Having won just four Championship games in the first half of last season, Oxford were staring at an immediate return to League One.

But they appointed the experienced Rowett – who had managed Millwall, Birmingham City, Derby County and Stoke City in the second tier – with the aim of securing Championship survival.

He turned Oxford’s fortunes around quickly, winning three successive matches over the Christmas period to open up a nine-point gap to the relegation zone as part of a nine-game unbeaten run in the league that ultimately secured United’s survival.

Despite going on a run of five games without a win, Rowett’s side rallied with four wins and two draws in the final nine games of the season to end the campaign in 17th place, four points above the drop zone.

But despite keeping a large chunk of their squad this season, Oxford have struggled – their tally of 22 goals scored is the fourth-worst in the division with on-loan 20-year-old Tottenham striker Will Lanskhear their top scorer with five goals.

They lost their opening three league games this season and were thrashed 6-0 at home by Premier League side Brighton in the second round of the Carabao Cup during a difficult August.

It took until 21 September to get their first league win – a 3-1 victory at Bristol City – but they won just three more games under Rowett, the last a 2-1 victory over Ipswich Town on 28 November.

With Sheffield Wednesday effectively relegated – sitting 30 points from safety on minus nine points after deductions for financial infringements – Oxford’s hierarchy have decided to act now in the hope they can avoid being one of the other two sides who will join them in League One come May.

When Qatar helped secure a peace deal to end ongoing conflict between the M23 rebel group and Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) government last month, there was hope among many Congolese that a permanent ceasefire would soon emerge to end the fighting that has uprooted close to a million people in the country’s troubled east, and give war-racked communities some respite as the new year rolls in.

Since late 2021, the group, which the United States and the United Nations say is backed by Rwanda, has clashed with the Congolese army in heavy offensives that have killed at least 7,000 people this year alone. Several regional attempts at resolution have failed. Still, when M23 representatives and Congolese government officials met for negotiations in Doha and proceeded to sign a peace deal in November, exhausted Congolese dared to hope. This deal, some reckoned, could be different.

So when the rebels launched yet another offensive and temporarily seized the strategic city Uvira this month, hopes for lasting peace were painfully crushed, as some concluded that those at the helm of the talks were playing politics.

“It’s clear that they don’t have any will to end this conflict,” Congolese lawyer and political analyst Hubert Masomera told Al Jazeera from the M23-held eastern city of Goma, blaming both sides. “Despite the number of deaths and the extent of the destruction, there is still procrastination over the implementation of the peace agreements and compliance with the ceasefire. People here feel abandoned to their sad fate.”

Fears that the conflict will not only continue, but that it could soon take on a regional dimension, are deepening, too – a sensitive prospect in a DRC where two civil wars in the past were prompted by its neighbours.

Uvira, the newly captured city the rebels then withdrew from as a “trust-building measure” following US pressure last week, is a major transport and economic hub in the huge South Kivu province. It’s strategically located on the border with Rwanda and is just 30 kilometres from the Burundian capital, Bujumbura. The city was the last eastern stronghold of the Congolese army and its allies – local “Wazalendo” militias and about 3,000 Burundian soldiers. Early this year, M23 also seized control of South Kivu’s capital city, Bukavu, as well as Goma, the capital of North Kivu province.

Experts say M23’s advance on Uvira widens the group’s area of control significantly, puts it at the mouth of the mineral-rich Katanga region, and positions Rwandan proxies right at Burundi’s doorstep at a time when both governments are ramping up a war of words and accusing each other of backing rebels.

Rwanda, for its part, continues to distance itself from accusations that it backs M23.

DRC conflict’s complex history

The recent scenes in eastern DRC appear like an eerie playback of a tragic tale, conflict monitors say.

Similar peace negotiations in late 2024, led by the African Union and Angola, seemed ready to deliver peace ahead of a new year. But they collapsed after a highly anticipated meeting between the presidents of Rwanda and DRC was called off. Both sides accused each other of foiling the talks.

“There’s a sense of deja vu,” Nicodemus Minde, East Africa analyst at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), said. “It’s symbolic because we were exactly here last year … the prospects for peace are dire.”

Conflict in the DRC has long been mired in a complex mix of ethnic grievances, poor governance and interference from its much smaller neighbours. It goes back to the 1994 genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda, which displaced millions into neighbouring eastern DRC, making them a minority there. Rwanda has since viewed the DRC as a hiding place for Hutu genocidaires, however, and its hot pursuit of them toppled a government in Kinshasa and led to the first and second Congo wars (1996-2003). The UN also accused the Rwandan and allied Ugandan forces of looting the DRC’s vast mineral wealth, including gold, coltan and tin, during the conflict.

Scores of militias emerged as governments armed and counter-armed civilians in the wars, many of which are still active in the DRC. The M23 itself is only the latest iteration of a Tutsi militia that fought in the Congo wars, and whose fighters integrated into the DRC army. In 2012, these fighters revolted, complaining of poor treatment by the Congolese forces. Now, the M23 claims to be fighting the marginalisation of ethnic Tutsis, some of whom say they are systematically denied citizenship, among other complaints. The M23 and its allied Congo River Alliance (AFC) have not stated goals of taking Kinshasa, even though members of the group have at times threatened to advance on the capital. Officially, the rebels claim to be “liberating” eastern DRC communities.

In 2012, M23 initially emerged with enough force to take the strategic city of Goma, but was forced back within a year by Congolese forces and a special UN intervention force of troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi. When the M23 resurfaced in late 2021, though, it was with much more ferocity, boosted by about 4,000 Rwandan troops in addition to its own 6,000 fighters, according to the UN. Lightning and intensely bloody offensives have since seen it control vast swaths of territory, including the major cities of Goma, Bukavu – and now, Uvira.

On the map, M23 appears to be eking out a slice of Congolese territory wedged between the DRC and neighbouring Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. If it gains control of the two Kivus in their entirety, it would lord over a resource-rich area five times Rwanda’s size with easy access to Kigali and Kampala.

“They are trying to create some sort of buffer zone which the neighbouring countries, particularly Rwanda but also Uganda, have an interest in controlling,” analyst Paul-Simon Handy, also of the ISS, told Al Jazeera.

Kigali officially denies backing M23, but justifies its actions based on accusations that the DRC supports a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR did exist for many years in the DRC, but it simply no longer poses a significant threat to Kigali, analyst Minde said.

Rwanda’s tensions with Burundi have similar historic correlations, as Hutus who perpetrated the 1994 genocide similarly fled there, and Kigali alleges the government continues to back rebels. In 2015, Burundi accused Rwanda of sponsoring an abortive coup in Bujumbura. Kigali denies this.

Does the US deal have a chance?

Several African countries have attempted to help solve the crisis, militarily and diplomatically, but all have failed. The regional bloc, the East African Community, of which the DRC is a part, deployed about 6,500 Kenyan-led peacekeepers to stabilise eastern DRC, as Kenyan diplomats developed a Nairobi Peace Process in 2022 that was meant to see several rebel groups agree to a truce. The agreement collapsed only a year later, however, after Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi grew frustrated over the force’s refusal to launch offensives against M23.

Then, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), of which the massive DRC is also a part, deployed troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi in May 2023. There was hope that the trio, which proved crucial in driving back the first M23 insurrection, would again record success. They appeared no match for the new M23, though, and withdrew this June.

Meanwhile, the Angola-led Luanda Peace Process collapsed after President Joao Lourenco stepped back in March, citing frustration with both sides amid constant finger-pointing.

Qatar and the US stepped in to broker peace in June this year, using a unique two-pronged approach. The Doha peace talks, on the one hand, have focused on negotiations between the DRC and M23, while the Washington talks focus on the DRC and the Rwanda governments. Some experts warned that Washington’s motivation – aside from President Donald Trump’s fixation on being a global peacemaker figure – was a clause in the deal that guarantees US extraction of rare earth minerals from both countries. The agreement was unlikely to hold on that basis, rights groups said.

After a few no-shows and wobbles, the M23 finally agreed to the Doha framework on November 15. The agreement includes eight implementation protocols, including one on ceasefire monitoring and another on prisoner exchange. On December 4, President Trump sat next to a smiling Paul Kagame and Tshisekedi as all three signed the US-peace deal in Washington, which mandated both Rwanda and DRC to stop supporting armed groups. There were pockets of fighting as the signatures were penned, but all was supposed to be largely peaceful from then on.

