history

Petition to King Charles questions the legality of slavery under English law and UK’s responsibility for reparations.

A Jamaican delegation to the United Kingdom has said it will file a petition addressed to King Charles III to seek legal guidance on the question of slavery reparations.

This is the first time a British Commonwealth state will use this legal route “for the cause of reparatory justice”, the Jamaican delegation said, as the visit to London kicks off Monday.

Jamaica’s Ministry of Culture, Gender, Entertainment and Sport said its minister, Olivia Grange, will lead the delegation “to advance Jamaica’s push for reparations for the African ancestors who suffered under hundreds of years of enslavement”.

The ministry added that it will meet with the British Museum to discuss “the repatriation of cultural artefacts taken from Jamaica”.

The petition will ask the king, Jamaica’s head of state, to answer three questions on the transatlantic slave trade to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the Caribbean island’s highest court of appeal based in London.

Under the Judicial Committee Act of 1833, the UK monarch has the authority to refer legal matters to the court for an advisory opinion.

The questions include: whether the enslavement of Africans in Jamaica was legal under English common law, whether it violated international law, and whether the UK has a legal obligation to provide a remedy for the harm caused by slavery.

Grange said she would not speculate on whether Jamaica was asking the UK to pay reparations for the slave trade.

“We want the answers. Once we get the answers, or once we get a response to those questions, then the next steps will be determined,” she said.

“We understand the Jamaican government is seeking a petition to be heard before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council,” a Buckingham Palace spokesperson said in response to Jamaica’s inquiry.

The palace acknowledged the king’s constitutional role in the petition as Jamaica’s head of state but said he had no role in deciding the substance of the claim.

British merchants enslaved and forcibly transported 600,000 to 1 million Africans to Jamaica between the 17th century and the early 19th century.

Shortly after abolishing slavery in 1833, the UK paid slave owners $27m in compensation, amounting to 40 percent of the Treasury’s annual income. To raise the cash, the government took out considerable loans, finally paying off its debts in 2015.

The Jamaican government estimates that the country is owed about $10bn, but the UK has repeatedly refused to pay for historical slavery.

Why does anger seem to rule the world today? Pankaj Mishra traces our age of anger to the collision of Enlightenment promises of liberty and equality with empire, nationalism and capitalism. He asks what happens when those promises are broken – and when the Global South turns Western ideals back on the West itself.

In this episode: 

• Pankaj Mishra, Author, Age of Anger

Episode credits:

This episode was produced by Mohamed Hassan, Marcos Bartolomé and Sonia Bhagat. It was edited by Alexandra Locke. Our engagement producer is Adam Abou-Gad. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. 

Connect with us:

@AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

California is poised to be the first state in the nation to allow people to identify their Jewish heritage on state forms, sparking debate within the community about identity and the merits of being singled out.

Some Jews believe the move would help people understand the community better, particularly on issues such as health and hate crimes. But some are wary about providing too much information given the history of government-sanctioned persecutions against Jewish people.

The state recognizes nearly 50 racial and ethnic identities for data collection, but it considers Jewish identity only as a religion, not an ethnicity.

Senate Bill 1387, which lawmakers passed Aug. 31, seeks to require state agencies to include a box for Jewish ethnicity on all demographic data forms, ranging from public assistance programs to college applications.

The goal is to improve the accuracy of state data to better understand the needs of Jewish communities, according to the bill’s author, state Sen. Henry Stern (D-Los Angeles). The bill, which received broad support in the Assembly and Senate, will head to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk in the coming weeks for a signature or veto.

The proposed law has gone beyond data collection within the Jewish community, prompting discussions and disagreements over whether being Jewish is religious, cultural or a blend of many things. For some, it’s evoked anxiety about the historical dangers of tracking Jews.

Stern doesn’t mind the debate. In fact, he says, it speaks to a core part of Jewish identity.

“I love that the Jewish tradition is us arguing with each other,” he said. “It is such a beautiful part of our heritage to debate these kinds of things and what it means to be Jewish, and I love making space for that.”

California has broadened the list of racial and ethnic categories people can select in recent years. Newsom last year signed a similar bill that created a category for Middle East and North African individuals separate from the “white” designation that had previously encompassed those ethnicities.

California is home to an estimated 1.2 million Jewish people, representing the second-largest Jewish population in the United States after New York. And for most American Jews, Jewish identity is not one size fits all.

“The difficulty here, I think, is that Jewishness doesn’t fit neatly into the categories Americans normally use,” said Jeffrey Kopstein, the chancellor’s professor of political science at UC Irvine. “So, of course, to non-Jews, Jews are often thought of as a religion, but Jewish identity also has historically involved ancestry, culture and peoplehood.

“Many people who are entirely secular nevertheless understand themselves and are understood by others as Jews,” he added.

A Pew Research study published in 2021 found that about 1 in 5 Jews in the United States — roughly 19% of respondents — said that being Jewish is about a combination of religion, ancestry and culture. About 22% said being Jewish is a matter of culture, while 21% said it was a matter of ancestry. About half as many — roughly 11% — said being Jewish is mainly about religion.

