TODAY

Venezuela’s oil policy has not merely been a set of technical regulations, but rather a battleground where national sovereignty has been defined in the face of Western imperialist interests. In this sense, the 20th century in Venezuela began with cannons trained on its shores. The naval blockade by England, Germany, and Italy in 1902 was the result of demands to collect debts incurred since the War of Independence and throughout the nineteenth century to build the oligarchic and fragmented republic that emerged in defiance of the Bolivarian project of unity. 

Unable to pay the creditors, Venezuelan President Cipriano Castro refused to hand over the country’s resources and territory, which is why he is considered the first nationalist president to be overthrown by the imperial powers of the time. In response to the foreign pressure exerted through the blockade, his proclamation was published in national newspapers: “The insolent foreign boot has desecrated the sacred soil of the homeland!” Castro embodied a defiance that the powers would not forgive.

However, the real tragedy was not the external attack, but the internal betrayal. Juan Vicente Gómez, who was also the president’s close friend, was not only the instigator of the 1908 coup d’état, but also the architect of the first major economic model of submission. Under his government, Venezuela was transformed overnight from an agrarian economy into an oil-producing enclave.

The concessions granted starting in 1922 through laws and decrees were not commercial agreements; they were acts of surrender of territorial and economic sovereignty to Standard Oil and Royal Dutch Shell, shaping the new geometry of power and the emergence of a new way of being and doing politics: what anthropologist Rodolfo Quintero called “the oil culture” had been born, a society whose elite looked more to the north than to the Venezuelan hinterland plains.

Venezuelan historian Oscar Battaglini provides an in-depth analysis of the inner workings of this new economic and political culture. 

…imperialism organizes (acting directly as in the days of old colonialism) a strong and truly centralized state at the head of which appear, in the role of mere ‘native overseers,’ the remnants of the old oligarchy: large landowners, agro-exporters and importers, and usurious bankers … The state that emerges … its primary mission was to maintain the cruelest and most open repression, the stability of the established oil order; which amounted to guaranteeing the oil companies consistently high profits, and to the dominant domestic sectors, the appropriation … of oil tax revenue… 

Following Gómez’s death in 1935, his own Minister of War and the Navy, Eleazar López Contreras, was tasked with serving as the transitional bridge from a highly repressive, personalist system of government to one that appeared to be freer. With oil reserves beneath his feet and an active US presence in the ports of Lake Maracaibo, López walked a tightrope. The various political and popular sectors, already consolidated though silenced, launched a fierce resistance: oil workers, students, political parties, and activists who until then had operated underground, women, and impoverished peasants entered political life with a bang. 

The expansion of oil wells, coupled with the events of World War II and the rise of fascism, laid the groundwork for the consolidation of an economic model that compromised national sovereignty, established interventionism as a mechanism of “negotiation,” and undermined political development through the persecution of any expression that might threaten the interests of the highly lucrative oil business.

From the 1943 Law to the Puntofijo Pact: The institutionalization of dependence

The government of Isaías Medina Angarita represented a significant political opening and steered the oil industry toward national interests. During his administration (1941–1945), the first fair legislation regarding the management of oil revenues was drafted, as well as the first plan for the development of a productive economy that aimed to overcome the rentier model that had already taken root during the Gómez era. With the 1943 hydrocarbon law, further strengthened by the 1942 Income Tax Act, the Venezuelan state was granted a 60% share of oil revenues – a development that did not favor the US oil companies, accustomed to reaping up to 75% of oil earnings. This law, combined with the 1945 agrarian reform law, set the stage for an intervention that prevented the democratic and sovereign transition to another presidential term and precipitated what some have called “the October Revolution” and others a “coup d’état” against these measures, which affected the regime of land ownership and control over Venezuela’s fossil fuel resources. 

After the coup, and during the “Adeco triennium” (1945–1948) led by Rómulo Bentancourt, even though the 1943 law was not repealed, a sort of relaxation was applied, known as the “fifty-fifty” arrangement, which consisted of guaranteeing oil companies a 50% revenue share, avoiding the tax levy, and thereby preventing subsequent increases in rent. At this point, it is worth noting that this process did not affect only economic aspects; rather, the oil enclave also became consolidated, which, as in any colonization process, includes cultural elements, in this case, the establishment of an “(North) American way of life” in the oil fields and their surroundings. 

Encampment-cities were created to operate as islands of foreign modernity, segregated from the national reality, where local management began to adopt the mindset and interests of the parent companies. A clear example of this was Judibana, in Falcón State, near the Amuay refinery. Judibana is an urban complex designed around 1948 by the Creole Petroleum Corporation, which at that time included schools, clubs, a commissary, and an isolated, self-contained internal dynamic. During the 2002 oil lockout, it served as an enclave for the anti-nationalist oil class. 

Later, the Marcos Pérez Jiménez dictatorship (1953–1958) proclaimed the “dream of progress” through the transformation of the landscape and a policy of monumental public works that reflected the “almighty” nature of oil and served as a physical manifestation of state power. Following his overthrow in 1958, the Pact of Punto Fijo emerged, giving rise to what many scholars call “pacted democracy.” Although it was presented as the stabilization of the political system, authors suggest that it was a mechanism for excluding popular forces and shielding transnational interests.

Rómulo Betancourt, leader of the Acción Democrática party – also known as the “Father of Venezuelan Democracy” – served as the first president under the Pact of Punto Fijo. Despite the nationalist rhetoric in his youth, he established a model during his administration (1959–1964) in which oil revenues were used to pacify social conflict without altering the structure of property ownership. “Submission” here became more sophisticated: it was not the direct surrender of land, but rather subordination to US foreign policy. The commercial and financial bourgeoisie abandoned any industrialization plans to become a parasitic class living off state revenue.

Under the Punto Fijo governments (1958–1998) Venezuela was viewed as a “laboratory” for the implementation of social democratic policies that served as a counterweight to the influence of the Cuban Revolution (1959) – characterized by its strong anti-imperialist stance – thereby consolidating the structural hegemony of the US market, which by 1997 received nearly 70% of the country’s oil exports. 

Neoliberalism and the “denationalization” of the 1990s

After a lengthy process of drafting legislation and negotiations, on January 1, 1976, the national flag was raised at the Zumaque No. 1 oil well. With this symbolic and legal act, Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA) was born as the company tasked with planning, coordinating, and supervising the industry, marking the beginning of a phase in which the state assumed not only income but also the total operative control of the country’s oil resources.

Bernard Mommer, an expert on the subject, offers a sharp critique that distinguishes between nationalization – whose objective was supposed to be the political and economic control of oil in the interest of national sovereignty – and statization, which entailed the creation of a state-owned corporation (PDVSA) that, over time, began to operate according to a private corporate logic, distancing itself from the needs of the national government and the objective of this ostensibly sovereign strategy. In this regard, Mommer argues that, following nationalization, the industry remained under imperialist control. PDVSA inherited the organizational structure and culture of the former concessionaires (Shell, Exxon, Mobil), which created a “state within a state.”