What happened in Uvira barely a week after was the opposite. The Congolese government said at least 400 people were killed and 200,000 others displaced as M23 fighters pressed on the city. Thousands more were displaced into Burundi, which already homes some 200,000 Congolese refugees. Fleeing Uvira residents shared accounts of bombed villages, summary killings and widespread sexual violence by both sides, according to medical group Doctors Without Borders (MSF).

Is there hope for peace?

Even though M23 began withdrawing from Uvira on Thursday, analysts are still scrambling to understand what the group was hoping to achieve by taking the city, shattering the peace agreements and angering Washington.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio directly scolded Rwanda after Uvira’s capture, saying Kigali had violated the deal. Last week, Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau met with DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner in Washington and promised that the US “is prepared to take action to enforce adherence” from Rwanda.

What that action looks like is unclear, but what’s certain, Minde said, was that the agreement seemed to favour Kigali more than Kinshasa.

“If you look at the agreement, the consequences [of either party breaching] were not forthright, and this points to the weakness of the deal,” he said, adding that there is much more at stake for DRC if there is a breach, including escalating conflict and mass displacement within the country. But that was not taken into account, the analyst explained.

Uvira’s fall, albeit on hold, is not only a blow to Trump’s peacemaker reputation but also sharpens tensions between Burundi and Rwanda, with analysts saying it could lead to direct clashes.

Bujumbura accuses Kigali of supporting the antigovernment Red Tabara rebels – a charge Rwanda and the rebels deny – and tensions between the two governments have led to border closures since last year. Last week, M23 announced that it captured hundreds of Burundian soldiers during the Uvira offensive.

Fears of a regional spillover also prompted the UN Security Council to extend the mandate of the MONUSCO peacekeeping mission for a year, ahead of its December 20 expiration. The 11,000 troop force has been in place since 1999, but has a complicated relationship with the DRC government, which says it has not done enough to protect civilians. MONUSCO forces initially began withdrawing in 2024, but then paused that move in July amid the escalating M23 offensive. Ituri, the force’s headquarters, is held by M23, meaning the troops are unable to do much.

Amid the chaos, the finger pointing, and the political games, it’s the Congolese people who are feeling the most despair at the turn of events so close to the new year, analysts say. After more than three decades of war that has turned the green, undulating hills of eastern DRC into a perpetual battlefield, Masameko in Goma said it’s locals, more than anyone else, with the most at stake.

“People have suffered enough and need to breathe, to sleep with the certainty that they will wake up tomorrow,” he said. “[They need] to live in their homes without fear of a bomb falling on them. That is all the people in this part of the republic need.”

NEW passport rules were rolled out seven years ago – and people are STILL being caught out by them.

Back in 2018, the UK government updated the passport validity rules, after leaving the EU.

Now, passports must be only be valid for 10 years, with any months rolled over from previous passports no longer allowed.

Alongside the requirement to have between 3-6 months left on it, enforced by a number of countries, it is still causing confusion for travellers.

And elderly couple recently were banned from their cruise because of the rules.

Their son Ben explained to The Times: “Unfortunately, my mum’s passport fell foul of the ‘not issued more than ten years ago’ passport rule for entry to the EU, and so at the terminal, despite having six months’ validity left on the passport, and after a terribly stressful journey down during a storm, they weren’t allowed to board.

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“Clearly they had never heard of this rule, and I freely admit, nor had I.

“Having asked many people, it isn’t well known.”

Despite the rules being seven years old, it is thought thousands are still being caught out every year.

Figures have shown up to 100,000 holidaymakers a year face being turned away at airports if their passport is more than 10 years old.

So holidaymakers should be checking their start date, not their expiry date, to see if it is valid.

For example, if a passport has an October 2015 start date but a January 2026 expiry, it has technically expired.

And always check how many months are required from countries as well – lots of places in Europe require travellers to have at least three months left on their passport.

Some places like Dubai and Thailand require at least six months left.

The last burgundy passport will expire in 2030, as blue passports were rolled out in 2020.

An updated blue passport has also been rolled out this month.

When Queen Elizabeth II died, passports after this were issued by His Majesty’s Office rather than Her Majesty’s Office.

However, the updated designs will now have King Charles‘ Coat of Arms, replacing Queen Elizabeth II‘s as well.

Inside will also have new designs of UK landmarks, each from the four UK nations.

For England there is Lake District; for Scotland there is Ben Nevis; for Wales there is Three Cliffs Bay and for Ireland there is Giant’s Causeway.

New technology in the pages will also make it one of the most secure passports ever.

Make sure you don’t have any novelty stamps, pen marks or stickers in your passport either – these have all caught out travellers as well.

The Halawa family’s building still stands two storeys above the rubble in Gaza City, a rare survivor after two years of nonstop Israeli air attacks that levelled buildings across the besieged Palestinian enclave.

One section has collapsed, with bent metal rods protruding from where a roof once existed. The family built a narrow set of creaking wooden steps to access their home, though these makeshift stairs threaten to give way at any moment. Yet amid the destruction, it remains home.

Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza has killed more than 70,000 Palestinians, destroyed or damaged more than 70 percent of the buildings, and displaced most of the territory’s 2.3 million residents.

In October, Israel reached an agreement to cease fire, but its attacks have not stopped. It has killed more than 400 Palestinians since then, in violation of the truce agreement. It has also not allowed the full entry of aid.

Reconstruction has not begun and is projected to take years, as Israel has kept total control over what goes in and comes out of the enclave. This means families like the Halawas are struggling to rebuild their lives.

The family abandoned their home three months after the war began on October 7, 2023. They returned during the fragile calm established by the truce. Like many others, this family of seven found living in their damaged residence preferable to tent life, particularly as winter rains flooded tent shelters over the past weeks.

In one damaged room, Amani Halawa brewed coffee in a small tin over a fire while thin rays of light filtered through concrete fragments. Amani, her husband Mohammed, and their children have made repairs using concrete scraps, hanging backpacks from exposed metal rods and arranging pots and pans across the kitchen floor.

The home’s walls feature a painted tree and messages to family members separated by the conflict.

Throughout damaged apartments in Gaza City, daily life persists, even as families lie awake fearing their walls might collapse. Health officials report that at least 11 people died from building collapses in a single week in December.

In her home, Sahar Taroush swept dust from carpets placed over rubble. Her daughter Bisan’s face glowed in the light of a computer screen as she watched a movie beside gaping holes in the wall.

On another building’s cracked wall, a family displayed a torn photo of their grandfather on horseback from his time serving in the Palestinian Authority’s security forces during the 1990s. Nearby, a man reclined on a bed precariously balanced on a damaged balcony, scrolling through his phone above the devastated al-Karama neighbourhood.

TATE McRae has been spotted on a cozy date with NHL star Jack Hughes hours after attending his hockey game.

The couple sparked rumors they might have struck up a romance after Tate, 22, supported Jack, 24, from the stands at the New Jersey Devils vs. Buffalo Sabres game in Newark, New Jersey, on Sunday.

Several photos and videos circulated on social media, showing Tate at the game, leading many to wonder if she was there to cheer on Jack, who returned to the ice after an over-a-month-long recovery from a hand injury.

Further fueling chatter of a possible romance, the pair were seen taking a stroll on Monday in New York City.

Photos obtained by The U.S. Sun show the pop star rocking baggy blue jeans, a navy blue shirt, and a long black trench coat for the chilly outing.

She kept the look casual, accessorizing with white sneakers, a small tan handbag, and a yellow baseball cap while carrying a small coffee cup.

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Jack wore blue pants, a tan sweater, and a dark blue jacket, paired with white sneakers and a navy baseball cap.

His right hand was in a cast, seemingly due to the hand injury he endured off the ice last month.

They each appeared to be enjoying the other’s company as they smiled and laughed throughout the walk.

Tate most recently dated Australian rapper The Kid LAROI, who is widely believed to be the subject behind her new track, Tit for Tat.

The former couple broke up in July, but it wasn’t until her Rolling Stone cover story earlier this month that Tate confirmed their split.

Tate admitted that “it was really scary and overwhelming” at first to write and release the track about her relationship.

“I would never talk that way, even about my friends’ lives. I didn’t realize how much it would affect me, the public knowing my private life—because no one knows the full story of anything, ever,” the Canadian singer said, adding that the media coverage about their breakup made the heartbreak even harder to bear.

“I also hate people painting a situation that’s worse than it is.”

Tate also shared that she expects songs will be written about her, just like she writes about her experiences, because that’s often how artists process their emotions.

“What I’ve had to realize is that he’s going to write songs and I’m going to write songs, and that’s our way of expressing ourselves,” the So You Think You Can Dance alum explained.