The study found that religion is not central to the lives of most Jews living in the United States. Still, identifying as Jewish matters greatly to them, with three-quarters of Jewish Americans saying that “being Jewish” is very important or somewhat important to them, according to Pew.

Jewish California, a Jewish advocacy group that sponsored the bill, wrote in a statement that when Jewish ethnicity is absent from data, disparities in healthcare, education and discrimination are less likely to be identified or addressed. Data collection, it says, “signals to the public how communities are understood.”

“When California recognizes Jews only as a religion, it reinforces a narrow and incomplete understanding of Jewish identity, encouraging the misconception that Jews are defined solely by belief or worship rather than by a rich and distinct culture, history, peoplehood, and shared experience. That misunderstanding leads to generalizations, creating fertile ground for bias and discrimination,” the group wrote in a statement.

But opponents argue that the bill oversimplifies Jewish identity and could potentially make people more of a target for antisemitism, which saw a nationwide surge after the start of the Israel-Hamas war on Oct. 7, 2023.

In 2025, the Anti-Defamation League tallied 6,274 incidents of antisemitism in the United States, down from 9,354 incidents the year prior. Last year’s numbers were still about five times higher than a decade ago, according to the ADL.

Cat Zavis, a rabbi at Beyt Tikkun, told the California Assembly’s Judiciary Committee in June that the bill erases the diversity of Jewish people whose families come from a variety of places including the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia and Europe.

“Jews are not a single ethnicity. Judaism is a religion,” she said. “Many Middle Eastern and North African Jews have spent years working to have their distinct histories recognized. Their stories are not the same as those of Ashkenazi Jews. They have different experiences of displacement, discrimination, privilege and identity. By collapsing all Jews into a single ethnic category, this bill makes those communities invisible.”

Stern says people will still be able to check multiple racial and ethnic identification boxes on forms to encompass all the ways they identify.

Groups have also raised concerns about the government maintaining records on Jews, which is reminiscent for some of the trauma of the Holocaust. In the 1930s, the Nazi government used a variety of forms of public data including tax returns and census records to help identify Jews who would be rounded up and sent to concentration camps where millions were killed.

“History offers a clear warning: when Jewish identity is officially distinguished from that of all other ethnic groups, the results have too often been catastrophic,” the Bay Area chapter of Jewish Voice for Peace, an advocacy organization that bills itself as the largest Jewish group supporting Palestine, wrote in a statement.

Supporters of the bill say identifying as Jewish under the law is strictly voluntary. For Stern, the root of the bill is empowerment.

As a kid growing up in Los Angeles, Stern wasn’t as religious as he is now, but he was still singled out for being Jewish. Other students drew swastikas on his backpack. Antisemitic cartoons appeared in his school newspaper.

“Some stuff happened where I went from being a normal kid blending in to suddenly realizing I had an identity and it was one that was sort of defined by being called out for it,” he said. “Back then, there were no forms on campus, or applying for college, that had an opportunity for me to identify as Jewish, even though I was being identified by other people that way.”

He hopes the proposed law will give people the chance to own their Jewish identity on their terms.

“Maybe this is one place where people who are excellent at disagreeing with each other can all kind of agree that there ought to be a space for us,” he said.

Tatuy TV is celebrating its 19th anniversary at a very difficult time in our history as an independent nation. With a people engulfed in daily hardship and our sovereignty compromised on several fronts, the outlook is clearly bleak.

In this editorial, we take a close look at the situation in Venezuela, not to sink us further into despair, but to reject the normalization of the current course.

We refuse to accept this neocolonialism as inevitable or even desirable. Gaining clarity on the current context is essential for us to regroup and rebuild our future.

The Pessimism of the Intellect

Although this story did not begin on January 3 (and we must analyze how we reached that point), recent months have been marked by a dizzying political shift in favor of the bourgeoisie – both domestic and foreign – and US imperialism. Our current condition as a country is one of completely compromised sovereignty.

If oil revenues go into an account at the US Treasury Department, and the national government has to submit a budget in order to have its own resources (partially) released, if judicial and electoral bodies are appointed under US tutelage, if the most important laws are drafted in consultation with the White House and Chevron executives, if the imperial army can come and go as it pleases and bomb whatever it wants on national soil, what is truly left of an independent nation?

In what world can a country that maintains criminal sanctions against our people, that bombed Venezuela and kidnapped its president, be an “ally”? The US ambassador struts around “inspecting” infrastructure and hospitals as if he were the overseer on a plantation, escorted by the adeco [anti-Chavista opposition] deputy foreign minister [Oliver Blanco], who smiles like a good little Yankee lapdog.

We could dwell on the battle of numbers surrounding the recent “historic” oil agreement with the Trump administration. However, the analysis is quite clear. The Rodríguez government has already rolled back national control and participation in the oil industry to disastrous levels, and this deal will offer even less favorable terms for the country.

Plain and simple, Venezuela’s oil reserves, even if they formally remain its property, have been placed at the service of an empire seeking to halt its decline. That gringo monster that sows death and destruction throughout the world now runs on Venezuelan fuel.

Selling Snakeoil and Hoping it Trickles Down

If in recent years there was any gap between a policy of class reconciliation in the face of economic blockade and a discourse that retained certain key elements of the Bolivarian project, that gap has now closed completely.