The neoliberal shift of the 1980s and 1990s marked the moment when submission was cloaked in the technical language of the Washington Consensus. The Oil Opening (Apertura Petrolera) was the ultimate expression of this process: an initiative in which PDVSA operated according to transnational logic, minimizing benefits for the country and paving the way for full privatization. It was more a matter of “denationalization,” where the state ceased to act as a demanding owner and instead became a promoter of foreign investment, sacrificing tax revenue, drastically reducing royalties (from 16.6% to 1% in some cases), and ceding operational control.

Denationalization policies were not limited to the oil sector. Telephone services (CANTV) and airlines (Viasa) were privatized, and attempts were made to privatize basic industries such as iron and aluminum. In this process, PDVSA’s management began to distance itself from the guidelines of the Ministry of Energy and Mines to become an entity managed by neoliberal international interests.

El Carmonazo: A failed attempt to return to the past

With Hugo Chávez’s rise to power in 1998, an effort was made to reverse this process of denationalization through the 2001 Organic Hydrocarbons Law. This law raised royalties to 30% and required the state to hold a majority stake (51%) in any joint venture. It restored the Ministry of Energy’s control over PDVSA.

The reaction of traditional sectors such as the CTV (Venezuelan Workers’ Confederation) and FEDECAMARAS business lobby, allied with the church and military sectors, was the call for an oil strike and the coup d’état (the Carmonazo) carried out on April 11, 2002 – a direct response by PDVSA’s managers and the neocolonial oligarchy to protect the contracts and the vision of the Oil Opening. The short-lived Carmona coup regime’s decree sought to repeal these laws to return Venezuela to the management model of the 1990s: a “privatized” PDVSA and a state with no control over its principal source of wealth.

The “Carmona Decree” was the purest expression of the neocolonial oligarchic mentality. In less than 24 hours, the public authorities were dissolved and the name “Bolivarian Republic” was removed, symbolically reverting to the “Republic of Venezuela” controlled by the elite. The main objective was to halt the Land Law and the Hydrocarbons Law, returning control of revenue to the PDVSA management aligned with external interests.

From the blockade of 1902 to the coup of 2002, the common denominator has been a Venezuelan elite that perceives sovereignty as an obstacle to its business interests. Submission is not just a political stance, but a class identity that confuses progress with mimicking the imperial core.

The history of this century in Venezuela demonstrates that the struggle for nationalization is not just about oil, but about a people’s ability to decide their own destiny without the tutelage of the insolent foreign boot.

Rosanna Álvarez holds an MSc in History of Republican Venezuela from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV). She is a researcher at the Centro de Estudios Simón Bolívar and Fundación Hugo Chávez, as well as a writer at the Libertador 8 Estrellas magazine. She is the author of Venezuela vista e imaginada. Un recorrido visual por nuestra historia and host of the Bolívar Nuestro show on Radio del Sur.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Former Pakistani diplomat to the US Maleeha Lodhi says expectations from the Islamabad talks between the US and Iran should be realistic, stressing that “we should recognise that diplomacy is not an event, it’s a process, it takes time.”

Lebanon’s Health Ministry says more than 2,000 people have been killed in Israeli attacks since March 2.

Israeli strikes have killed at least 18 people across southern Lebanon, as Lebanese authorities reported that the overall death toll from the war that began last month between Israel and Lebanese group Hezbollah has surpassed 2,000.

Israeli strikes on a village near Sidon in southern Lebanon killed at least eight people and wounded nine others, Lebanon’s Health Ministry said on Saturday.

Earlier, it said that at least 10 people, including three emergency workers, had been killed in Israeli strikes in the Nabatieh district.

In its latest tally, the Health Ministry reported that at least 2,020 people have been killed and 6,436 others wounded since Lebanon was drawn into the US-Israel war on Iran on March 2. Hezbollah launched rocket fire at Israel in support of its backer Iran, sparking massive Israeli strikes and a ground invasion.

Meanwhile, Israeli media reported that two Israeli soldiers were wounded during clashes with Hezbollah in southern Lebanon on Saturday.

Israel’s Channel 13, citing the military, said the two soldiers from the Paratroopers Brigade sustained moderate injuries from shrapnel during the confrontation.

The violence comes as Iran-backed Hezbollah renewed its rejection of direct negotiations between Israel and Lebanon aimed at ending the war.

President Joseph Aoun’s office said on Friday that officials from Lebanon, Israel and the United States would meet next week in Washington “to discuss declaring a ceasefire and the start date for negotiations between Lebanon and Israel under US auspices”.

Hundreds of people gathered on Saturday near the government headquarters in central Beirut in support of Hezbollah and to protest against the talks with Israel, some waving the group’s yellow flags or the Iranian standard.

Demonstrator Ruqaya Msheik said the protest was a message that Lebanon “will not be Israeli”.

“Whoever wants peace with Israel is not Lebanese,” she said, adding: “Those who shake hands with the enemy … are Zionists.”

Hezbollah and its ally, the Amal Movement, issued a statement calling on supporters to avoid demonstrating “at this delicate stage”, citing interests of “stability, the protection of civil peace and avoiding any division that the Israeli enemy seeks”.

Earlier, Hezbollah lawmaker Hassan Fadlallah said the decision to hold direct talks with Israel was “a blatant violation of the [national] pact, the constitution and Lebanese laws”.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that any peace agreement reached with Lebanon must “last for generations” and also call for Hezbollah’s disarmament.

After a ceasefire was announced between the US and Iran this week, Washington and Tehran have been at odds over whether it also applies to Israel’s bombardment and invasion of Lebanon.

The dispute arose during the historic in-person ceasefire talks held in Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad, between the US and Iran on Saturday afternoon.

Al Jazeera’s Ali Hashem, reporting from Tehran, said that Iran was able to secure “a kind of guarantee from the US that Israel is going to decrease its attacks on Lebanon”.

However, he said that “nothing [has] been confirmed … from Israel, with respect to Lebanon.” While “there have been fewer attacks on Beirut and the southern suburbs,” nothing has been “announced with respect to a ceasefire”, he said.

As the dust settles following more than five weeks of sustained U.S. combat operations against Iran, we now have the clearest picture yet of the toll taken on American aircraft during Epic Fury. After flying more than 13,000 sorties, the United States lost 39 aircraft throughout the 39-day operation, with another 10 damaged to various degrees, according to TWZ’s internal tracking. The actual number is likely higher, as we only confirm losses via open sources.

America’s drone fleet absorbed the heaviest losses, accounting for more than 60% of total combat attrition. Up to 24 USAF MQ-9 Reaper drones were destroyed, according to the latest reporting from Jim LaPorta and CBS. Five fighters were downed while in the air, four F-15E Strike Eagles and one A-10 Warthog. An F-35A was hit over Iranian airspace, marking the first known combat damage to a 5th-generation fighter, but the pilot made an emergency landing safely. 20% of attrition was due to friendly fire, including three F-15Es shot down over Kuwait, or the deliberate destruction of assets to prevent capture during a combat search and rescue mission in Iranian territory. Some losses, however, will be felt more than others, such as the prized E-3G Sentry that was totally destroyed.