“That’s our art, that’s our job. And once it’s out there, it’s not mine anymore.”

Tit for Tat is rumored to be in response to The Kid LAROI’s song A COLD PLAY, which seemingly details their split, although he hasn’t explicitly confirmed the speculation.

SACRAMENTO — Bolstering Republican calls for deeper spending cuts, state Controller Kathleen Connell warned Wednesday that disappointing revenues are paving the way for the state’s budget gap to swell to nearly $27 billion.

Connell’s warning came as talks over a new spending blueprint, already more than eight weeks overdue, appeared stalled in the Assembly. Democrats want $4.2 billion in new revenue to help close a budget gap that has been projected at $23.6 billion, but Republicans seek deeper spending cuts to eliminate the need for tax hikes and to diminish future shortfalls.

Connell said June and July revenues are running $434 million below projections by Gov. Gray Davis’ administration, and the state would take in $2.9 billion less than anticipated during the current fiscal year if the trend continues.

Even after a budget is adopted for 2002-03, the imbalance between revenue and expenditures is expected to continue. Connell projects a $12-billion shortfall next year, and she said the situation warrants a midyear review of the spending plan lawmakers approve this year.

Anita Gore, a spokeswoman for the state Department of Finance, had no comment on Connell’s revised revenue forecast. Gore said her department would not revise its revenue estimates until January.

Connell said her office is preparing a plan for the state to borrow as much as $12 billion to avert a cash crunch that will materialize in November if the current standoff drags into the fall. She warned, however, that securing the short-term borrowing would not free her to make certain payments without a budget in place.

State payments for abortion services provided after Sunday as well as payments owed to 21 regional centers that help connect the developmentally disabled to services–ranging from transportation to residential care–will cease without legislative intervention until a budget is approved and signed by Davis.

Abortion rights advocates disagreed Wednesday with Connell’s interpretation of the law.

Connell has already stopped paying elected officials, legislative staff and hundreds of vendors who provide goods and services to the state. Assembly Republicans urged Democrats Wednesday to hear a bill that would allow emergency appropriations to be made for the developmentally disabled, vendors and others.

Rams coach Sean McVay worked with Ben Kotwica for three NFL seasons in Washington when McVay was the team’s offensive coordinator and Kotwica was the special teams coordinator.

In the aftermath of McVay’s firing of special teams coordinator Chase Blackburn, Kotwica will oversee the unit, McVay said Monday during a videoconference with reporters.

“I know his capacity, I know the accountability, I know the core belief that he has,” McVay said of Kotwica, who has been a Rams assistant this season after working as the Denver Broncos defensive coordinator the previous two. “This late in the year, you’re not naive to, you’re going to keep a lot of the foundational things.

“But I think there’s some things that we want to have reflected in our style of play, and the way we go about our overall approach that I think will be improved.”

Ben Kotwica will oversee special teams for the Rams moving forward, coach Sean McVay said.

(Associated Press)

Matt Harper, the San Francisco 49ers’ assistant special teams coach from 2021 to 2024, will join the staff to assist Kotwica, McVay said.

Kotwica assumes a leadership role as the Rams (11-4) prepare to play the Atlanta Falcons (6-9) on Monday night at Mercedes-Benz Stadium in Atlanta.

The Rams have clinched a playoff spot, but their 38-37 overtime defeat by the Seattle Seahawks on Thursday dropped them from the No. 1 seed in the NFC to No. 5.

Blackburn’s departure marked the first time in McVay’s nine seasons with the Rams that he fired a coach during the season.

McVay said he informed Blackburn of his decision Friday morning, the day after Rashid Shaheed of the Seahawks returned a fourth-quarter punt for a touchdown that sparked a comeback from a 16-point deficit and helped send the Rams to defeat.

It was the latest in a series of costly special teams miscues that included several blocked field-goal and extra-point attempts early in the season, which resulted in losses to the Philadelphia Eagles and the San Francisco 49ers.

In early November, the Rams signed kicker Harrison Mevis to replace Joshua Karty, who is on the Rams’ practice squad, and signed veteran snapper Jake McQuaide to replace Alex Ward. Mevis made his first eight field-goal attempts — including three against the Seahawks — before missing from 48 yards in Seattle.

McVay said that as head coach he was ultimately responsible for the special teams’ performance. But he made the move to change leadership for that unit.

“There’s been some things that we need to be better at in critical moments,” McVay said. “It was just what we thought was best for the collective. … As simple as it gets.”

After the Rams play the Falcons, they will conclude the regular season at home against the Arizona Cardinals.

“I do think this is an opportunity that gives us a chance to be able to use the last couple of weeks, and then leading into the playoffs, to be able to establish some of the things that we want,” McVay said of special teams.

Etc.

It would be “hard” for offensive lineman Kevin Dotson, who left the game against the Seahawks because of an ankle injury, to be ready for Monday night’s game, McVay said. Receiver Davante Adams (hamstring), who sat out against the Seahawks, is making progress toward returning but he will be monitored this week before determining his status for the game against the Falcons, McVay said. … Tight end Tyler Higbee and offensive lineman Rob Havenstein will remain on injured reserve this week, McVay said. “They’re not quite ready yet,” he said.

Dec. 22 (Asia Today) — South Korea’s presidential office said Monday it “respects the National Assembly’s decision” after the ruling Democratic Party backed the opposition’s call for a special prosecutor to investigate matters linked to the Unification Church.

A senior presidential official said the office has consistently supported a thorough investigation regardless of party or religion and described the move as consistent with that stance.

“The presidential office has consistently advocated for a strict investigation regardless of party or religion, so a special prosecutor aligning with that stance is only natural,” the official said, adding that the party’s shift should be seen as reflecting the presidential office’s position.

Democratic Party floor leader Kim Byung-ki said during a Supreme Council meeting at the National Assembly that he supports a special probe that would include politicians from both the ruling and opposition parties.

He said the People Power Party appears to believe the Democratic Party is avoiding a special investigation and urged proceeding with a special prosecutor focused on the Unification Church.

Democratic Party leader Chung Cheong-rae also said there was no reason not to accept the proposal and called for a full accounting that includes any People Power Party figures involved.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

The cheapest destinations for package holidays in summer 2026 have been revealed, with five Spanish getaways making the list, with a seven-night stay starting from £864 per person

As we near the end of 2025, there’s no better time to think about booking your sun-soaked getaway for next year, and some popular holiday hotspots have been revealed as the cheapest.

Whether you’re dreaming of a well-deserved trip under the Mediterranean sun on a golden sand beach or time spent wandering around European streets soaking up a city’s vibrant culture, there’s a bundle of desirable holiday destinations on offer. In a bid to help you choose your next getaway, the experts at Which? have revealed the 10 cheapest destinations to book for a package holiday for the summer of 2026.

For the results, they compared the prices of 5,393 package holidays from Jet2holidays and easyJet Holidays. This was based on a seven-night stay, including flights, departing on or around August 2, with two people sharing a room with various board types.

The winner

With its white-sand beaches and sprawling resorts, Which? found Costa Blanca along Spain’s Mediterranean coastline as the cheapest option for a package for next year. Known as the White Coast, it boasts popular resorts like Benidorm, Alicante, and Altea, each offering its own unique allure.

For a stay in Costa Blanca during the peak of summer, Which? found that it would cost, on average, £864 per person for a seven-night package. This was the only destination they found to be less than £900 for a week’s stay in August.

The second-cheapest package holiday was to Tuscany in central Italy, famed for its rolling hills, Renaissance art, and cities like Florence, Siena, and Pisa. A week’s stay in the gorgeous Italian region would cost £929pp per week, including flights and accommodation – what’s not to love?

This is in stark contrast to the Italian region of Sardinia, which would cost around £1,508pp for the same stay, saving you a whopping £579. Tuscany is said to be more affordable due to its wide range of accommodations available, from self-catering to bed-and-breakfast, room-only, as well as all-inclusive and full-board packages.

Ranked as the third cheapest for a summer getaway was the stunning Agadir coast in Morocco, known for its sprawling sand beaches and as a major resort destination. With plenty of accommodation options along the coast, with beach days at its core, a stay here would cost £946pp.

Following the research from Which? they found that six of the cheapest holiday hotspots for 2026 were in Spain, with Tenerife, Fuerteventura, and Gran Canaria also on the list. Elsewhere, Zante in Greece, with its pristine blue waters, fruity landscapes and lively nightlife, also made the top 10.

Here are the cheapest package holiday destinations for 2026, as outlined by Which? The results show the average price, per person, for a seven-night package stay.