Gone are any notions that PDVSA can produce oil, that housing is a right and not a commodity, that land should belong to those who work it, and so on, not to mention terms like “socialism” or “anti-imperialism,” which have disappeared entirely.

Instead, today the goal is exclusively to create the best possible conditions for capital. Laws must be reformed, assets denationalized and privatized, evictions carried out in both rural and urban areas, foreign currency handed out to the bourgeoisie without restraint, and labor regulations made more flexible – whatever it takes so that the wealthy can feel confident they will earn even more money.

And then the trickle-down effect will follow. All the key tenets of the neoliberal discourse of the past 40 years are now commonplace in the national government’s rhetoric: that we must attract investment because that is the only way to create jobs, and that the only way to have schools and hospitals is by subordinating the energy industry to the United States and its corporations.

There is no better example of this surrender to foreign capitalist interests than the fact that half the country is permanently in the dark so that corporations can continue to extract their profits from our subsoil.

Nor is the avalanche of reversals anywhere near over. Still to come are the government’s plan to privatize state assets, the labor reform tailored to [business lobby] FEDECÁMARAS’ interests, the downsizing of the state in the name of “efficiency,” and the restructuring of a debt as massive as it is illegitimate, all aimed at deepening Venezuela’s dependence even further.

Tragedy and Farce at the Same Time

For years, internal debate was suppressed and repressed because we were under siege by imperialism and the fascist international. It did not matter that the discussion was about the best way to resist without sacrificing the project. We had to remain silent in the face of all kinds of abuses, since if the right-wing opposition came to power, it would dismantle all the gains of the revolution and hand over the oil on a silver platter to the United States.

And now the official propagandists want to prove that you can square the circle, that what has all the hallmarks of colonial surrender and submission is in fact a “win-win” strategic advance.

There is no mistake more serious and outrageous than taking the people for fools. For months we heard that we had to prepare for people’s war, that the U.S. would face its own “Vietnam 2.0” and would not receive a single drop of oil if it were to attack Venezuela. No one wanted a bloodbath, but it was asserted that we had to asymmetrically resist against imperialist aggression. Then after January 3 we were told that we didn’t have enough weapons and that being a vassal of the empire is not so bad.

Another central argument was internationalism. We were told that despite all the setbacks and internal contradictions, Venezuela was still on the “good side,” the side of multipolarity. And that was not a lie. Venezuela maintained relations with Cuba and sent oil there – albeit less than in the past –, supported Iran, fiercely defended the Palestinian cause, and denounced imperialism in multilateral forums.

Today, Venezuela’s foreign policy is no different from that of any other country subordinate to Washington. Not a drop of oil for Cuba, zero support for Iran, an alliance with the Gulf monarchies, silence on Palestine, and restored ties with Israel. Strategic relations with Russia and China are being sidelined, and their companies are gradually being displaced to make way for those authorized by Trump.

Those who adapt and justify any scenario are opportunists who lack principles. The sole objective is to remain in power, even if it means implementing the exact opposite of what was previously proclaimed. The current leadership simply concluded that the best bet for staying in power was to be as useful as possible to imperialism.

History Is Not Over

In the not-so-distant past, the Venezuelan people reclaimed their dignity, which had been stripped away by one group or another for centuries, and emerged as the protagonists of their own history. They did so under the leadership of Comandante Chávez. Grassroots struggles propelled Chávez to Miraflores presidential palace, and he, as an “outsider,” changed the rules of a game that had until then been reserved exclusively for the elites.

This phenomenon was no historical accident. It was not the result of oil at $120 a barrel. It was a heroic creation, born of struggle, critical thinking, and a clear vision: socialism. Along the way, mistakes were made; old vices were ignored, and new ones were created. We must be willing to debate all of this with humility and honesty.

However, we will not renounce Chávez simply because his legacy was trampled upon by those who represent the very opposite of the Bolivarian project, yet cling to the image of the Comandante to inherit a legitimacy they never deserved.

Revolution does not happen through shortcuts. The struggle is also for historical memory. And here, those who want to be the Titanic’s orchestra just to hold onto their positions or small fiefdoms are free to do so. But they should at least have the dignity not to pretend that this course has anything to do with Chávez and Bolívar.

The empire is making plans for Venezuela’s future while different factions fight to become the lackey government of the moment. The challenge, both in our nation and across the continent, is to reorganize our equals, the working people who have nothing to lose but their chains. Starting over does not mean starting from scratch.

From our media front, as well as in the political spaces where we participate, we will do our part to bring these struggles to light and sharpen our collective consciousness. Imperialism and its lackeys will not have the final say. The Venezuelan people will once again become protagonists and set the wheels of their history in motion.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Translated by Venezuelanalysis.

Source: Tatuy Tv

Good vibes weren’t invented in Marin County. But reading “Morning in Marin,” David Perlis’ history of the place and its outsize cultural influence for much of the 20th century, you get the sense it served as America’s leading countercultural way station.