For the latest on Operation Epic Fury, read our rolling coverage here and check TWZ daily for live updates.

As Israel continues its ground offensive into Lebanon, it appears that Hezbollah is increasing its first-person view (FPV) drone strikes on IDF armor and personnel. The uptick in these attacks is the latest example of how the use of the small, fast and easy to maneuver weapons has proliferated from the war in Ukraine to battlefields across the globe.

While the militant Lebanese group has used FPV drones against Israel since 2024, it has ramped up these attacks for a couple of different reasons, according to Ryan Brobst, Deputy Director of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD)’s Center on Military and Political Power.

“The IDF is currently operating further north with more troops than in previous operations, which increases the number and proximity of targets for Hezbollah to strike,” Brobst told us. In addition, there are indications that the Iranian proxy has followed additional lessons from the Ukraine war using fiber optic cables to guide the drones. As we have frequently reported, fiber optic cables mitigate the effect of electronic warfare efforts to jam radio signals as well as some of the limitations imposed by geographical features that can impede the line-of-sight radio connection between drone and operator.

“One additional consideration may be the rising availability of fiber optic drones,” Brobst explained. “Just to be clear, I am not certain the extent to which Hezbollah has switched to fiber optics vs radio, or that radio models are totally ineffective. But it seems quite unlikely Hezbollah had significant numbers of fiber optics in 2024, given that Russia and Ukraine were just starting to deploy them that year. They are much more available now.”

Several videos recorded by Hezbollah recently have emerged on social media claiming to show its use of fiber optic-controlled FPV drones.

One video claims to show a compilation of Hezbollah FPV strikes that hit two Merkava Mk.4 main battle tanks, a D9 Caterpillar armored bulldozer, and what appears to be a Namer heavy infantry fighting vehicle (IFV).

The extent of the damage is not fully clear from these videos. The feeds end as soon as the drone strikes the target. Unlike both Ukraine and Russia, it would appear that Hezbollah does not have additional drones flying overhead to record the aftermath of these attacks, at least in select instances.

Another video shows claimed fiber-optic controlled FPV drone strikes on the open hatch of a Merkava as well as on an Eitan Armored Personnel Carrier parked behind a building. Again, there is no clear indication of any damage to either vehicle.

In a scene also reminiscent of the fight in Ukraine, Hezbollah used a fiber-optic controlled FPV drone to fly into a building. This is a tactic that both Ukrainian and Russian troops regularly train on and a skill they repeatedly hone.

🇮🇷🇮🇱🇱🇧 In a similar vein, the fact that Israel operates many very heavily armoured vehicles incentivizes Hizballah to employ its armed “FPV” multirotor drones against IDF personnel, whether in the open or in inside structures. Note that armed “FPV” multirotor drones of the… https://t.co/j9fCoY6Y9g pic.twitter.com/dwwrzpHdnX

— Shahryar Pasandideh (@shahpas) April 6, 2026

While no cables are visible in the drones used in any of these videos, the lack of degradation in their video feeds, even as they approach low to the ground is a good indication of a fiber-optic connection.

It is difficult to know the full extent of Hezbollah’s use of FPV drones of any kind or what damage they are inflicting. Much of the evidence of the attacks, Brobst notes, comes from the release of Hezbollah videos.

“There is evidence that Hezbollah had used FPVs by at least 2024, but significantly fewer videos exist from that time period,” he explained. “If Hezbollah had conducted successful attacks previously, they would likely have been releasing videos of them for propaganda effect, as they are doing now.”

The following video shows one of those Hezbollah FPV drone attacks from September 2024.

🇮🇱🇱🇧 Hezbollah uses a FPV drone to hit an Israeli HMMWV in Jal al-Alam

If Hezbollah has adjusted to new tactics from the Ukraine war and has drones and operators at scale, Israel might be in big trouble … if they move.

Russian instructors in Lebanon would be not surprising. pic.twitter.com/q1RQguqYfg

— Lord Bebo (@MyLordBebo) September 11, 2024

Getting a full picture on the extent of the damage caused is difficult given the IDF’s strict censorship policies. 

“The IDF has not released hard numbers on this unfortunately,” Brobst stated.

While the IDF does not acknowledge these events, its operational updates for March 26 “include a reference to several soldiers of the 7th Brigade sustaining injuries, one of whom was killed,” FDD stated. “It is not clear whether these casualties were the result of a Hezbollah FPV attack, but their unit is an armored brigade known to operate Israel’s Merkava 4 tank.”

A senior IDF official told The War Zone these videos show Hezbollah using FPV drones “with accurate manual control and sensible targeting (top of vehicles, weak points), the clips do show genuine strike capability, and some hits are probably real.”

However, “the videos cannot prove actual damage to a Merkava Mark IV…Footage is selectively edited, so success rates are likely overstated.”

The bottom line, he added is that “FPVs are a credible and growing technical threat, but the clips are evidence of capability — not proof of consistent effectiveness or system failure.”

Israel does have some means of countering drone attacks on armor. In addition to fielding electronic warfare equipment designed to jam drone radio signals (which does not work against fiber optic FPVs), some Israeli military vehicles are equipped with the combat-proven Trophy active protection systems (APS). The system uses radar detect and trigger small hit-to-kill projectiles at incoming threats. It was built mainly to defeat anti-tank missiles and RPGs, but new upgrades of the system have counter-drone capabilities, as well. You can read more about this emerging feature set and its potential here. It is unclear if any of Israel’s armor in Lebanon have this newer active protection system enhancement or if upgrades to earlier systems can also provide some of this capability.

Trophy® APS – The land maneuver enabler

Israel is not alone in being with FPV drones fired by Iranian proxies. As we reported last month, FPV drones targeted a U.S. military Black Hawk helicopter and a critical air defense radar at an American base in Iraq. Khataib Hezbollah, a group separate from the similarly named Lebanese group, is suspected of being behind the attack. This was one of a number of FPV attacks in Arab countries where U.S. forces are based.

You can see one of the drones hit the Black Hawk in the following video.

An Iranian-backed militia carried out a successful FPV drone strike on Camp Victory in Iraq yesterday, successfully hitting multiple targets.

Seen here, one of the FPV attack munitions hits a parked UH-60 Black Hawk. pic.twitter.com/ngY8td9ONZ

— OSINTtechnical (@Osinttechnical) March 25, 2026

The widespread use of FPV drones, both radio- and fiber-optic-controlled, has made maneuver warfare in Ukraine exceedingly difficult for either side. Meanwhile, both Russia and Ukraine have been making improvements to extend the range of their FPV drones, especially those controlled by fiber optic cables. This includes bigger spools allowing longer ranges as well as additions of things like wings to improve aerodynamics which also increases range. Both sides are also using a variety of drones as relays to increase the range of their radio-controlled drones.

You can see one example of a winged Ukrainian FPV drone in the video below.