1. Costa Blanca, Spain – £864
2. Tuscany, Italy – £929
3. Agadir coast, Morocco – £946
4. Dalaman area, Turkey – £1,048
5. Tenerife, Canary Islands – £1,073
6. Fuerteventura, Canary Islands – £1,119
7. Gran Canaria, Canary Islands – £1,121
8. Costa Brava, Spain – £1,125
9. Costa Dorada, Spain – £1,133
10. Zante, Greece – £1,142

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

US President Donald Trump warned Nicolas Maduro to ‘not play tough’ and to step down on Monday, while the Venezuelan leader said Trump should focus on the issues in his own country. Trump told reporters the US will keep 1.9 million barrels of oil that were seized near Venezuela in December.

Vince Zampella, the video game developer who helped launch the wildly lucrative and enduring “Call of Duty” franchise and “Apex Legends” studio Respawn Entertainment, has died.

A representative for Electronic Arts, which owns Respawn, confirmed Zampella’s death Monday in a statement shared with The Times. He was 55.

Zampella was one of two people who died Sunday afternoon in a car crash along Angeles Crest Highway, NBC 4 reported. The crash involved a red 2026 Ferrari 296 GTS, and the identities of the deceased are pending release by the county coroner, said California Highway Patrol spokesperson Sgt. Daniel Keene.

Zampella was a noted sports car collector, often sharing photos of his luxury vehicles and visits to car races on Instagram.

“This is an unimaginable loss, and our hearts are with Vince’s family, his loved ones, and all those touched by his work,” said the Electronic Arts representative in a statement. “Vince’s influence on the video game industry was profound and far-reaching.”

The CHP said in a Sunday news release that it received a call at 12:43 p.m. about a crash at Mile Post 62.70 of the scenic drive, which reopened in August after a years-long closure due to storm damage. Officers responded to the scene of the crash, and a preliminary investigation found that a car had been traveling southbound when, “for unknown reasons, the vehicle veered off the roadway, struck a concrete barrier, and became fully engulfed,” according to the release.

“The passenger was ejected from the vehicle, and the driver remained trapped,” the CHP statement said. “Both parties succumbed to their injuries.”

Video emerged online showing a red Ferrari shooting out of a tunnel along the highway at a high speed, slamming into a concrete barrier where the road curved and erupting into flames.

The 2026 Ferrari 296 GTS is a hybrid convertible powered by a twin-turbo 3.0-liter V6 and an electric motor, producing a combined 819 horsepower.

The scenic Angeles Crest Highway, which features 66 miles of mountainside twists and turns is a favorite among motorcycle riders and car enthusiasts but also has a track record of deadly and dangerous crashes.

The CHP said Sunday it was unclear whether drugs or alcohol were a factor in the crash.

Zampella was a formative figure in the modern gaming scene. Alongside Jason West and former creative partner Grant Collier, he co-founded the original “Call of Duty” studio, Infinity Ward, in 2002 and released the first installment of the first-person military shooting game in 2003. Activision acquired the studio that same year. Since its inception, “Call of Duty” has spawned dozens of sequels and spin-offs across various consoles and platforms, most recently “Call of Duty: Black Ops 7,” released in November.

He and West, after an acrimonious split with Activision, founded Respawn Entertainment in 2010. Though West departed Respawn in 2013 due to unspecified family issues, Zampella remained head of the studio, overseeing the creation of titles including “Titanfall,” “Apex Legends” and “Medal of Honor: Above and Beyond.” Additionally, Respawn expanded its lineup with the story-driven “Star Wars” titles “Star Wars Jedi: Fallen Order” and “Star Wars Jedi: Survivor,” starring Cameron Monaghan.

Zampella also led the L.A. branch of Swedish video game developer DICE, which was renamed in 2021 to Ripple Effect Studios, and was appointed to oversee its “Battlefield” franchise.

“A friend, colleague, leader and visionary creator, his work helped shape modern interactive entertainment and inspired millions of players and developers around the world,” Electronic Arts said in its statement. “His legacy will continue to shape how games are made and how players connect for generations to come.”

Zampella is survived by his three children, Quentin, 26; Kyle, 22; and Courtney, 19.

WASHINGTON — There is an unmistakable aura of sadness when William P. Rogers talks about the man who was once his close friend and how that friend deceived him.

“I never before had a friend who turned out to be not quite a friend,” says the former attorney general and secretary of State.

The friend was Richard Nixon.

Oblivious to the clatter of dishes and the hum of lunch conversation in a crowded restaurant, Rogers sat at a corner table recently and looked back on years at the center of history.

He was President Eisenhower’s attorney general and Nixon’s secretary of State. In private law practice, he represented Martin Luther King Jr. before the Supreme Court.

But he is quick to point out that he had no role in one landmark event of the Nixon years–Watergate.

Nixon “never asked me about any of that nonsense until much too late,” Rogers said.

Rogers left the Nixon administration in August 1973 and resumed private law practice, a low-profile life he clearly enjoyed. He rarely gave interviews and never talked in detail about his relationship with Nixon.

Now 84, he put aside that reluctance and recalled his years as a valued advisor and close friend to Nixon as well as the discomforting knowledge of how much Nixon never told him.

“He didn’t lie; he just didn’t tell me the truth,” Rogers said.

It wasn’t only the truth about Watergate.

When Nixon sent Henry Kissinger, his White House national security advisor, on a secret trip to China, his secretary of State was left out in the cold.

Neither did Rogers know about Kissinger’s secret negotiations with North Vietnam.

Their bureaucratic struggle was no contest. After the 1972 election, Nixon decided it was time to replace Rogers with Kissinger.

White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman wrote in his diary: “Had a meeting with Rogers this afternoon and got into the separation. It didn’t work out very well in that Rogers obviously was shocked to be told that he was to leave.”

Kissinger wrote that he believed Nixon “wished to establish, for once, a relationship of primacy over his old friend and mentor Bill Rogers to whom he had so often turned during the periods of his own weakness.”

Rogers was a young lawyer on the staff of a Senate committee and Nixon was a freshman congressman from California when they met in 1948. Nixon was agonizing over whether to believe Whittaker Chambers’ allegation that Alger Hiss, a high State Department official, was a member of an underground communist group.

Nixon asked Rogers to review their sworn testimony. He wanted to know if he could prove one of them was lying. “I said, ‘I’m sure you can.’ I based it on the fact that Chambers had given a lot of particulars that you can’t make up,” Rogers said.

Hiss was convicted of lying and Nixon’s political career was on the rise.

Two years later, Nixon was elected to the Senate and in 1952 Eisenhower offered him the vice presidential nomination.

Rogers was on a campaign trip with his friend when the news broke that a group of California supporters of Nixon had established an $18,000 fund to help cover expenses. His position on the Republican ticket in jeopardy, Nixon made his case to the voters in a televised appearance that came to be known as the Checkers speech.

In his book “Six Crises,” Nixon wrote that the night before the speech, “I took a long walk with Rogers up and down the side streets near the hotel to get some fresh air and exercise and to test out the first outline of my speech on him. He encouraged me to go forward with the plan I had adopted.”

Nixon saved his career with a brilliant speech that referred to his wife’s “respectable Republican cloth coat” and the Texan who gave the Nixons their cocker spaniel, Checkers.

Rogers and Nixon remained fast friends through the Eisenhower administration. But losses in the 1960 presidential race and the 1962 race for governor of California left Nixon embittered, said his former friend.

“He was a changed man,” Rogers said.

From there, the two men took different paths. Rogers spent the Kennedy-Johnson years in private law practice, arguing Martin Luther King Jr.’s case in 1964 before the Supreme Court, which said for the first time that the news media had special protection against libel suits by public officials.

When Nixon finally became president in January 1969, Rogers returned to government as secretary of State, despite having little experience in diplomacy.

“I recognized when I took the job that President Nixon wanted to run things himself and that’s what he did,” Rogers said. “He always sort of resented the State Department.”

At the start of the second term, Watergate began to dominate Nixon’s presidency.

What was it like, watching the scandal unfold?

“What do you do?” said Rogers, his expression betraying the uncountable hours he has spent looking back on that period.

When Nixon realized he would have to fire Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, he asked Rogers to do it for him. Rogers refused.

“He said, ‘Will you be with me when I do it?’ I said, ‘No, Mr. President. . . . They’re your people.’ ”

In August of that year, Nixon became the first president to resign the office.

After that, Rogers and his wife saw the former president and his wife, Pat, a couple of times.