Hosts of spiritual-minded sorts called it home: Alan Watts popularized Zen Buddhism in the ’60s, alongside poets Gary Snyder and Kenneth Rexroth. Francis Ford Coppola decamped there to write his script for “The Godfather,” and it’s where his compatriot George Lucas conjured up the “Star Wars” universe. (The cuddly Ewoks in “Return of the Jedi” were named after the region’s Miwok tribe.) Jack Kerouac sought enlightenment there; his compatriot Neal Cassady was imprisoned there, in San Quentin. It was the Grateful Dead’s retreat, Robin Williams’ launchpad, and the solid ground upon which Philip K. Dick questioned reality.

Why all these people, in this place, at that time? Perlis, an artist, radio host and Marin native, doesn’t strive for sociological or demographic explanations. His strategy is to sinuously move from moment to moment, artist to artist, as if in one continuous tracking shot, pausing only for a moment to catch some of the interesting characters he spots along the way. Over there, film critic Pauline Kael; and there, poet and sitcom star Suzanne Somers; and look, there’s bar-band singer Hugh Cregg, who’ll eventually use the stage name Huey Lewis.

Author David Perlis

(Jordan Blackman)

Still, Perlis breaks the flow just enough to offer a few reasons why the region became America’s affluent bohemia. It is, of course, gobstoppingly gorgeous, with Mount Tamalpais, Stinson Beach, Point Reyes and Bolinas practically designed to be edenic retreats. (Fairfax, he writes, is “ribboned with waterfalls, tufted with moss.”) Its isolation made it a counterculture haven for those looking to avoid San Francisco’s bustle: Gay poet Elsa Gidlow made her home there in the 1940s, among the first of many misfit pioneers. Wreckage from the 1906 earthquake was used to build the first “arks,” houseboats in Sausalito, providing a quirky infrastructure. Add some slow-growth initiatives, and you get artsy scrimping arrivistes; add LSD, legal until 1966, and you have a party.

So by the late ’60s, Marin had become a haven for a particular type: creative, interested in Eastern spirituality and profoundly disinterested in social convention (not to mention conspicuously white). Perlis’ portrait of the county at the height of the decade suggests a region that had escaped — or at least refused to look at — the worst of America’s turmoil. “Despite atomic bombs, rampant racism, political violence, and the war in Vietnam and Marin, there is hope, a sincere, emphatic belief, in an imminent inner revolution,” he writes. “When Zen, acid, or whatever your trip is, opens enough minds that people can outgrow this absurd, unwinnable conflict with nature and themselves.”

Perlis writes that with a slight smirk — of course nobody outgrew the conflict. Sure, a lot of people made a mint on the dream of transcendence: The Grateful Dead became a premier touring act, Lucas taught the country the ways of the Force and Sausalito’s Record Plant became the studio of choice for Sly Stone, Fleetwood Mac and more. But in the process, Marin became a kind of parody of itself, satirized by the writer Cyra McFadden in her 1977 novel, “The Serial.” In a world of what Perlis calls “swimmable wealth,” enlightenment sure looked a lot like narcissism in caftans. “I have no idea how I manage to do it,” Dick muses about his productivity at one point, prompting Perlis to bluntly break into the narrative: “I do. Drugs.”

Perlis could have gone further than that. One of the peculiarities of the Marin cultural scene, at least in Perlis’ reckoning, is that it hardly seems like a scene at all. Otis Redding and Frank Herbert and Linda Ronstadt and Anne Lamott and Shel Silverstein and Van Morrison all had little in common and interacted even less; if Marin was an incubator, it’s one where every egg hatched a different, brand-new species. Communal activity seemed relegated to the checkout aisles where locals kibbitzed over “The Serial,” or druggy extravaganzas that would in time claim Dick and various Dead members and associates as victims.

The irony, as the region stumbled into the ’80s, is that between its wealth and carefully cultivated isolation, Marin came to exemplify the ethos of conformist America: every man for himself. The actor Peter Coyote resisted: “When a Buddhist is thinking about shooting out traffic lights, it’s time to leave,” he quips. Others dug in: Huey Lewis and the News climbed the charts with a song titled “Hip to Be Square,” though to his credit, he explains to Perlis that it was meant to be a song about the difficulty of reconciling affluence and bohemian values. The man knows where he lives.

Perlis’ book isn’t a dismissal of Marin’s cultural moment, or even really a critique of it: His story is more something to be wondered at, like fog rolling over Mount Tamalpais. And Perlis’ storytelling skills make it seem like good fun as he pingpongs from artist to artist, each somehow inventing a meaningful, or at least recognizable, cultural touchstone. Marin gave us New Age music and Pablo Cruise; it also gave us Jim Carroll’s indelible punk classic, “People Who Died.” But one of the things to wonder at amid the good vibes is whether a different, more coherent, more sober scene would have been more meaningful, more enduring.

A regular contributor to The Times, Athitakis is a writer in Arizona and the author of “The New Midwest.”

THINK Travelodge stays are just for a quick pitstop? Think again.

Britain’s popular budget hotel chain actually has many hotels in some of the most spectacular corners of the UK, putting amazing adventures right at your doorstep.

From waking up at the foot of Ben Nevis to sleeping a stone’s throw from the oldest occupied castle in the world, we’ve hunted down 10 of the most breathtaking Travelodge stays across the country.