Another Ukrainian variant of a winged FPP, this time recorded by the Russians on a mission armed with a PG-7 series warhead.
The intention is to dramatically increase the range of a standard FPV, and it is promising to be a very significant development in the small drone war. https://t.co/iVv6EyJq7B pic.twitter.com/sqYZEjcj7N

— Roy🇨🇦 (@GrandpaRoy2) April 8, 2026

At the moment, there is no indication that Israel has any plans to cease its invasion of southern Lebanon, which has emerged as a main sticking point in negotiations to end the war against Iran. On Thursday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced that there was no ceasefire with Hezbollah.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu:

“Dear residents of the North, I am proud of you. You continue to stand firm.

I wish to inform you: There is no ceasefire in Lebanon. We are continuing to strike Hezbollah with full force, and we will not stop until we restore your security. pic.twitter.com/k2JeKXEMBQ

— Prime Minister of Israel (@IsraeliPM) April 9, 2026

How Hezbollah’s FPV capabilities will impact Israeli operations isn’t clear at this time, but if anything else, they are another sign of the proliferation of these capabilities and the challenges of defending against them.

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

Whatever the result, this was a poor performance by Arsenal, who looked jaded compared to a fresh Bournemouth side who had not played for three weeks.

This was the 53rd game of the Gunners’ season as they have attempted to win trophies in multiple competitions.

However, defeats in the Carabao Cup final, FA Cup quarter-finals and now against the Cherries means they have lost three of their last four in all competitions.

Arsenal were without Bukayo Saka, captain Martin Odegaard and Jurrien Timber through injury, while Myles Lewis-Skelly was making just his second start of the season at left-back with Riccardo Calafiori also unavailable.

“I thought the result in Lisbon in midweek would have helped them massively, just to get a little bit of momentum and confidence after the two cup defeats,” added Shearer.

“But there was nothing I saw today that would give me confidence that they’re going to go and win the league.”

There was a nervous atmosphere inside the stadium, with loose passes met by groans from the home supporters as it was clear that the Gunners were not at their best.

Arteta had asked the fans to turn up early to create an intimidating atmosphere – but the Gunners boss does not think that the expectation is getting to his side.

“I don’t think there is pressure,” Arteta told BBC Match of the Day. “We have been coping with a lot of pressure since the beginning of the season.

“Today there were some actions that are very far from the level that we have shown and that shocks the system.

“We ask a lot from our crowd and today we didn’t respond to those standards and we have to apologise, take it on the chin and move on.”

Congress versus the presidency

Experts like Tuesta argue that the last decade of political instability has all but rendered Peru’s executive branch a secondary power.

By contrast, its unicameral Congress has expanded its might, though its members are largely unpopular among Peruvians.

Part of its influence comes from its impeachment powers. Peru’s Congress can remove presidents for “moral incapacity”, a catch-all term that has been used to denounce anything from undisclosed meetings to security crises.

Paulo Vilca, a researcher at the Institute of Peruvian Studies, explained that the shifting power dynamics have made it difficult for presidents to remain in office.

“In the past, we used to elect presidents for five years. Now, what’s more likely is that they will not last five years,” said Vilca.

But Peru’s unicameral Congress will come to an end this year. On Sunday, Peruvians will vote for a second congressional chamber, a Senate, for the first time since 1990.

Vilca argues that the congressional election may be even more important than this year’s presidential race. But it will also likely deepen Peru’s ongoing political crisis, he added.

He predicts that Congress’s chambers will soon be in conflict with each other, as well as with the president, in a three-way battle for power.

“It is very likely that those who are elected deputies, for example, will not be very satisfied with having a subordinate position in front of the Senate,” Vilca said. “So we’re going to move from a crisis of two to a crisis of three.”

The Senate was eliminated in 1992 by the late President Fujimori, Keiko Fujimori’s father, after he dissolved Peru’s bicameral Congress and implemented military rule.

The younger Fujimori has sought to build on her father’s legacy, and her right-wing party, Fuerza Popular, has become a deciding force in the unicameral legislature.

Keiko Fujimori even pledged to use her party’s power to “govern from Congress” after her defeat in the 2016 presidential race.

Since then, analysts have argued that Fuerza Popular has led efforts to change governmental processes to maintain or expand its power, even at the expense of democratic participation.

One change that it championed and passed in 2025 requires parties to earn at least 5 percent of the overall vote and a minimum of seven seats in the lower chamber to maintain their official political registration. For the Senate, parties must get at least three seats and 5 percent of votes.

Critics have said the measure creates a nearly insurmountable threshold.

“This whole system has been designed by the parties that are currently in Congress. And in particular, the one that has controlled the Constitutional Committee all these years has been Fuerza Popular,” said Vilca.

“I think the purpose of designing this whole model has been to maintain a status quo, which the Fujimori wing has also created in the last five years.”

Vilca is not optimistic that a new Senate will resolve the erosion of power away from the presidency. If anything, he anticipates more conflicts to come.

“My most likely scenario is that the crisis continues,” he said, “that whoever is elected president will enter into confrontation with the Senate”.

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s second caption reads:

OFFUTT AIR FORCE BASE, Neb. – NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg receives a brief from U.S. Air Force Gen. John Hyten, commander of U.S. Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM), during an orientation of the command’s battle deck at Offutt Air Force Base, Neb., April 6, 2018. During his visit, Stoltenberg toured the command’s global operations center and participated in discussions with Hyten, other senior leaders and subject matter experts on the continuing U.S. commitment to supporting NATO and allies. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Julie R. Matyascik)

Also, a reminder:

Prime Directives!

• If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you. 
• If you have political differences, hash it out respectfully, stick to the facts, and no childish name-calling or personal attacks of any kind. If you can’t handle yourself in that manner, then please, discuss virtually anything else.
• No drive-by garbage political memes. No conspiracy theory rants. Links to crackpot sites will be axed, too. Trolling and shitposting will not be tolerated. No obsessive behavior about other users. Just don’t interact with folks you don’t like. 
• Do not be a sucker and feed trolls! That’s as much on you as on them. Use the mute button if you don’t like what you see.  
• So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on. 
• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

With US and Iranian officials set to meet in Pakistan on a deal to end the war, Al Jazeera’s James Bays outlines some of the sticking points ahead.

The new academic semester kicked off in Gaza in late March. But the mornings no longer carry the familiar vibrance of students waiting for buses, crossing cities towards universities and colleges.

That feeling has instead been replaced by the hardship of displacement.

Israel’s destructive campaign has reduced Gaza’s academic institutions to rubble, many now repurposed as crowded shelters for displaced families. With campuses gone, in-person education has largely disappeared, forcing universities to shift to online learning. But for students living in tents, struggling to secure food, water, electricity, and internet, attending a lecture, even online, has become a privilege.

Amid this chaos, a glimmer of hope has materialised.

In the densely crowded area of al-Mawasi in southern Gaza’s Khan Younis, a new academic initiative is taking shape. Scholars Without Borders, a US nongovernmental organisation, has established what it calls “University City”, a makeshift academic space designed to bring students back into lecture halls.

Built from wood, metal sheets, and whatever materials could be sourced locally, the site stands as a modest reconstruction of what Gaza’s academic life once looked like.