“We saw them once for lunch,” Rogers recalled. “Remarkably, we had conversations just as if nothing had happened.

“I couldn’t understand that.”

Mason Marchment scored two power-play goals, Kirill Marchenko had one, and the Columbus Blue Jackets beat the Kings 3-1 on Monday night.

Jet Greaves made 23 saves and Damon Severson had two assists as Columbus snapped a four-game road losing streak.

Andrei Kuzmenko scored and Anton Forsberg made 27 saves as the Kings were held to fewer than three goals for the sixth straight game.

Columbus was without defenseman Zach Werenski, who is day to day with a lower body injury sustained blocking a shot against the Ducks on Saturday. Werenski leads the Blue Jackets in goals, assists and points, and his 14 goals are tied with Washington’s Jakob Chychrun for most in the NHL by a defenseman.

However, newcomer Marchment made up for it, scoring twice in the first period, giving him three goals in two games since being acquired from Seattle on Friday. He opened the scoring 4:07 into the game with a wrist shot off Forsberg’s blocker, before making it 2-0 with 23.5 seconds remaining in the first period when Boone Jenner’s shot took a double deflection and went in off Marchment’s shoulder.

Kuzmenko got the Kings on the scoreboard with 1:19 remaining in the second, but Marchenko added a third power-play tally for the Blue Jackets with 5:46 remaining in the third. The three goals with the man-advantage were a season high, and it was the third time the Blue Jackets had multiple power-play goals.

The Kings were playing for the first time since trading third-line center Phillip Danault to Montreal on Friday, but newly promoted bottom six centers Alex Turcotte and Samuel Helenius struggled to make a consistent impact with frequent penalties creating a choppy game flow.

Up next for the Kings: vs. Seattle at Crypto.com Arena on Tuesday.

Dec. 22 (Asia Today) — South Korea has surpassed 100 million barrels in government-held oil reserves as it seeks to bolster energy security against global supply disruptions, the industry ministry said Monday.

The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy said the government’s secured stockpile exceeded 100 million barrels after the final tanker shipment of the year arrived at the Korea National Oil Corporation’s Geoje oil reserve base.

Including about 95 million barrels held by private companies, South Korea now has enough oil to cover more than 210 days under International Energy Agency standards in an emergency, the ministry said.

South Korea, which relies on imports for its oil, adopted a national stockpiling plan in 1980 and has expanded reserves over about 45 years after experiencing global supply shocks during past oil crises, the ministry said.

The country now holds the fourth-largest oil reserves among the agency’s member countries, the ministry said, describing the stockpile as an energy safety net that can help respond to supply crises.

The ministry said it plans to strengthen crisis response capabilities and shift focus from simply expanding volume to improving the quality of reserves.

In its fifth petroleum stockpiling plan prepared earlier this month, the ministry said it would restructure reserves to prioritize oil grades better suited to domestic demand.

An industry ministry official said oil reserve bases operate under strict safety requirements and the government will phase out aging equipment and strengthen disaster response systems.

– Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Mohamed Salah puts Liverpool controversy ‌behind him with dramatic winner against Zimbabwe in their AFCON opener.

Mohamed Salah snatched a dramatic stoppage-time winner as Egypt came from behind to beat Zimbabwe 2-1 in their first fixture at the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) finals in Morocco on Monday.

Egypt’s captain, starting his first game after four successive matches ⁠on the bench at Liverpool, fired home a left-footed effort in the 91st minute to earn the seven-time champions a ​late victory after Zimbabwe had stunned them by going ahead in the first half.

Egypt laid an early ‍siege to Zimbabwe’s goal, but it was the underdogs who netted first through Prince Dube in the 20th minute.

It was left to Egypt’s Premier League contingent of Omar Marmoush, who equalised in the 64th minute, and talisman Salah to see them to a last-gasp victory.

Salah ‍had come into the ⁠tournament in Morocco under the spotlight following a fiery outburst after being dropped by the Premier League champions, and struggled to find his rhythm for most of the match at the Grande Stade d’Agadir. When it counted, however, he swept home the winner to see Egypt join South Africa, who beat Angola 2-1 earlier in Marrakesh, at the top of Group B.

It was as much as Egypt deserved, breaking a run of six successive draws over the last two editions of the Cup of Nations.

They had four good chances in the ​opening 10 minutes as they put Zimbabwe under intense pressure but fell behind when Emmanuel ‌Jalai fed the ball inside for Dube, who turned in possession and placed his effort into the bottom left corner.

It could have been 2-0 as Daniel Msendami’s pace set up a scrambled chance for Washington Navaya that Egypt goalkeeper Mohamed El Shenawy managed to gather before it could ‌be bundled over the line.

Marmoush sole effect

Marmoush equalised in the 64th minute, picking up a long pass on the left wing before cutting inside and firing home with his right ‌foot from an acute angle for a superb solo goal.

“We created many ⁠chances without being able to score early, but in the end everything went well,” Marmoush said.

“We kept a good mindset and finished the match strongly. We will learn from everything that happened in tonight’s game.”

Substitute Ahmed Zizo should have headed home at the back post from Mohamed Hamdy’s inviting cross ‌but put his effort wide, and missed again four minutes from the end when Salah teed him up with a good chance.

It was left to Salah to secure the three points, holding off his marker to bring the ball under control ‍before steering it home for his first goal since early last month.

In the next set of Group B fixtures, Egypt meet South Africa in Agadir on Boxing Day while Zimbabwe and Angola clash on Friday in Marrakesh.

It’s been an uneasy year for science. While there were significant milestones, like breakthroughs in gene editing for rare diseases and novel insights into early human evolution (including fire-making), the U.S. science community at large was rocked by institutional challenges. Drastic federal cuts froze thousands of research grants, and the Trump administration began actively working to dismantle the National Center for Atmospheric Research. Meanwhile, fraudulent scientific research papers are on the rise — casting a shadow over academic integrity.

Our picks for this year’s best in arts and entertainment.

Thankfully, we can still turn to our bookshelves — and podcasts — to ground us. We tapped science doyenne Alie Ward, the host of the funny cult favorite “Ologies” podcast, to share her picks for the best science books of 2025.

Spanning fascinating subjects from bees to human anatomy, Ward’s insightful list reminds us that books remain a timeless vessel for truth and knowledge.

“Ferns: Lessons in Survival From Earth’s Most Adaptable Plants”
By Fay-Wei Li and Jacob S. Suissa
Hardie Grant Books: 192 pages, $45

“Dr. Li is the botanist of our dreams… the way he talks about ferns and why he loves them, and about growing up in Taiwan (in essentially a fern forest), and how the sexual reproduction of ferns has been a great way to draw attention to the LGBTQ and nonbinary community is so charming and funny. They even named a whole genus after Lady Gaga because they were listening to ‘Born This Way’ a lot in the lab and also because there are sequences in their DNA that are ‘GAGA.’

“Laura Silburn’s illustrations are gorgeous — they really put a lot of texture into some of these plants that are really tiny. Every page is like looking at a botany poster. As we’ve seen so much science research being underfunded, especially in the last year, there’s this big question by the culture at large of why does it matter? Why does studying the fern genome matter? It has real-world impacts — that’s fewer pesticides on your crops because we figured out something from a foreign genome. I always love when something is overlooked or taken for granted and because of someone’s passion and their dedication to studying it, we learn that it can change our lives.”

“The ABCs of California’s Native Bees”
By Krystle Hickman
Heyday: 240 pages, $38

“Krystle is an astounding photographer and an incredible visual artist. Her passion for native bees is infectious. A lot of people, when they think of bees, they think of honeybees. And honeybees are not even native to North America. They’re not native to L.A. They’re not native to this country. They’re feral livestock. What I love about her book is it opens your eyes to all of these species that are literally right under our noses that we wouldn’t even consider — and that a lot of people wouldn’t even identify as bees.

“The other reason why I love this book is that she puts these essays into it that are about her experiences going to find the bees. So you’re getting to see these gorgeous landscape pictures. You’re getting to see what it took to find the bee, how to look for it, and more about this particular species. It’s organized in these ABCs that you can pick up at any chapter and check out a bee you’ve never heard of before.”

(Little, Brown and Company)

“Humanish: What Talking to Your Cat or Naming Your Car Reveals About the Uniquely Human Need to Humanize”

By Justin Gregg

Little, Brown: 304 pages, $30

“Justin is hilarious. He is such a good writer, and his voice is really, really approachable. The way that he writes about science is through such a wonderful pop culture and pop science lens. You feel like you’re reading a friend’s email who just has something really interesting to tell you.