With rooms starting from just £25 a night, here are the epic mountain, island, and seaside getaways that prove you don’t need to fork out for a fantastic UK getaway.

Travelodge Fort William

Imagine waking up at the foot of Ben Nevis, the highest mountain in the UK, without paying a penny of premium for the privilege.

This Travelodge is in the proper Highlands, with Glen Nevis on your doorstep and Loch Linnhe glimmering nearby.

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Plus the Glenfinnan Viaduct (yes, the Harry Potter one that the Hogwarts Express chugs over) is just up the road.

Did you know that Fort William is the Outdoor Capital of the UK?

This means you’re steps from world-class walking, climbing and mountain biking with a stay at this budget base.

Most hotels wouldn’t dream of charging this little for views like this, but that’s where the reliable Travelodge steps in.

Book a room at Travelodge Fort William from £27 per night.

Travelodge Burford Cotswolds

Burford is one of the UK’s most idyllic villages, with its honey-coloured stone cottages and pretty high street that tumbles down to the River Windrush.

You’d expect to pay boutique B&B prices for a base this pretty, but here you’re staying in the heart of the Cotswolds for less than a train ticket.

With rolling countryside, beautiful churches and chocolate box charm surrounding you on every side, it’s the kind of setting people would pay a fortune to photograph.

With a stay at this Travelodge, you simply walk out the front door straight into it.

Book a room at Travelodge Burford Cotswolds from £39 per night.

Travelodge Windsor Central

Staying here puts you three minutes’ walk from Windsor Castle, the oldest and largest occupied castle in the world. You can even see it from some of the rooms.

Here you’re a genuine stone’s throw from royal history, plus Windsor & Eton Central station is right next door for an easy hop into London.

Staying this close to a royal residence for under £30 a night is most certainly a bargain.

In fact, even the ticket to the castle costs more than your hotel (£32 for adults when booked online). But if you want to keep it free, the town’s cobbled streets and riverside walks are all on your doorstep.

Book a room at Travelodge Windsor Central from £26.99 per night.

Travelodge Kendal

Kendal is your gateway into the Lake District, England‘s largest national park packed with dramatic landscapes. Here, fells, lakes and stone walls can be seen within minutes of checking in.

History lovers can wander over to Sizergh Castle or Kendal Castle, both a short walk away.

This is a national park that pulls in visitors from across the globe, yet you can base yourself here for less than the cost of a meal out.

It’s an unbeatable base for anyone wanting a slice of that classic Lakes scenery.

Book a room at Travelodge Kendal from £37 per night

Travelodge Porthmadog

This stay drops you right at the edge of Snowdonia National Park, with Mount Snowdon itself and the pretty village of Portmeirion both within easy reach.

Porthmadog is also home to a historic narrow-gauge steam railway, a proper slice of Welsh heritage.

Castles, coastline and mountains all sit within a short drive, making it one of the most scenically-stacked locations on this list.

Few budget stays put you this deep inside a national park. At £25 a night, it’s one of the best-value bases in Wales.

Book a room at Travelodge Porthmadog from £25 per night

Travelodge Stratford-upon-Avon

Sleeping in Shakespeare’s hometown is an amazing experience, whether you’re in a fancy hotel or budget – so you might as well save the money and go for the affordable option.

Stratford-upon-Avon’s thatched cottages, the Royal Shakespeare Theatre and the famous playwright’s birthplace are all within walking distance of this hotel.

Warwick Castle, one of England’s most spectacular medieval fortresses, is only a short drive away too.

And with stays from £29 a night, history buffs and theatre fans are getting some serious bang for their buck here.

Book a room at Travelodge Stratford-upon-Avon from £29 per night

Travelodge Blackpool South Shore

This hotel looks straight out over Blackpool’s famous seafront, with views of the Tower and all three piers from the promenade.

Soak up the British seaside holiday nostalgia with visits to the beach, arcades, fairground, and by tucking into a chippy tea for dinner.

From the action-packed tower to the rides at Pleasure Beach, you’ve got a ton of entertainment within walking distance.

Plus you get jaw-dropping views of Blackpool‘s famous skyline, which has been newly-transformed by Aviktas, the theme park’s massive new gyro swing ride.

Book a room at Travelodge Blackpool South Shore from £40.99 per night

Travelodge Ryde, Isle of Wight

With a stay at this seaside Travelodge, you’ve got a long sandy beach, Victorian pier and scenic seafront all within easy reach.

There’s even hovercraft and ferry terminals in Ryde to make it super easy to get there from Portsmouth or Southsea.

The Isle of Wight has a totally different pace to the mainland, with secret sandy coves and sleepy, postcard-perfect villages. And Ryde makes for the ideal budget-friendly base.

For £25 a night, an island staycation suddenly feels a lot more accessible.

Book a room at Travelodge Ryde from £25 per night

Travelodge Hayle, Cornwall

Hayle sits right on Cornwall’s dramatic north coast, with the golden sands of Hayle Towans and the wider St Ives Bay just minutes away.

This stretch of coastline looks less like your typical British beach and more like somewhere abroad, with its turquoise water and wild dunes.