“Despite the hardships, our mission is to bring education closer to students in a better environment,” said Hamza Abu Daqqa, the organisation’s representative in Gaza.

“We designed this space to serve multiple academic institutions and as many students as possible,” he added. “There are six halls here, accommodating up to 600 students a day. It may look simple, but it creates a sense of normal academic life, something students have been deprived of.”

The space includes internet access powered by solar panels, improvised green areas, and even a small business incubator aimed at helping students engage on their own prospects.

According to the organisation, University City operates on a rotating weekly schedule, with each day allocated to a different academic institution. This system allows multiple institutions to share the limited space, ensuring the widest possible access for students.

Given the constraints, universities prioritise courses that require in-person instruction the most, such as practical and discussion-based classes.

Gaza’s prominent universities, such as the Islamic University and Al-Azhar University, have begun using the site, alongside other colleges like the Palestine College of Nursing.

But behind this modest structure lies a far heavier reality.

A glimpse of what was lost

Across Gaza, universities have been systematically damaged or destroyed since Israel began its genocidal war in October 2023. In the south, all institutions have been rendered inoperable. A limited number of campuses in northern Gaza have been partially restored, but their capacity remains extremely restricted.

The Palestine College of Nursing, for example, has been surrounded by ruins after falling within the “yellow line” where the Israeli military continues to be based since the October ceasefire, cutting off students from their classrooms entirely.

For a generation of students, university life has simply not existed, as they instead battled to survive.

Each academic year is usually marked by new beginnings, especially for freshmen stepping into a new phase of independence and discovery. But for two consecutive years, thousands of Gaza’s students have been denied that experience.

Now, inside University City, they are encountering it for the first time.

‘It feels like a real university’

Mariam Nasr, 20, a first-year nursing student displaced from Rafah, sat in one of the makeshift halls, reflecting on what the space meant to her.

“Before the genocide, everything we needed to study was available; our homes, electricity, materials, and most importantly, safety,” she said. “But for more than two years, our lives have been completely disrupted.”

Mariam began her final year of high school just as the war started. It took more than a year to complete her exams under difficult conditions before she could finally enrol in the university.

“I always dreamed of studying medicine,” she said. “But the circumstances affected my results. My late grandfather told me that healing people isn’t limited to one path, so I chose nursing.”

Still, her degree requires in-person courses, something she had never experienced until now.

“When I saw this place, I was amazed,” she said. “It was the first time I attended classes in a space that actually feels like a university. We are all excited. It feels different; it feels real.”

For students like Mariam, their first year was spent behind screens, if they were lucky to have one in their tents, disconnected from the academic environment they had hoped for.

Amr Muhammad, 20, another first-year nursing student from al-Magahzi Camp in central Gaza, shared a similar reaction.

“I expected something much simpler, just tents and basic setups,” he said. “But this was different. Being here with other students, discussing and engaging in class makes a huge difference.”

Academia under fire and siege

The experience faced by students in this small space reflects a much larger tragedy.

Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s academic sector has been described by UN experts as scholasticide; the systematic dismantling of education through the targeting of institutions, students, and academic life itself. Universities have been destroyed, professors and students killed, and reconstruction efforts obstructed.

More than 7,000 university students and academics have been killed or injured by Israeli attacks, while more than 60 university buildings were completely demolished by Israeli aerial attacks or ground detonations, according to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor and information shared by Palestinian officials.

As a result, hundreds of thousands of students have been cut off from formal education, forced into alternatives that are not able to match their former experiences.

And those alternatives, such as University City, face enormous difficulties in just getting their work started.

“All the materials you see here were sourced from inside the Gaza Strip,” Abu Daqqa said, gesturing around the site. “We had to work within what was available, with rising costs and scarcity of resources. But we were determined to create something that gives students a sense of normalcy.”

Under the October ceasefire, Israel is obliged to allow reconstruction materials to help restore shelter, essential services for Palestinians. But Israel has not adhered to that stipulation and has continued to impose restrictions, while carrying out deadly attacks across Gaza.

And for many students, reaching the University City is itself a challenge.

“I am displaced in al-Mawasi, so I’m supposed to be relatively close, but even getting here is difficult,” Mariam said. “My classes start at 9am, and I wake up at 5 just to find transportation.”

With roads damaged and fuel scarce, options for students are limited to worn-out vehicles and donkey or horse carts.

“Getting cash is frustrating. Taxis and carts only accept coins. My father barely got me eight shekels [$2.64] today, but I couldn’t find a ride,” she said. “So I walked nearly four kilometres[2.5 miles] with my friends.”

For Amr, the journey is even longer.

“I left at 6am and waited for two hours before finding a crowded vehicle,” he said. “It was the only way to get here.”

And once the day ends, the challenges resume.

“This space is only for a few hours,” he added. “The rest of the week, we go back to struggling with electricity, internet, and basic needs. We can’t even print materials or access online lectures properly.”

Students rely on shared or damaged devices, unstable connections, and limited resources, making consistent learning difficult.

“Back in the tent, I rely on my father’s old phone just to follow lectures when I can,” Mariam said. “Most days, there’s no stable internet or power. I try to hold on and keep going, but I often wish for something as simple as a steady power source and a better device like an iPad to study properly and not fall behind.”

Holding on to education

Despite everything, a scene of resilience unfolds as students continue.

Inside the halls, discussions resume, notes are taken, and a sense of academic life slowly returns, even if temporarily.

“For medical education, in-person learning is essential,” said Dr Essam Mughari, a professor at the Palestine College of Nursing. “It’s quite hard for online education to replace practical engagement.”

He described the emotional significance of meeting students again.

“After everything they’ve been through, being able to gather, interact, and learn together, it restores something vital,” he said. “We have a responsibility to support them, despite the circumstances, because tomorrow they will be in our place”

For Mariam, that determination is deeply personal.

“Some people might think it’s impossible to study in these conditions,” she said. “But I want to continue. My cousin was a nurse. An Israeli air strike levelled her family’s three-storey house in Gaza City, killing her and several others. I remember her to remind myself why I hold onto this path to heal others and serve my people.”

The University City now serves hundreds of students each day. But thousands more remain without access to similar spaces.

Scholars Without Borders says the initiative is only the beginning of a mission that is still crippled by the Israeli siege.

“Our work is ongoing,” Abu Daqqa said. “We have established dozens of makeshift schools and established this university city, but the need is far greater. This is what we were able to build under blockade,” he said. “Imagine what could be done if the truly needed resources are allowed.”

Scientists from NASA have hailed the Artemis II mission to send astronauts around the moon as a ‘fantastic feat’ but said there was more work to do, after the crew was safely brought back to Earth on Friday.

Benin will elect a new president on Sunday in a race that is shaping up to favour the chosen successor of the governing party, which has been in power for the past decade.

Outgoing President Patrice Talon, 67, is barred under the constitution from running again after two terms in power, and will step down with a legacy of mixed results: economic growth, but also a clampdown on the opposition and critics.

The small West African nation with a population of 14 million has also seen increasing numbers of attacks in its north as Sahel-based armed groups expand their territories towards the Atlantic coast.