“This book is all about anthropomorphizing everything from our toasters to why we like some spiders but hate other spiders. This is a discussion that is so important in this time when we literally have bots on our phones that are like, ‘I’ll be your best friend.’

“Justin speaks to human psychology and our need to want to be friends or villainize objects —or technology or animals — and project our own humanity onto them in ways that are sometimes helpful and sometimes dangerous.

“As a science communicator, you can tell people the most fascinating facts and can give them the best stories. But unless you can give people a takeaway, then a lot of times it doesn’t stick or the interest isn’t there. He really addresses the question of ‘Well, what does this mean for my life?’”

“Replaceable You: Adventures in Human Anatomy”
By Mary Roach
W.W. Norton & Co: 288 pages, $28.99

“I’m a long term simp for Mary Roach.

“The humanity that she brings is such a wonderful base for how our bodies fail us sometimes and what we are trying to do to bring them back. From her being present during orthopedic surgeries and the way that she describes the sound of hammer on bone (and just the kind of jovial atmosphere in an operating room that, as a patient, you would never be clued in about because you are passed out half dead on a slab). She really soaks up a vibe that you would never have access to. She goes to Mongolia to learn about eye surgery there in yurts. She takes you to places you would never be able to go. She’s rooting around in archives and old papers — she just makes anything interesting.

“Mary really is both an ally and an outsider, and I think that that’s a really beautiful thing in her book.”

“The Double Tax: How Women of Color Are Overcharged and Underpaid”
By Anna Gifty Opoku-Agyeman
Portfolio: 256 pages, $29

“Anna Gifty Opoku-Agyeman is an absolute force. I’ve followed her work in economics and in equity for years, and I was really excited for this book to come out. We did an episode on kalology, which is the study of beauty standards, years ago and I have always loved the conversation of how different members of society have a certain tax on them — these extra resources that they are expected to provide.

“I was really excited to read about specifically women of color, because that is something that I don’t feel is discussed at large. Anna combines the sociology of it with the reality of her experience and other women of color. Because she is so deft when it comes to policy and economics, she also considers, ‘What can we do about this?’ It’s not just enough to discuss this, but what can be done?

“She has totals of what the gender gap is and what the double tax is, and it’s written up like a receipt. This book really addresses the double tax in a way that, even if you have no insight or it’s something that you haven’t thought about — or you are someone who hasn’t experienced this — it’s laying it out economically in a way that is really accessible and has a lot of impact.”

Recinos is an arts and culture journalist and creative nonfiction writer based in Los Angeles. Her first essay collection, “Underneath the Palm Trees,” is forthcoming in early 2027.

George Gorton, who is managing Gov. Pete Wilson’s reelection campaign, doesn’t worry about the future.

The 47-year-old political consultant’s state of calm is partly a result of recent poll numbers that show Wilson ahead of his challenger, state Treasurer Kathleen Brown. But truth be known, Gorton says, he hasn’t really worried since 1985, when he hooked up with an Asian monk called Buddhadassa, learned to meditate and succeeded, for the first time, in silencing his mind.

Yes, that’s right. Wilson’s most trusted campaign adviser–the man who has repeatedly sought to discredit Brown this year by linking her to the “Moonbeam” reputation of her brother Jerry Brown–has a mantra. And if not for advice he sought from a Tibetan guru known as the 47th Reincarnation of the Precious Destroyer of Illusions, Gorton says he might not be running Wilson’s reelection bid at all.

The revelation is surprising coming from a man who is described by those who know him as one of the most driven, go-for-the-jugular consultants in California politics. Many say that he is responsible for some of Wilson’s harshest campaign rhetoric and that he is willing to do virtually whatever it takes to win. After 24 years in politics, the bearded, twice-divorced Republican has a tough-guy image–not a mystical one.

But Gorton, whose early career was tarnished by Watergate, says he is misunderstood. To hear him tell it, he is on a search for truth–a search that in December, 1992, led him to the Che Waung monastery in Nepal to meet the Tibetan wise man.

“I was asking him about whether or not I should do this campaign. I said, ‘I’m very torn,’ ” Gorton said, recalling how the guru threw the moe –a fortune-telling ritual–three times before giving his answer. Then, through an interpreter, he told Gorton: “It doesn’t matter what you do because your life is going to change dramatically in two years anyway.”

Sitting in his office, where a large photo of his four-year-old son, A.J., and a framed batik of Siddhartha hang on the wall, Gorton said he is readying himself for the prophesy to come true this December. He has sold Direct Communication, the successful telemarketing firm that helped make him a millionaire. And win or lose, after the Nov. 8 election he is considering chucking politics altogether.

“I want to be open to anything,” he said. “It’s not that I don’t like what I do. I do. But it is sort of a warrior’s profession. And I’m heading into a period in my life where I may want to be . . . more of a healer than a warrior.”

Gorton’s thoughts of quitting come precisely as his talents are being widely recognized. This campaign has been grueling. In May, 1993, the incumbent was 23 points behind. A recent Times poll put Wilson nine points ahead, and even Democrats say Gorton deserves credit for deciding on a campaign message and sticking to it.

“One of the things that consultants for incumbents often forget is that you have the ability to integrate into your campaign what’s happening in government,” said Bill Cavala, a consultant to Assembly Speaker Willie Brown (D-San Francisco). “George made sure (to do that). . . . Last month, every day (Wilson) signed a little package of legislation, that shows the governor is on top of something. . . . It’s a good campaign. It’s focused. I’ve seen few do it as well.”

Gorton’s relationship with Wilson is unusually close and, as a result, the role he plays in the campaign is unlike that of many political consultants. Part of that is a result of how long they’ve known each other. Gorton has played key roles in Wilson’s five statewide campaigns and was manager of three.

Brown hired her current campaign chairman, Clint Reilly, just seven months ago. The contrasts don’t end there. Reilly’s style is to be in control of everything: His firm not only presides over campaign strategy but also produces the television commercials and designs Brown’s campaign mailers.

Gorton has a more modest role and a gentler touch. The rhetoric of Wilson’s campaign may be harsh at times, but Gorton-the-manager resembles less a dictator than a chairman of the board. Some say his greatest talent is encouraging fruitful debate. And he does it for $20,000 a month (Reilly’s firm will make at least $1 million from the race).

Larry Thomas, a longtime Wilson adviser who is senior counsel to the 1994 campaign, calls Gorton “a person who prefers consensus to giving orders.” Sometimes, Gorton–who has been known to spend months trekking in the Himalayas and who once, years ago, experimented briefly with Scientology–will use his unconventional experiences to try to draw out his staff.

“He might say in a meeting, ‘This is something I learned in est training,’ ” Don Sipple, Wilson’s media consultant, said with a laugh. “This is not a guy who has incense burning in his house and has a Nehru jacket on and then slips into a Brooks Brothers suit and Hermes tie to come to work. This is not a dual life. It is one.”

To understand Gorton is to understand Wilson’s cohesive team of advisers–and the loss they suffered in 1991. In June of that year, Otto Bos, Wilson’s 47-year-old director of communications, died suddenly of a heart attack. A Wilson confidant for 14 years, Bos also was a perfect partner for Gorton–smooth when Gorton was blunt, deliberative when Gorton was decisive.

They had worked together since 1982, when Gorton managed Wilson’s bid for the U.S. Senate and Bos was press secretary. By Wilson’s 1990 campaign for governor–their third race together–”(George) and Otto were larger than the sum of their parts,” Thomas said.

The sudden death of Bos tore a ragged hole in Wilson’s inner circle, which also includes Chief of Staff Bob White and pollster Richard Dresner.

“But with Otto’s death, George emerged,” said Stuart K. Spencer, a veteran Republican political consultant. “In terms of the Wilson operation, George had maybe been Otto’s equal, but he had not been No. 1. No doubt in my mind that George is now No. 1.”

Not everyone thinks that is a good thing. One Republican consultant said that “without Otto Bos, there’s very few people to restrain George.” (Though this person added, “His handling of Kathleen Brown has been masterful.”)

Joe Scott, a corporate and political consultant who has worked in several nonpartisan campaigns, blamed Gorton for what he calls Wilson’s “shrill” discussion of Proposition 187, the ballot measure that seeks to deny state benefits such as public schooling and non-emergency health care to illegal immigrants.

“(Gorton) appeals to the attack dog part of Pete,” Scott said. Without Gorton, he added, “I don’t think (Wilson) would have been so shrill on Proposition 187, blowing past the reality and using it to scapegoat immigrants.”