St Ives itself, with its museums and galleries, pretty harbour and historic lighthouse, is only a short hop down the road.

Cornish staycations usually come with a hefty price tag, but this is a rare budget way in.

Book a room at Travelodge Hayle from £40 per night

Travelodge Llandudno

Llandudno combines Victorian seaside charm with a breathtaking mountain backdrop – and there’s an impressive historical site on your doorstep here, too.

Days here are best spent strolling the elegant pier, or riding the cable car up the Great Orme headland for spectacular views over Snowdonia’s peaks.

This hotel is only 13 minutes’ drive from Conwy Castle, one of the UK’s best-preserved medieval castles built in the 13th century.

It’s rare to stay somewhere with such impressive landscapes and historical sites sandwiched together, but its even more rare when you can stay there for as little as £35 a night!

Book a room at Travelodge Llandudno from £35 per night

For more than three decades, California and Texas have been like tectonic plates drifting in opposite directions.

California, the ancestral land of Republicans Richard M. Nixon and Ronald Reagan, has become a Democratic stronghold. It’s been 20 years since a GOP candidate won statewide office.

Texas, which bred Democratic giants such as Sam Rayburn and Lyndon B. Johnson, has become a Republican fortress. A Democrat hasn’t been elected statewide in more than 30 years.

And yet with the midterm election about to enter its final, post-Labor Day sprint, Texas is home to not one but two competitive contests, for governor and U.S. Senate. It’s a stark contrast with California, where Democrat Xavier Becerra appears to be a shoo-in for governor and Adam Schiff, in 2024, waltzed into his Senate seat.

There’s still plenty of time between now and election day on Nov. 3. Democrats, to their deep consternation, have repeatedly seen their hopes rise, only to crash once Texans actually turn out to vote.

“You don’t take anything for granted,” said James Aldrete, a Democratic strategist in Austin, who’s watched for years as his party wandered fruitlessly in the campaign desert. “But there is beautiful native wildlife that grows in the desert, and it’s blooming right now.”

The question — for the moment, at least — is why California hasn’t budged while Texas has become a surprise battleground.

The answer involves individual personalities, demographics and political headwinds.

Of the two contests, the fight for Texas’ open Senate seat appears to be much closer. Election handicappers rate it a toss-up.

The Democrat, state Rep. James Talarico, is a highly gifted campaigner and prodigious fundraiser. But arguably the best thing he has going for his candidacy is his Republican opponent, Atty. Gen. Ken Paxton, whose history of scandal, shady dealings and moral lapses trail him like dirty footprints on a white carpet.

Paxton stomped incumbent John Cornyn, with the help of President Trump, in a vicious GOP primary that left ill will among a number of Republicans. Had Cornyn won, many doubt the Senate seat would be in play.

‘A big ask’

In the race for governor, Republican Greg Abbott is facing Democratic state Rep. Gina Hinojosa as he seeks an unprecedented fourth term — “a big ask of voters,” in the words of J. Miles Coleman, who analyzes elections at the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics. Sabato’s Crystal Ball, the center’s forecasting project, recently moved the gubernatorial race to “likely Republican,” a shift away from “Safe Republican.”

Other election handicappers have done the same.

Texas has long fancied itself a place apart; secession is one recurring fantasy. But for all its perceived go-your-own-way independence, the state isn’t immune from broader trends, which helps explain why it’s suddenly in play.

“One of the external factors that’s making Texas competitive is the degree of wind in Democratic sails,” said Jim Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas in Austin.

Whether it’s anti-establishment anger, directed at the party in power, or frustration with Trump, his war-making and failure to deliver the sterling economy he promised, “when you think of the problems Republicans are having at the national level … that’s helping Democrats here as well,” Henson said.

(Trump’s taint is also a problem for California Republican Steve Hilton, running for governor in a state where the president’s approval rating rests at the subbasement level.)

By the numbers

Henson, who conducts polling statewide, said another reason Texas is more competitive than California is simple mathematics: “Democrats [haven’t] fallen quite as far in Texas as Republicans have in California.”

Texas doesn’t register voters by party. But weighting political surveys by demographics and following election results, Henson expects about a 10% Republican turnout advantage in November. By contrast, registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans in California by nearly 2 to 1.

Yet another reason Texas appears to have grown more competitive is the apparent discontent of Latino voters, an increasingly important part of the state’s burgeoning electorate.

Though Latinos shifted strongly in Trump’s favor in 2024, many have grown disillusioned in the nearly two years since. “They’re moving away from both parties,” said Mike Madrid, a California strategist who’s spent decades studying the Latino vote. “When the environment is bad, they’re punishing whatever party is power.”

Two years ago, it was Democrats. Now it’s Republicans.

In recent years, as the country cleaved, California emerged as the unofficial capital of blue America, offering a political, social and cultural counterweight to Texas, the unofficial capital of red America. The two states anchor the Democratic and Republican parties, respectively, and are key to their financial well-being and the success of their candidates nationwide.

A Democratic toehold in Texas would instantly scramble long-standing political calculations, starting with the 2028 presidential race.

“It changes the narrative. It changes the demographic strategy,” Madrid said. “It changes the 270 [electoral college] map. It changes the whole strategy.”