Benin is sandwiched between its bigger neighbour, Nigeria, to the east and Togo to the west. The coastal country has increasingly gained attention as a tourist destination as more people from the African diaspora flock to its windy beach towns.

A former French colony, Benin retains French as its official language. Fon, Yoruba, Bariba, and Fulfulde are among the largest local languages spoken in the country.

Here’s what to know about Sunday’s election:

What’s happening?

About eight million eligible voters will choose a president for the next seven years.

Candidates will need to secure at least 50 percent of the votes; otherwise, a run-off will be called on May 10 between the top two candidates.

There are only two candidates, however.

The main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to get enough lawmakers to sponsor a candidate, so it is not on the presidential ballot. It earlier failed to win any seats in legislative elections in January.

Reporting from a governing party campaign event in the commercial capital, Cotonou, this week, Al Jazeera’s Ahmed Idris said the mood there was lively, but that it did not represent feelings in all of Benin after the main opposition party was sidelined.

“Most supporters of President Talon feel that this is a walkover …The only question will be whether the voting population will turn out in huge numbers. The last election we had only 50 percent,” he said.

Who is running?

Romuald Wadagni: The 49-year-old is presently the country’s finance minister and is the candidate of the governing alliance between the Progressive Union Renewal (UPR) and the Republican Bloc (BR).

A former Deloitte executive, he is expected to take a comfortable lead on Sunday, having been endorsed by current leader Talon, with whom he says he has a “father-and-son” relationship.

Wadagni, in his campaign, has touted the benefits of continuity that would come with his win. He has highlighted achievements under Talon, like tripling the national budget and posting the cotton-exporting country’s highest GDP growth rates in more than two decades.

He is also proposing new development hubs and expanding healthcare access.

Under Talon, “I had the honour of managing one of your most precious assets: your money,” Wadagni told supporters on the campaign trail in March. “I will do the job with the same seriousness and dedication,” he said.

On Friday, the final day of campaigning, he told supporters in Cotonou: “We are going to move forward, go even further with what began before your very eyes,” referring to a decade of economic transformation in the country.

Paul Hounkpe: The 56-year-old is the only opposing candidate.

A former teacher, he represents the Cowry Forces for ⁠an Emerging Benin party (FCBE).

He was formerly the culture minister under the government of ex-leader Thomas Boni Yayi of The Democrats. He also ran as a vice presidential candidate in the 2021 elections.

He is seen as a moderate, and has pledged to reduce the price of basic products and to secure the release of opponents imprisoned under Talon’s administration.

Hounkpe has campaigned on the perceived sidelining of citizens despite economic growth and flashy tourism projects under the current government.

What are the key issues?

Continuing Talon’s economic legacy

Economic growth sustained for a decade has been among Talon’s strongest achievements, and Beninese will be looking for a president who can sustain or improve on that.

Benin’s economy grew 7 percent in 2025 according to the International Monetary Fund, making it one of the region’s steadiest economies.

That’s driven by investments in trade, agriculture and infrastructure, including port expansions in Cotonou.

On the other hand, benefits have not been equally distributed across the country as poverty remains widespread in rural areas, especially in the poorer north.

Rising insecurity and political stability

Benin made headlines in December after a group of military officers attempted but failed to seize power. About 100 alleged coup planners are still in jail awaiting trial.

The coup leaders’ key complaints were the deterioration of security in northern Benin, where al-Qaeda and ISIL(ISIS)-affiliated armed groups from neighbouring Sahelian countries have increasingly launched attacks on communities. They said soldiers were “neglected” on the front lines.

Benin’s north is close to the tri-border area, a hotbed for armed violence. Lack of security cooperation with Niger and Burkina Faso, both now led by military leaders, has worsened the situation.

An attack by the al-Qaeda-backed Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM) on Benin military posts last year killed 54 soldiers. Last month, another 15 were killed.

Candidate Wadagni has promised to defend the north by creating municipal police forces to guard border towns.

Shrinking democratic space

Talon has also been accused of dragging the country back into an era of autocracy, especially after authorities shut down cost-of-living protests in April 2024.

Beninese treasure the country’s reputation as one of West Africa’s most stable democracies in recent times, but critics say that has changed under Talon, and opposition groups accuse him of using the justice system to undermine other parties.

A constitutional reform in November extended presidential terms from five to seven years. It also established grounds for the president to nominate candidates to the Senate, which further raised the bar for opposition parties to enter parliament.

In January’s parliamentary election, Talon’s two allied parties controlled all 109 seats in the National Assembly.

Rights groups like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have meanwhile accused Talon’s government of cracking down on dissent through arbitrary detentions, restrictions on demonstrations, and pressure on independent media.

A new and not immediately recognizable launcher has emerged on the U.S. Navy’s Arleigh Burke class destroyer USS Carl M. Levin. Last year, launchers for Coyote counter-drone interceptors appeared in the same general location on two other Burkes, the USS Bainbridge and the USS Winston S. Churchill. The Navy is currently known to be exploring several other options for integrating lower-cost anti-drone interceptors on various warships to bolster their defenses against this ever-growing threat. The new launcher could also be for deploying other kinds of munitions, drones, and/or decoys.

The Carl M. Levin and its new launcher can be seen in the background of a picture that the U.S. Marine Corps released on April 8, which is seen in parts throughout this story. The image was taken on March 29 at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. The Levin, also known by the hull number DDG-120, is homeported there. A Japanese-language blog called OSINFO was the first to notice the launcher in the image and posted it to social media.

The new launcher is seen installed on the deck at the aft end of the Levin’s superstructure, between the destroyer’s port-side torpedo tubes and its rear Mk 41 Vertical Launch System (VLS) array. From what we can see of the launcher itself, it appears to have multiple cells. Whether or not it can rotate or is fixed in place is not perfectly clear, but the latter seems likely, especially given what appears to be a circular mount. It looks like it would swivel upwards for firing.

What the launcher fires and what purpose it serves are unknown. It was not seen on Levin at least as of December 2025. A cursory search at the time of writing does not now show it on any other Burkes, and it is not known whether the Navy currently plans to field it more widely on that class or any others. TWZ has reached out to the Navy for more information.

One distinct possibility is that this is a launcher for the White Spike counter-drone interceptor from Zone 5 Technologies. The launcher that Zone 5 has shown so far for White Spike is a four-cell design that is different from the one now installed on the USS Carl M. Levin. At the same time, it is also very similar in many respects, both in terms of form and likely function. The trapezoidal shape of its front is an especially prominent similarity as well as its overall configuration.

Zone 5 White Spike Counter UAS drone interceptor flight tests

White Spike has been under evaluation as part of a project called Counter Unmanned Aerial Systems – NEXT, or Counter-NEXT, which the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) has been running since 2024. Its appearance on a Navy destroyer now would make sense given that Counter-NEXT has had a particular eye toward naval applications.

Anduril’s Roadrunner-M counter-drone interceptor has also been under evaluation as part of Counter-NEXT. However, the launchers that Anduril has publicly shown so far for those interceptors do not align with what is seen on the Levin. Furthermore, Roadrunner-M is designed to be launched vertically and recovered in the same way for reuse if it does not actually prosecute a target in the course of a mission, as you can read more about here.

