation, he responded, “This is it right here. This is the preparation that we’re ready for; we don’t need to ramp up because we’re already prepared.”

Where Is The Rest Of The American Aircraft Carrier Fleet?

• On the West Coast, USS Ronald Reagan returned to her homeport in Bremerton, Washington, on November 3 after departing San Diego the week before. Reagan was completing flight deck certification and carrier qualifications following a lengthy maintenance availability. USS Abraham Lincoln, which will conduct a homeport shift from San Diego to Bremerton by the end of the year ahead of a Drydock Planned Incremental Availability, remains moored at Naval Air Station North Island. Also pierside in San Diego, USS Carl Vinson has not been at sea since completing a 25 days of Tailored Ship’s Training Availability and Final Evaluation Period in September.
• On the East Coast, USS Dwight D. Eisenhower returned to Naval Station Norfolk yesterday after a one-day underway, according to AIS data. USS Nimitz has been operating at an undisclosed location in the Atlantic Ocean conducting Carrier Air Traffic Control Center certifications with CVW 1, as well as carrier qualifications, since October 27.
• Three carriers are currently offline in various states of maintenance: USS John C. Stennis, USS Gerald R. Ford, and USS Harry S. Truman. Stennis is at the tail end of a yearslong Refueling and Complex Overhaul (RCOH), while Truman just began an RCOH. Ford began a post-deployment availability in July, and work is expected to be finished by March 2027.
• The future USS John F. Kennedy, the Navy’s second and newest Gerald R. Ford class supercarrier, returned to Norfolk on November 5 after 13 days at sea conducting Aircraft Compatibility Testing with Super Hornets and Growlers. In mid-October, an F-35C assigned to the Air Test and Evaluation Squadron (VX) 23 made the first arrested landing on and launch from a Ford class. Kennedy, still considered a Pre-Commissioning Unit, is expected to enter the fleet in spring 2027, around the same time Nimitz will begin the process of deactivation.

The Big Deck Fleet At A Glance

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed, three are working up in various states of readiness, three are in maintenance, one is post-deployment preparing for an upcoming availability, another is being used primarily for training before deactivation, and the next to be commissioned will be delivered to the fleet in 2027. Two amphibious assault ships are deployed, one is forward-deployed, two are getting ready for upcoming deployments and currently in port, and four are in maintenance.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown on the graphic.

Contact the author: ian@twz.com or @ianellisjones

Israeli President Isaac Herzog must decide who gets the first attempt at forming a government, after an inconclusive election left both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his main rival, former army chief Gadi Eisenkot, short of a parliamentary majority.

Herzog has said he will task a candidate with forming a government on Sunday. Eisenkot has received the endorsement of a majority of lawmakers – but only thanks to parties representing Palestinian citizens of Israel, which won a record 19 seats in October’s election, but whom Eisenkot has ruled out bringing into government.

Here is what we know:

Who is Herzog likely to ask to form a government?

During consultations between party heads and Herzog, which ended on Thursday, 67 out of 120 Knesset members endorsed Eisenkot, while only 46 endorsed Netanyahu.

Netanyahu’s endorsements fell seven short of his bloc’s 53 seats after United Torah Judaism, one of his longtime allies, withheld endorsements over his coalition’s failure to exempt ultra-Orthodox Israelis from military service.

Herzog has not publicly committed to either side, saying that while the numbers may look clear, “mutual vetoes between the blocs and within the blocs themselves” made it hard to tell who could build a coalition.

Prior to the October 27 elections, reports emerged that the president wanted to push for a national unity government between Netanyahu and Eisenkot’s rival parties to avoid another election.

How difficult will it be to form a government?

No bloc has secured the 61 seats needed to form a majority government. Netanyahu’s right-wing and religious alliance has 53, four Jewish-led parties backing Eisenkot hold 48, and the Arab-led parties hold 19.

Eisenkot has ruled out forming a government with the Arab-led parties, which would give him a 67-seat bloc. Winning over the two ultra-Orthodox parties, United Torah Judaism and Shas, would give him exactly 61 seats.

United Torah Judaism has signalled that its support was available for the right price, but Shas endorsed Netanyahu on Wednesday.