But Gorton’s admirers say he is only doing what it takes to win.

“The conventional wisdom would be: ‘You’re the incumbent. You defend. We’ll throw the spears, you catch them,’ ” said Bill Lowery, a Washington lobbyist, former San Diego congressman and one of Gorton’s best friends. “Guess what? George Gorton doesn’t buy off on that simplistic paradigm. Neither does Pete. . . . Did (the campaign) get a little shrill at times? Yes. But it wasn’t their choice. They’re not going to lay back and let Pete be defined by an opponent or the media. That’s what winners are all about.”

Gorton’s political involvement began in the 1960s, when he was president of the Aztec College Republicans at San Diego State University. After a brief stint as a high school math teacher, he worked as youth director for New York conservative James Buckley’s winning U.S. Senate campaign.

Gorton came back to San Diego to do the same youth mobilization work for a state assemblyman who was about to run for mayor: Wilson. Then, President Richard M. Nixon came calling.

“It was the first year that 18-year-olds had the vote, and (Nixon) was very concerned about it,” said Gorton, recalling how Nixon’s deputy campaign manager, Jeb Magruder, flew to San Diego to recruit him to be national college director for the Committee to Reelect the President, commonly known as CREEP. “I said, ‘You’re kidding. I’m just a kid from San Diego.’ ”

Soon, the kid from San Diego was getting his picture taken in the Oval Office (today, the photo hangs in a frame on his office wall). But Watergate was about to break, and so was Gorton’s fledgling career.

Gorton had hired a college student named Ted Brill to spy on a group of Quakers conducting a peace vigil outside the White House. Gorton says he paid Brill with a personal check because Magruder told him Brill’s life would be threatened if he were named in campaign finance reports.

Bob Woodward, the reporter for the Washington Post, found out about Brill, who reportedly said he had been told to set up the Quakers for a drug arrest–a contention Gorton denies. According to Woodward, Brill also suggested that he was not the only paid spy–an allegation that led to a Post editorial that decried the Republicans’ “kiddie spy corps.”

Then, as now, Gorton said there was no band of spies. Gorton was never tried or convicted of any Watergate offense, and he says the only impropriety involved his payments to Brill.

“It was a campaign reporting violation, which wasn’t my fault. And it wasn’t a big deal–we didn’t get fined for it,” he said. Still, Gorton was fired. And things would only get worse.

As Gorton was looking for work, he gave out the phone number of a friend at Republican Party headquarters to ensure he didn’t miss prospective employers’ calls. That led to more news stories that said the Republican National Committee was helping find jobs for people implicated in Watergate. And that prompted then-Republican Party Chairman George Bush to call a news conference to banish Gorton from the party headquarters and bar him from working again in Republican campaigns.

“It was a miserable time. I certainly realized that (while) I was terribly loyal . . . no one was loyal to me,” Gorton says today. “But Watergate did a real interesting thing for me. It made me realize that I was responsible for my own life–how I live it, what I put into it, what I get out of it.”

At age 26, he returned to San Diego believing he would never work in politics again. He earned minimum wage at a bank. He gave tours of the city. He even promoted a friend’s record album, trying to convince radio stations to play “The Mike Curb Congregation Sings Winnie the Pooh.” (Curb would later become lieutenant governor).

But soon, Gorton was back, first as assistant finance director for the state Republican Party, then as finance director and then as an independent consultant. And he kept in close touch with Wilson, working on his unsuccessful bid for governor in 1978.

The first campaign Gorton actually managed was Lowery’s bid for Congress in 1980. “We were down 34 points in February and ended up winning by 10–that’s pretty Herculean,” recalls Lowery, who said that even then, Gorton had a tactic he still employs today: “Marshal the resources till the end and make them count. George is a stickler for that.”

He has certainly followed that strategy in the 1994 race. During the summer, when Brown was hammering Wilson with several ads about California’s failing economy, Gorton did not match her blow for blow. It would have been a waste, he said.

Many believe the 1994 election is a turning point for Gorton. Particularly if Wilson is reelected, they say, Gorton’s talents will probably be much in demand among Republicans who seek the presidency in 1996. The question is: After so many years in Wilson’s circle, does Gorton truly want to work for anyone else?

“He is going to have to make a decision after this campaign,” said Spencer, the political consultant. “If Pete Wilson decides to run for the presidency, George has got a horse there. But if Pete decides, ‘I’m gonna stay as governor,’ George is going to have to decide: ‘Am I going to make the next step and find another candidate?’ ”

“There are any number of presidential campaigns that would be tickled to have George on their team,” said Sipple, the media consultant. “But there would be a using dimension of that, and it would get away from the family dimension (of the Wilson operation). My hunch is that’s what George is all about. He is not a mercenary.”

After the election, Gorton plans to take a good long rest. For starters, he will travel to Asia and Africa. After that, he’s not so sure.

Lowery, the lobbyist, says Gorton “is at a fork in the road. One path could be the predictable: to be involved in ’96 (presidential politics) in a key way. The second path would be to find a new challenge. I don’t know which one he’s going to take. I don’t think he knows.”

It was a chilly Sunday in November 2000 when the gods chose to smile on Ken Wallace. The retired teacher was sweeping his metal detector across a hillside in Leicestershire’s Welland valley when a series of beeps brought him up short. Digging down, he found a cache of buried coins almost two millennia old. He had chanced upon one of the UK’s most important iron age hoards, totalling about 5,000 silver and gold coins.

More than 25 years on, I’m staring at Ken’s find at the civic museum in the nearby town of Market Harborough. The now gleaming coins are decorated with wreaths and horses. They’re about the size of 5p pieces, but speak of a wild-eyed age of tribal lands and windswept hill forts.

Hidden riches are something of a local theme here. The treasure was unearthed close to the Leicestershire-Northamptonshire border, in a sloping, sheep-dotted landscape where the River Welland ribbons eastwards in no special hurry. The town (“people just call it Harb”, one of the museum staff tells me) is the main settlement in this stretch of the valley. I’ve come here on a short winter visit to see why the area – hills, villages, Harb and all – gets described as an unsung alternative to the Cotswolds.

The town itself has ancient Saxon roots and is easy to like, with a head-turning mix of Jacobean, Georgian and Victorian architecture. I stumble on Quinns, a cracking independent bookshop tucked down an alleyway, then devour a curry bowl at a lively cafe called Two Old Goats. A board on the street lists notable town residents through the ages, the most recent being rugby giant Martin Johnson. I read this, then turn and immediately see him on the pavement 10 metres away. It’s unclear if this clever routine is something he does for all visitors, but he’s hard to miss in any case.

The real pull of the Welland valley is the countryside, a slow-moving world of hushed green dales and drifting red kites. On local advice, I head to rural Foxton Locks – Britain’s highest combination of staircase canal locks, where 10 adjacent early 19th-century locks transport boats up and down a 23-metre hillside – for a gawp and a wander. “It takes 50 minutes for boats to get from one end to the other,” says volunteer Malcolm, who seems delighted to have a visitor to talk to. The neatly painted locks rise up handsomely beside us.

You need a decent woolly hat to go gongoozling (that is, canal-watching) in December, but there are rewards to be had. The skies are already fading to a wintery grey when I climb past the locks to the upper towpath. The narrowboats I see are moored up, their chimneys smoking and their roofs decorated with bums-out gnomes. I walk the path for an hour of rippled quietude, passing little other than moorhens and blackthorn sloes, then return the same way.

Back at the locks I stop at tiny canalside pub Bridge 61, where I find a crackling log grate and a row of Camra certificates. The barman pours me a Widebeam bitter from Langton Brewery. “Local ale,” he says. “From three miles up the way as the crow flies.” Proof, it turns out, that beer doesn’t have to travel far to hit the spot.

My base is nearby Medbourne, one of numerous placid, calendar-pretty villages that stud the Welland valley. Medbourne has a clear stream, a lovely pub – the Nevill Arms, where I spend the night in a four-poster and enjoy exactly the kind of warming, candle-lit dinner you’d want from a country inn in winter – and cottages built of tough, reddish Leicestershire ironstone.

The next morning I meet local author and poet Tim Relf for a three-hour footpath ramble in the hills. Crossing stiles and ridge-and-furrow fields, he leads us to a spot above his home village of Drayton, from where the valley’s rolling green folds reveal themselves to the full. “You can make out six churches from here,” he says. He’s right. Their medieval spires punctuate a view that tumbles out for miles in all directions.