Last year, the U.S. Navy had said that it planned to integrate launchers for Anduril’s Roadrunner-M counter-drone interceptors, as well as Raytheon’s Coyote, on an unspecified number of Arleigh Burke class destroyers. As already noted, the launcher on Levin is in the same general spot as the Coyote launchers that have been installed on the USS Bainbridge and the USS Winston S. Churchill.

There is certainly demand from the Navy for more counter-drone capabilities for its ships, in general, which grew substantially in the wake of the service’s experiences during operations in and around the Red Sea in recent years. The latest conflict with Iran has only further underscored the still-expanding scope and scale of uncrewed aerial threats.

Lockheed Martin has also previously shown a concept for installing four-cell launchers capable of firing AGM-179 Joint Air-to-Ground Missiles (JAGM) in the same general location at the aft end of an Arleigh Burke class destroyer. As its name indicates, JAGM was originally developed for use against surface targets, but Lockheed Martin has been looking to evolve it into the counter-drone space. JAGM is derived from the AGM-114 Hellfire. The millimeter-wave radar-guided AGM-114L variant, in particular, has already emerged as a counter-drone weapon in recent years, including for shipboard use. JAGMs fired from warships could also be used for close-in defense against other targets, including swarms of small crewed or uncrewed boats.

There is still a possibility that the launcher now integrated on the USS Carl M. Levin could have other purposes beyond the counter-drone role.

A launcher for drones, including types configured as loitering munitions or decoys, could be another possibility. In recent years, the Navy has notably been experimenting with long-endurance drone-like decoys to help lure incoming anti-ship cruise missiles away from friendly ships and otherwise confuse opponents. In February, DIU put out a call for containerized drone launcher designs that could be employed at sea or on land. TWZ has previously laid out a detailed case for the many benefits that could come along with integrating launchers for swarms of drones configured to perform a variety of different tasks onto Navy ships.

Levin‘s new launcher could be used to fire shorter-range decoys and/or other kinds of countermeasures, as well.

Broadly speaking, the Navy has a long history of integrating new and improved capabilities, including weapon systems and countermeasures, on small numbers of Burkes. In some cases, those modifications have then begun to make their way onto more ships of the class, or have otherwise informed larger upgrade programs. The Arleigh Burke class is set to be the workhorse of the Navy’s surface fleets for years to come, and the ships will require continual updating as new threats and other developments emerge.

Whatever its purpose, the new launcher at the aft end of the USS Carl M. Levin is the latest example of how the capabilities of the Navy’s Burkes continue to evolve.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Lebanon is facing a rapidly worsening food security situation as the fallout from the war involving Iran disrupts supply chains and drives up prices. The warning comes from the World Food Programme, which says the crisis is deepening alongside ongoing displacement and economic strain.

A fragile ceasefire between the United States and Iran has done little to stabilise conditions, with continued tensions and regional spillover, including Israeli strikes inside Lebanon, undermining recovery efforts.

From Displacement to Hunger

According to WFP officials, Lebanon’s crisis is evolving beyond displacement into a full scale food emergency.

As conflict intensifies and populations are forced to move, demand for food is rising sharply. At the same time, supply disruptions are making essential goods increasingly scarce and unaffordable.

This combination of rising demand and shrinking supply is accelerating inflation, placing basic food items out of reach for many households.

Collapse of Local Markets

The crisis is not uniform across the country but reflects a fragmented economic landscape

In southern Lebanon, where bombardment has been most intense, more than 80 percent of markets have ceased functioning altogether
In the capital, Beirut, markets remain operational but are under growing pressure from increased demand and limited supply

This two tiered breakdown highlights the uneven but interconnected nature of the crisis, where disruption in one region intensifies strain in another.

Supply Chains Under Strain

One of the most immediate concerns is the rapid depletion of food stocks. Traders report having less than a week’s worth of essential supplies remaining in some areas.

The disruption of key shipping routes and broader regional instability linked to the Iran conflict has made it difficult to replenish these stocks.

Even when aid is available, delivering it has become increasingly challenging. A recent WFP convoy to southern Lebanon took over 15 hours to complete a journey that would normally take only a few hours, underscoring logistical and security constraints.

Ceasefire Fragility and Regional Spillover

The instability of the ceasefire is a central factor in the worsening situation. Accusations of violations, particularly around the Strait of Hormuz, and continued military actions in Lebanon are undermining confidence and prolonging uncertainty.

This environment prevents the normalisation of trade routes and discourages commercial activity, both of which are essential for stabilising food supply.

Lebanon’s vulnerability is heightened by its dependence on imports, making it especially sensitive to external shocks in global and regional supply chains.

Implications

The emerging food crisis carries significant risks

A sharp increase in food insecurity among already vulnerable populations
Further displacement as living conditions deteriorate
Greater reliance on international humanitarian assistance

The situation also places additional strain on aid organisations, which must operate under increasingly difficult conditions while demand for assistance continues to grow.

Analysis

The crisis in Lebanon illustrates how modern conflicts extend far beyond immediate battlefields, disrupting economic systems and humanitarian conditions across borders.

The intersection of war, supply chain disruption, and domestic fragility has created a compounding effect. Lebanon’s pre existing economic weaknesses, including reliance on imports and limited state capacity, amplify the impact of external shocks.

At the same time, the breakdown of local markets and logistical bottlenecks reveals how quickly food systems can collapse under sustained pressure. The difficulty in delivering aid further complicates the response, turning what might have been a manageable shortage into a systemic crisis.

The situation also highlights the limits of ceasefires that fail to stabilise broader regional dynamics. Without secure trade routes and consistent de escalation, even temporary pauses in fighting offer little relief to economies and populations already under strain.

With information from Reuters.

Kelly Somers: Well, Ollie, let’s go back to the very beginning. I want to know where your love of football came from and the first time you can remember having a ball at your feet.

Ollie Watkins: Ah, it was a long time ago now!

Kelly: You were so young that you can’t remember…

Ollie: Yeah, I was so young. My mum always used to say as soon as I could walk I was kicking bouncy balls and stuff around. Then whenever I used to go out to play in the street, I’d always come back with a football.

Kelly: What, you just nicked another kid’s football?!

Ollie: I would just find footballs around and I’d have a collection of different ones. I was playing with my brothers in the street and stuff like that. One day my friend came around and he was going to football practice later, but I didn’t have a team. He told me to come with him and then it started from there.

Kelly: So, that was your first team. What can you remember of your first session with them?

Ollie: It was just different. I was used to playing football down at the park with my friends. This is a little bit more… it was still fun, but obviously you have a little bit of coaching and stuff like that. And then I found that I was quite good at it, so just kept going.

Kelly: At what point did you realise, ‘OK, I’ve maybe got something here that the other kids haven’t got’?

Ollie: Well, to be honest, there was a player that played in my team… his dad actually ran the team as well… he was the best player. And I always just wanted to kind of get close to him and just be like him really.