Netanyahu, meanwhile, would need to lure an opposition party to his side. A unity government with the two men rotating as prime minister – and excluding Arab-led parties from government – is another option, but many Netanyahu rivals have ruled out serving under him.

Will Arab-led parties be part of the next government?

So far, it seems unlikely that they will.

The Arab-led parties are the Joint List, an alliance of three parties, and the United Arab List (Ra’am). They hold 11 and eight seats, respectively.

Ra’am says it is willing to join an Eisenkot-led government, while the Joint List has ruled out joining but offered to help put him in office from the outside.

Both endorsed Eisenkot during consultations with President Herzog, but he has refused to bring either into government unless they meet certain conditions, including recognising Hamas as a “terrorist organisation”.

Ra’am leader Mansour Abbas, whose party joined an anti-Netanyahu coalition in 2021 and became the first party representing Palestinians to enter government in Israel, has expressed support for disarming Hamas, but declined to label it as a “terror” group.

However, Israeli law allows Eisenkot to become prime minister with fewer than 61 seats if his proposed government wins a parliamentary confidence vote – which the two could help him secure.

Eisenkot could form a minority government in the meantime and later secure a majority by luring the two ultra-Orthodox parties by making concessions on the conscription issue.

In positions that many observers see as highlighting the second-class nature of Palestinian citizens in Israel, some of Eisenkot’s allies have opposed any reliance on Palestinian lawmakers, while Netanyahu’s Likud has threatened that cooperating with the Arab-led parties would be “dangerous to Israel”.

Senior Joint List member Ahmad Tibi told The Associated Press that rejecting a partnership would prove Israel is “an ethnocracy, not an absolute democracy for all citizens”.

What do Palestinian-led parties want from the next government?

First, an end to Netanyahu’s rule.

The Joint List said its unanimous backing for Eisenkot answered a “public demand” to stop Netanyahu and his government returning to power.

By widening Eisenkot’s lead, it said, it hoped to narrow the path to a unity government that keeps Netanyahu in office. Its support, it added, did not mean dropping its reservations about an opposition that had not shown readiness to confront Netanyahu’s approach or incitement against Palestinian citizens of Israel.

In return for outside support, Arab-led parties are seeking guarantees for Palestinian citizens, including an end to house demolitions and incitement, action against crime, and a political horizon for Palestinians.

Tibi told The AP he had no illusions that this would end Israel’s wars or bring a Palestinian state, but said a “repair government” would improve Palestinian citizens’ lives, including, potentially, by tackling violent crime in their communities.

Ra’am leader Abbas has also said ending the government of Netanyahu, and far-right figures such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, is a priority.

What happens if no government can be formed?

The nominee chosen by Herzog will have 28 days to form a coalition, extendable by 14 more. If they fail, another nominee will be chosen and granted 28 days.

If the second nominee fails, a parliament majority can back a third candidate, and be granted a final 14 days.

If once again no government is formed, the Knesset will be dissolved and an entirely new election called within 90 days. This would mean Netanyahu staying on as caretaker prime minister.

Nehru Jamhour, an analyst of Israeli affairs, told Al Jazeera that this drawn-out impasse was the likeliest outcome, and Netanyahu’s preferred one. He said that Netanyahu was hoping that a repeat election could weaken his rivals and depress turnout among Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s caption reads:

The control room of the Project Mercury Mission Control Center, at Cape Kennedy Air Force Station in Cape Canaveral, Brevard County, Florida, 1961. (Photo by NASA/FPG/Archive Photos/Getty Images)

PRIME DIRECTIVES:

• If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you. 
• If you have political differences, hash it out respectfully, stick to the facts, and no childish name-calling or personal attacks of any kind. If you can’t handle yourself in that manner, then please, discuss virtually anything else.
• No drive-by garbage political memes. No conspiracy theory rants. Links to crackpot sites will be axed, too. Trolling and shitposting will not be tolerated. No obsessive behavior about other users. Just don’t interact with folks you don’t like. 
• Do not be a sucker and feed trolls! That’s as much on you as on them. Use the mute button if you don’t like what you see.  
• So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on. 
• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

In September, a poll found that 70 percent of Democrats and 57 percent of Republicans supported limiting the construction of new data centres in the United States.