In short, a November win would be more than symbolic, or gratification after years of Democratic futility. It would be a political earthquake.

What else you should be reading

The must-read: Whistleblower says USPS defied court to push ‘untested’ portal for Trump mail voting order
The deep dive: A conservative California upbringing paved Natalie Harp’s way to Trump
The L.A. Times Special:Don’t look now, but suddenly the U.S. Senate is in play

Until next time,
mzb
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The $1 coin designed to celebrate America’s 250th birthday and seemingly President Trump, whose face gazes from one side of the gold finish, will go on sale Wednesday, according the U.S. Mint.

The coin’s design — Trump’s visage as “heads” and the Great Seal of the United States as “tails” — was given the stamp of approval this year by the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, whose members Trump appointed. In past comments, the president said that the idea to stamp his face on a coin was “very unusual” but that he was “honored by it.”

The president’s second term has come with several such brandings, or attempts at them that have become tangled up in lawsuits. That includes moves to put Trump’s name on the Kennedy Center, as well as the U.S. Institute for Peace, as Trump works to leave his stamp on history and Washington, D.C.

The coins, which can be used as legal tender, stirred some criticism particularly because of federal law that bars the depiction of a living president on U.S. currency. But in some circumstances, the treasury secretary does have authority to authorize the minting and issuance of special coins.

The coins were struck to “honor 250 years of great American heritage,” the U.S. Mint wrote on its website. In an arc above Trump’s face is written “LIBERTY,” and below is “1776 — 2026.” On the flip side is the Great Seal of the United States, with the bald eagle gripping arrows in one claw and an olive branch in the other. In a banner clutched in its beak is written “E PLURIBUS UNUM,” Latin for “out of many, one”

A roll of 25 coins will cost $61, and a bag of 100 will cost $154.50, and the U.S. Mint said they randomly hid some special-issue coins among the rolls and bags. Those will be marked “July 4th,” because they were stuck on that day, the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Households are limited to only two orders, the U.S. Mint wrote, but that cap will lift at 2 p.m. Eastern time on Thursday.

Bedayn writes for the Associated Press.

The actor will be joined by a string of professionals as he unpacks how the system got people wrongfully convicted.

Will Mellor will be hearing from those falsely accused in a brand new series.

True crime fans are in for a treat as the actor, who has starred in the likes of Broadchurch, The Teacher and A Woman of Substance, will be taking a closer look at how the legal system has failed some people.

After investigating Cops Who Kill and Cops Gone Bad in the past, he’s now returning to Crime+Investigation for Convictions Gone Bad. The five-part series will see Will delve into some of the most shocking miscarriages of justice in legal history.

Throughout the series, Will is joined by a range of professionals, including a seasoned former detective, a top forensic scientist and a legal expert. In the programme, he’ll be unpacking how the system got it so disastrously wrong.

The star will also reveal the crucial new evidence that finally set the wrongfully convicted free. A synopsis for the show reveals that in the episodes, Will will be hearing from those falsely accused.

In their own words, they’ll be ‘Providing an insight into what it’s like to be arrested, tried and convicted of the most horrendous of crimes; and the subsequent battle to clear their name.’ One of the people Will speaks to is Justin Plummer, who served over 27 years in prison for a murder he didn’t commit and Kevin Richardson of the Central Park 5.

Other cases featured include Andrew Malkinson, Sam Hallam, and Angela Cannings, who collectively served over 25 years in prison whilst maintaining their innocence.

An overview reads: “Alongside former Detective Inspector Howard Groves , Will takes a fresh look at the original crime, retracing the steps of the investigators and exploring how the case was built.

“Will meets forensic scientist Carol Rogers to examine the crucial evidence used by the prosecution to secure a conviction. They break down the complex science, revealing where the evidence was flawed and the expert advice was unsafe.

“He’s joined by legal expert Professor Claire McGourlay to chart the twists and turns of the appeal, until finally – the wrongfully convicted get their day in court.”

The programme, which has been produced by ITN for Crime+Investigation, will see the actor examine what happens when the justice system fails, and the wrong person ends up going to prison for a crime they didn’t commit.

In the past, Will has also delved into cops who have killed, but also fraudsters, swindlers, sexual predators and drug dealers. In the seven-part series at the time, he looked into former metropolitan police officer David Carrick, former Cheshire police constable Martin Forshaw, former Metropolitan police officer Rodney Whitchelo and a former Met officer, Kashif Mahmood.

It also looked into Michael Coulton, a police officer assigned to royal protection duties at Buckingham Palace, who hatched an elaborate plan to murder his wife. The programme also went abroad to shine a spotlight on US cop Drew Peterson and ex-chief investigative officer Mark Standen from Australia.

Speaking about his true crime series, Will commented: “I’m really pleased to be back for Cops Gone Bad. In this series, we’ll be examining cases of corrupt officers from the UK, US and Australia, and whilst the majority of cops do an amazing job every day, it’s important to hold those that don’t, to account.”

Convictions Gone Bad with Will Mellor premieres on Monday, October 5 and airs 9pm weekly exclusively on CRIME+INVESTIGATION

SACRAMENTO — California could have some zany theater this fall: county prosecutors charging federal postmasters with felonies for obeying President Trump’s order to withhold delivery of mail ballots to voters.