At that age, I don’t think you think about it. You’re just playing football. It’s maybe when you get into academies and stuff like that then you start to think about doing it more seriously and thinking of the level you’re at. But at that time – I think that’s the fun thing about when you’re young – you just go out and play. There’s no rules. You can run everywhere. I think that’s the fun bit about football at that age.

Kelly: There’s been a lot made of your journey and it not being your typical route. It was Exeter that picked you up first, wasn’t it? But that wasn’t the easiest path straight away was it, either?

Ollie: No, I went for a trial when I was nine. I didn’t get in and then they told me to come back in six weeks, but I couldn’t concentrate. I was always looking around and stuff like that, so coming back six weeks later, I didn’t feel like I was going to improve. I needed to go back and, you know, play with my friends and just enjoy it because at that age it is very serious.

Kelly: So, you didn’t go back six weeks later? You decided not to?

Ollie: No, I went back two years later. I got in the academy and then, yeah, I was there until I left at 21 I think.

Kelly: I know it’s a long time ago now, but at nine years old that must have been your dream to play for your local team. To be told, ‘no, sorry, this isn’t right for you at the moment’ … can you remember how that felt? Or were you able to just go and enjoy football again?

Ollie: They weren’t saying: ‘Oh no, you aren’t good enough.’ It was more the fact that I couldn’t focus. Well, that’s what they told me anyway. But I just kind of saw it as… I just went and played more football and just enjoyed it. And I think I kind of saw it as a little bit of a blessing. At that age, you just want to go out and play, have that freedom to express yourself. So, that’s what I went away and did. When I then went into it, I was ready to focus more.

Kelly: And when you were at Exeter as well, you went on some loan spells. I know Weston-super-Mare was quite a big one, wasn’t it?

Ollie: Yeah, I feel like that was crucial in my development. One of my best friends at the time, Matt Jay, he made his debut at 16 I think. Obviously, I was very happy for him. He was my best friend, but I was so envious because you want that to be you.

But me going out on loan definitely helped me, because I felt like I was then… I’d experienced playing men’s football. I just learned to fight for three points. People had mortgages to pay and stuff like that and I didn’t understand that because I’d just been playing reserve-team football and playing games where I could win 5-0 or lose 5-0, it didn’t matter. Going out and playing for three points was a real learning curve for me and it definitely helped me. I learned a lot that year.

Kelly: You did, of course, make it at Exeter and then the rest is history because that’s where the rest of your journey started. But has there been a turning point along the way, where if you look back, you think, ‘OK, all of this… I wouldn’t be an England international scoring that goal at Euro 2024, playing in the Champions League… none of this would have happened without it’?

Ollie: I think there’s an element of luck. I remember the day I got into the first team at Exeter. Ryan Harley – one of the main midfielders – was ill that day. I ended up playing, scoring and then I stayed in the team and did well.

But after that, I think just working hard. And when I made the jump to Brentford, I was a little bit surprised at how well I took to it.

Kelly: Really?

Ollie: Yeah, I think because when you’re younger, you look at players that you want to play against… you search them on YouTube and then the next thing you know, football changes so quickly, you can be playing with those players that you had once watched or aspired to be like. I think just working hard and timing – everything just kind of falls into place naturally, I think.

Kelly: Is it quite hard to believe in that at times, though, because you kind of… you can control so much, but you can’t control your luck? Or can you, do you think?

Ollie: Yeah, I think it’s still something I’m coming to terms with. You can do all you can throughout the week and prepare as best as you can for a game, but sometimes things are out of your control. There are times where, you know, it’s lonely. You can’t take your mates everywhere with you and your family and the people closest to you.

You’ve got to work hard and do it yourself and persevere at the end of the day, and if you keep working hard it will pay off.

Kelly: What’s been the toughest moment?

Ollie: The toughest moment for me has probably been… throughout all my career… I would probably say this season. Just because I’ve done so well to get to where I am – getting to the Premier League… we had a bit of a dip… I scored goals. And then you set that expectation of… I think I hit a new level, scoring goals and being in Europe as well. That goal… after the Euros, I think there’s more eyes on you then.

This year, I haven’t been at the level I wanted to. So, to learn to deal with that is hard. And, look, it can always change. Football can always change. It will be a game where you can go out, score three goals and then everyone talks about you, like: ‘Ah, he’s back in form.’

I think that change of not being at the level where you want to be… I think for me this year has been difficult. But I’ve always got faith in my ability and I work so hard that I know I can get back to the level that I’ve achieved in previous seasons.

NASA’s Artemis II astronauts have returned to Earth after completing the first crewed lunar mission in more than 50 years, reaching the greatest distance ever travelled by humans. The crew successfully completed a parachute landing in the Pacific Ocean, after a high-speed re-entry through Earth’s atmosphere.

The Artemis II crew landed in the Pacific Ocean under parachutes after a high-speed re-entry that tested its heat shield.

NASA’s Artemis II astronauts have safely splashed down on Earth, completing a landmark mission that carried humans around the Moon and back for the first time in more than 50 years.

The crew successfully completed a parachute landing on Friday in the Pacific Ocean, after a high-speed re-entry through Earth’s atmosphere. Recovery teams were off the coast of California, waiting to retrieve them after their arrival at 5:07pm Pacific time (00:07 GMT).

The four astronauts will now undergo medical checks before returning to NASA’s Johnson Space Center in Houston.

NASA crew members Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover and Christina Koch, together with Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, began a 10-day voyage from Florida’s Kennedy Space Center last week, travelling farther into space than any human ever has.

They looped around the far side of the moon, testing equipment in deep space, before propelling back to Earth on Friday.

Their mission was the first to the moon since the 1972 Apollo 17 mission, and their return caps a mission packed with technical milestones.

A new perspective on Earth

Artemis II is widely seen as a critical test flight for future Moon missions, particularly Artemis IV, which aims to land astronauts on the lunar surface for the first time since the Apollo era.

Engineers will now analyse key data from the mission, including the performance of the Orion capsule’s heat shield as well as navigation systems and life-support technology, all essential for safely carrying humans deeper into space.

The return also included one of the most challenging phases of the journey: a brief communication blackout during re-entry, caused by intense heat building up around the spacecraft.

But on top of its record-setting distance, the mission also marked other historic firsts. Glover became the first person of colour to travel around the moon, Koch the first woman, and Hansen the first non-American.

During their journey, the crew reported in vivid detail features of the lunar surface and later witnessed a solar eclipse as well as meteorite impacts.

Mission commander Wiseman reflected that “what we really hoped in our soul is that we could, for just a moment, have the world pause — and remember that this is a beautiful planet in a very special place in our universe”.

“We should all cherish what we have been gifted.”

Every morning since the astronauts’ departure, NASA has sent a song to Artemis II to start the day. On Friday, the astronauts awoke to the tune of Live’s song Run to the Water and the country hit Free, by Zac Brown Band.

NASA’s Artemis II astronauts have safely splashed down on Earth, completing a landmark mission that carried humans around the Moon and back for the first time in more than 50 years.