But that opposition was tested in Tuesday’s midterm election, with analysts examining key races to see if the public backlash would translate into votes.

It did. There were 41 ballot measures related to data centres in Tuesday’s midterms, spread across the country.

According to Data Centers on the Ballot, an election-monitoring project run by Redbud Consulting, voters are on track to reject data centre development in all but one of the contests.

Two of the races continue to be counted but are expected to result in majorities to reject or limit data centres.

Only Harwood, North Dakota, a small town with a population of fewer than 800 people, voted to oppose such limits. The measure it defeated would have required independent reviews of large industrial projects like data centres before they could be built in the area.

Experts say Tuesday’s midterm elections indicate that the debate around data centres has become a bipartisan issue, intertwined with cost-of-living concerns and fears over job stability.

A construction boom

As of April, the Pew Research Center estimated that there were already 3,000 data centres in the country, with more than 1,500 others in progress.

The construction boom has been driven in large part by the growth in the artificial intelligence (AI) sector. That industry, experts say, has fed concerns about a shifting economic landscape.

“The unchecked acceleration of AI development has been causing concern across the board,” Bhaskar Chakravorti, the dean of global business at Tufts University, told Al Jazeera.

“People worry about their jobs and what it might mean from a broader economic perspective. But closer to home, people could see the physical manifestations of AI in data centres being built in their back yards, or they were hearing about it from others.”

Not only are voters afraid that AI might replace human work, but they also fear the downstream costs of data centres, according to Chakravorti.

Data centres consume large amounts of water and energy, which critics say can drive up electricity costs for nearby communities.

“Whether higher energy costs were driven by broader factors, such as the Iran war or tariffs, AI competing for space on the electricity grid was certainly part of its unpopularity,” Chakravorti said.

Voters, he added, were seeing the results “in their energy bills”.

A 2026 working paper from the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas estimated that, as of last year, wholesale electricity prices had risen by 6.9 percent as a result of data centres.

James Mercer, founder of Metro Colo Advisory, an independent data centre advisory firm, told Al Jazeera that those anticipated costs mobilised voters in many areas.

“What they push back on is a building down the road that needs as much power as a small city, when they suspect their own electric bill will cover it,” Mercer said.

“That’s why local resistance has grown so fast: counties pausing new projects, zoning fights and data centres turning into a ballot issue.”

An election-season talking point

That popular resistance led several candidates in high-profile races to make AI and data-centre development central to their campaigns.

Among them is Democrat Sherrod Brown, who flipped a key Senate seat in Ohio, the state that accounted for the largest share of data-centre ballot initiatives this year.

Some 21 votes were taken on data centres in the state, out of a total of 47 referendums and measures that took place across the country in 2026.

Brown, a former senator, made Republican incumbent Jon Husted’s support for data-centre development a key point of attack.

“One guy has led the charge on these. That guy’s responsible, and that’s Jon Husted,” Brown told NBC News earlier this year.

In Texas, meanwhile, Democrat Gina Hinojosa called for a moratorium on new data-centre approvals until stronger protections for local communities were put in place.

Though her position worried tech investors keen on expansion in the Lone Star State, Hinojosa ultimately defeated incumbent Greg Abbott in the governor’s race.

“While Abbott had a moratorium on data centres in Texas currently, the overriding view is this would end once he got re-elected,” Dan Ives, managing director at the bank Yorkville Ives, said in an analyst note.

“Hinojosa is a known anti-data center politician and negative on the AI buildout, which makes worries around the future of the data center buildout in Texas a real issue for tech investors.”

Another successful Democratic candidate, Senator-elect James Talarico, also flipped a Republican-held seat with a pledge to increase data centre regulation.

Texas has been at the centre of growing concerns over the water demands of AI infrastructure.

The city of Corpus Christi, for example, has faced severe drought conditions, with its reservoir falling to just 8 percent of its total capacity earlier this year.

The city has been described as at risk of running out of drinking water. Talarico proposed adopting closed-loop water systems to reduce data centre consumption. He also advocated for data centre operators to fund local infrastructure improvements.