Drayton itself is home to the smallest of these churches, a stone chapel with pews that seat about 25 people. It once spent time as the village bakery and still has a bricked-up serving hatch. “The vicar likes joking about the fact that Bethlehem translates as ‘House of Bread’,” Tim smiles.

Close by, they’re used to far bigger crowds at the hilltop Nevill Holt Hall. In early summer, the Grade I-listed hall draws thousands of opera and music lovers for its annual arts festival, though when we pass it on this midweek December morning its trimmed lawns and topiary are as quiet as everywhere else.

We finish in Great Easton, another village of thatched roofs and wide lanes. It has a little cafe, aptly called the Great, where I refuel on coffee and sticky spiced ginger cake before heading to Eyebrook reservoir on the village outskirts. It’s a glorious spot for winter birding – teal, wigeon and great white egrets in the shallows, a 200-strong flock of lapwings billowing overhead – and completely uncommercialised, with a tiny car park and just one other birdwatcher. He’s excited at seeing five smew a little earlier. I give it an hour and don’t see them, but still leave feeling enchanted.

Even a short trip needs a finale, which comes in the form of the extraordinary Harringworth Viaduct. I’m staggered when it comes into full view. The viaduct is a bona fide marvel of Victorian mega-engineering, a colossal 82-arch span stretching right across the valley. Glinting beneath it is the River Welland itself, looping and languid. It seems improbable that such an attractive valley should be hiding in plain sight in the middle of the country, but there’s not a tour bus to be seen. A treasure, indeed.

The trip was provided by the Nevill Arms in Medbourne, which has doubles from £140 B&B

Jordan Eberle scored the tiebreaking goal midway through the third period and added an empty-netter in the final minute, and the Seattle Kraken beat the Ducks 3-1 on Monday night.

Frederick Gaudreau also scored and Kaapo Kakko had two assists for the Kraken. Philipp Grubauer stopped 39 shots.

Mikael Granlund scored for the Pacific Division-leading Ducks and Lukas Dostal had 18 saves.

Matty Beniers set up the go-ahead goal when he slid the puck past defender Radko Gudas and onto the stick of a wide-open Eberle, who snapped a shot from the left circle into the upper-right corner of the net for a 2-1 Kraken lead with 9:56 left.

Eberle then sealed the win with an empty-netter with 36 seconds remaining.

Grubauer had 16 saves in the second period and 15 in the third.

Seattle took a 1-0 lead 4:49 into the second when Gaudreau gathered the rebound of Shane Wright’s shot and flipped the puck into a near-open net for a power-play goal.

The Ducks tied it with 4:20 left in the second when Granlund battled Vince Dunn for position in the slot and redirected Jacob Trouba’s shot from above the right circle past Grubauer for his fourth goal in four games.

Granlund, who has missed 18 games because of injuries, has seven goals and four assists in his last 13 games.

The Ducks played without leading scorer Leo Carlsson, who missed his first game of the season because of a lower-body injury. Seattle played without top defenseman Brandon Montour, who underwent hand surgery Monday and will be out for four weeks. Montour was injured in last week’s fight against Colorado.

Linesman Ryan Gibbons departed with 53 seconds left in the first after tripping in front of the Seattle bench and hitting the back of his head on the ice. He did not return.

Up next for the Ducks: vs. Kings at Crypto.com Arena on Saturday.

People escaping fighting, lack of essential supplies in Heglig area faced with tough humanitarian conditions in search for shelter and safety.

Kosti, Sudan – The flow of displaced people fleeing the fighting in Sudan shows no sign of slowing – the latest hailing from Heglig.

In early December, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) seized the strategic Heglig oilfield in West Kordofan province after its rival, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), withdrew from the area.

Nearly 1,700 displaced people, most of them children and women, escaped the fighting in the southern region and the lack of basic necessities.

Some of them were fortunate enough to board trucks as they fled from their towns and villages in the area. After an arduous journey, the displaced people arrived at their new home – the Gos Alsalam displacement camp in Kosti, a city in the White Nile province.

“We left without anything … we just took some clothes,” said an elderly woman who appeared exhausted and frail.

Inside the camp, the people arriving are faced with extremely harsh humanitarian conditions. Tents are being pitched in haste, but as the number of displaced people grows, so do the immense humanitarian needs. Yet, humanitarian support remains insufficient to cover even the bare minimum.

“We have no blankets or any sheets, nothing. We are old people,” said a displaced elderly woman.

‘I gave birth in the street’

Nearly three years of war between the RSF and SAF have forced 14 million people to flee their homes in a desperate attempt to find shelter and safety away from the heavy fighting that has killed tens of thousands.

Some 21 million across the country are facing acute hunger, in what the United Nations calls the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.

In a small corner of the Gos Alsalam camp, Umm Azmi sits next to her newborn baby. She recalled how she was overtaken by labour on the road and delivered her baby in the open air without any medical assistance.

“I was trying for nine months … but I gave birth in the street – the condition is very difficult,” the mother said.

“I had just given birth, and I had nothing to eat. Sometimes we eat anything we find in the streets,” she added.

At least two people killed in clashes in northern city of Aleppo during Turkish FM Fidan’s visit to Syria.

Syrian government forces and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces agreed to stop fighting in the northern city of Aleppo, after a wave of attacks left at least two civilians dead.

Syria’s state news agency SANA cited the defence ministry as saying that the army’s general command issued an order to stop targeting the SDF’s fighters after the deadly clashes erupted during a visit by Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan.

Fidan, whose country views the SDF, which controls swathes of northeastern Syria, as a ‘terrorist’ organisation, said on Monday that the SDF appeared to have no intention of honouring its pledge to integrate into the state’s armed forces by an agreed year-end deadline.

Following the SANA report on Monday evening, the SDF said in a later statement that it had issued instructions to stop responding to attacks by Syrian government forces following de-escalation contacts.

More to follow.

The famous Christmas film stars Kate Winslet, Cameron Diaz, Jack Black and Jude Law

A chocolate box village in England is the setting of a Christmas movie that has become a modern classic. The Holiday is a cherished Christmas story that many enjoy annually during the festive season.

The 2006 movie tells the tale of two women who switch homes for two weeks during winter, allowing them to recover from heartbreak and discover new love. Iris, portrayed by Kate Winslet, escapes her life in England to enjoy a stay in a luxurious California house, while Cameron Diaz’s character moves from Hollywood to a charming, traditionally British cottage.

Although ‘Rosehill Cottage’ was specially constructed for the film and isn’t a real location, its picturesque countryside setting makes it worth visiting around Christmas. Remarkably, you can even visit the same pub where Cameron Diaz’s character had her first real date with Graham, played by Jude Law.

The enchanting village of Shere in Surrey is situated halfway between Guildford and Dorking. Its river filled with ducks, and its historic ambience attracts both tourists and filmmakers, and it was also a filming location for Bridget Jones: The Edge of Reason.

Yet, it’s at the corner of Shere Lane that you’ll find the historic 15th-century, Grade II-listed pub where parts of the Christmas movie were shot. The White Horse offers a variety of traditional dishes, such as hearty British steak and ale pies and Sunday roasts, all enjoyed by guests beside cosy fireplaces.

According to a previous Mirror article, a description from the Chef & Brewer Collection read: “Built in 1475, this stunning pub displays traditional features of solid wooden beams and natural stone fireplaces, creating the quintessential cosy pub atmosphere.

“Settle down and enjoy some hearty comfort food. From soul-warming Sunday roasts to perfectly seasoned steaks cooked just the way you like; each dish is crafted with the utmost care and passion. Connect to the free Wi-Fi and browse the well-stocked bar for your favourite local cask ale or quality wine, and don’t forget – we’re dog-friendly, so bring your four-legged pals.”

After visiting The White Horse, tourists might also want to explore the village’s charming tearooms or stop by the 12th-century St James’ Church. It is believed to be the place where Bridget Jones’ parents, played by Jim Broadbent and Gemma Jones, renew their wedding vows in The Edge of Reason.

The wedding celebration spills out of the church into the snowy yard. Bridget and Mark Darcy, portrayed by Colin Firth, follow the parents as they leave through the church’s Lych Gate.

Information from Visit Surrey also adds: “The Church of St James appeared in the Domesday Book. It contains a tiny enclosed cell in which Christine Carpenter, an anchoress (religious recluse) lived. Her only contact with the outside world was through a grid and an aperture through which food was passed.”

To visit Shere, the nearest station is Gomshall, about a five-minute drive away. It typically takes around 20 minutes to walk from Gomshall to Shere, and bus services are also accessible in the vicinity.

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