He won Corpus Christi by a 12-percentage-point margin.

In another key Senate race, Democrat Abdul El-Sayed called for the creation of a federal agency to oversee the AI industry. He bested his Republican opponent with more than 52 percent of the vote.

Looming pressures

With Democrats poised to control both chambers of Congress, the AI industry is likely to face increased scrutiny from lawmakers.

“[We are] more likely to get real regulation and oversight,” Alex Turner, a former researcher who resigned from Google DeepMind, told Al Jazeera.

“I look forward to advising any congressperson who wants to get serious about the risks from AI, no matter their party affiliation.”

Congressional leaders are increasingly treating AI as a national security and public safety threat, after a string of alarming security failures over the past six months.

In one incident, OpenAI autonomous agents escaped a controlled testing environment and infiltrated the tech start-up Hugging Face. In another, AI agents accessed bank accounts without authorisation, according to reporting from the publication Axios.

In late October, Anthropic’s Claude AI model also accessed voter data in Georgia.

Once the 120th Congress is sworn in on January 3, Democrats are expected to use the legislature’s oversight committees to conduct investigations into AI malfeasance.

On Tuesday night, as it became clear that Democrats would win majorities in Congress, Senator Ed Markey of Massachusetts pledged that new probes were on the way.

“They are going to need to plant new forests for all of the subpoenas we’ll be printing,” the Democrat wrote on the social media platform X.

Another congressmember, Yassamin Ansari of Arizona, posted on social media her support for more restrictions on AI growth.

“Top of the Democratic agenda on day one needs to be a pause on advanced AI development, regulation of this out-of-control industry, and a ban on artificial superintelligence,” Ansari said.

Tech companies themselves have responded to the midterm results with proposals for alleviating voter concerns.

After the election, OpenAI published a framework titled Setting a New Standard for Responsible AI Infrastructure. In it, the company pledged to “prioritize closed-loop or low-water cooling” and to “pay our own way on energy and infrastructure”.

Days before Tuesday’s contest, OpenAI also sought to rebrand its data centres as “compute campuses”.

The political shift is also hitting Wall Street. Investors increasingly see tighter oversight of AI on the horizon, and some of the sector’s biggest growth stocks have stumbled.

On Thursday, for example, chipmaker Nvidia lost $450bn in market value in a single trading day.

Despite Thursday’s losses, Nvidia rebounded on Friday, gaining 4 percent in early trading, although it remained down 6.8 percent over the previous five days.

Data-centre operators such as CoreWeave tumbled on Thursday before climbing 6.6 percent on Friday. The company remained down 16 percent over the previous five days.

Paraguay’s President Santiago Peña has been impeached and placed under house arrest after the collapse of a digital bank with links to his private business interests.

Peña was arrested on Friday minutes after lawmakers, including from his own party, unanimously voted to remove him from office due to a widening crisis triggered by the collapse of Ueno Bank earlier this week.

He had offered to step down on Thursday. Rather than accept his resignation, senators impeached Peña and charged him with misconduct, meaning he has been stripped of the immunity usually granted to ex-presidents.

Peña, who until last year held shares in the company that owned the bank, has denied any wrongdoing.

The demise of the digital bank has left more than half of Paraguay’s population without access to their savings after it was seized by Paraguay’s central bank.

An estimated three million depositors remain unable to access their savings and pensions prompting widespread protests particularly in the capital, Asunción.

The impeachment charges that led to Peña’s removal alleged he had conflicts of interest, manipulated regulatory oversight, diverted pension funds, and participated in an institutional cover-up involving the central bank.

Peña is due to be questioned on Saturday over allegations of breach of trust, influence peddling, and misappropriation of funds, prosecutor Silvia Margarita Gonzalez Vester said.

Peña’s impeachment passed with 44 out of 45 senators voting in favour of it. One lawmaker was absent.

Afterwards, senate president Basilio Núñez said Peña was found guilty of “dereliction of duty”.

Paraguay’s Vice-President Pedro Alliana was then sworn in as interim President.

“Compatriots who are now going through a difficult time as a result of the financial collapse will be fully compensated,” said Alliana, who will serve as President until 2028.