Does Trump then federalize the California National Guard to protect his postmasters from local sheriffs bent on hauling them off to the jailhouse?

Just wondering after reading legislation whipping through the state Capitol.

None of it seems likely to happen, but with this unhinged president and his conservative Supreme Court hardly anything is certain — except chaos.

Trump keeps making himself even more unpopular with Democratic voters and tarnishing the GOP image.

One glaring example is Trump’s hypocritical move to interfere with state elections and cripple voters’ ability to cast ballots by mail.

“Mail-in voting means mail-in cheating,” Trump asserted in March, while escalating his crusade against popular “absentee” voting. “Cheating on mail-in voting is legendary. It’s horrible what’s going on.”

It’s a big lie. There has never been any hard evidence produced by anyone, anywhere of significant mail-ballot cheating.

It’s also hypocritical because Trump routinely votes by mail himself in Florida elections.

Why is mail-voting OK for him but not for other Americans? “Because I’m president of the United States,” he told reporters. “I had a lot of different things” to do. As if the rest of us don’t. Voting apparently only needs to be convenient for him.

But Trump obsessively keeps trying to justify his false claim that Joe Biden’s 2020 election victory over him was rigged. It’s sick.

It may please his MAGA base, but Democrats and independents across America — especially in California — frown on Trump’s attack against their voting rights. They favor mail voting.

Overall, 58% of Americans support allowing ballots to be cast by mail, according to a recent survey by the Pew Research Center. But there’s a huge difference between the parties — 83% of Democrats and left-leaning independents favor mail voting while 68% of Republicans oppose it.

In California, 72% of all voters approve of balloting by mail, according to a recent poll by the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies. But there’s a big split ideologically: 93% of Democrats and 72% of independents approve, but 62% of Republicans disapprove.

Regardless of what GOP voters tell pollsters, they must be overwhelmingly voting by mail. That’s because 81% of all California ballots were cast by mail in the 2024 presidential election. In this year’s gubernatorial primary, it was up to 89%.

In March, Trump issued an executive order directing the Homeland Security Department to compile a list of eligible citizen voters in each state and commanding the U.S. Postal Service to handle only the ballots of people on the list.

Gosh? What could possibly go wrong with Trump’s Homeland Security agency — the overseer of divisive ICE — deciding who is entitled to vote in the pivotal midterm elections?

California, along with a coalition of several blue states, sued.

The nation’s Founders decreed in the Constitution that states could decide on “the times, places and manner” of federal elections — unless Congress wanted to alter the rules. Trump persuaded the House of Representatives to pass legislation restricting mail voting, but the bill died in the Senate, blocked by Democrats.

Trump’s executive order was an effort to bypass Congress and essentially enact a law by himself.

The Supreme Court decreed on a 6-3 vote last week that Trump could proceed with his planning. But since no precise regulations had yet been announced by the administration when the opposition lawsuit was filed, it was premature to rule on their constitutionality.

But now Trump’s draconian rules have been revealed. And California has joined other states in filing a new lawsuit.

“Donald Trump does not run elections. States do,” Gov. Gavin Newsom declared. “California will continue to lead the way in defending democracy.”

In the Legislature, a bill was introduced to make it a felony punishable by up to four years in prison for a person in authority to order the withholding of a ballot’s delivery to a voter or its return to a local election official.

A person like a postmaster? Who else could order mail carriers not to deliver ballots to some registered voters?

“That’s for law enforcement to decide,” says the bill’s author, Sen. Aisha Wahab (D-Hayward), who was just elected to finish the current term of resigned U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell.

“My bill is trying to protect all voters. They may be on vacation, they may be ill. They may want to vote early or late. Whatever. They remain entitled to vote by mail.”

Her bill breezed through three Assembly committees in 24 hours — Democrats voting yes and Republicans no.

The measure is unlikely, however, to ever result in a postmaster being jailed for obeying the president.

For starters, it’s hard to envision the president’s executive order ever being ruled constitutional — even by this lackey court.

“Trump is trying to exercise control over elections when he has absolutely no authority to do so,” UC Berkeley Law School Dean Erwin Chemerinsky wrote in a Times opinion piece last week.

If the Supreme Court shockingly did rule that Trump has the authority, then could his postmasters be arrested under the new state law? Under the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause, the answer would seem to be “no.” Federal law generally supersedes conflicting state law.

“An executive order cannot supersede state law,” says UCLA law professor Rick Hasen, who specializes in election law. “But there are all kinds of immunity doctrines and other reasons why a state would have a hard time prosecuting a federal official for violating state law in the conduct of official duties.”

The real answer is for Trump to stop trying to concoct a solution to an election problem that only exists in his warped imagination.

What else you should be reading

The must-read: Will Trump interfere in the midterms? Democrats and their allies are preparing
California vs. Trump: Racist ‘Magic Deportation Bus’ isn’t the way for Trump to keep Latino voters
The L.A. Times Special: Two of California’s top law enforcement leaders trade barbs over state election integrity

Until next week,
George Skelton

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Aaron Donald watched closely.

After reaching the NFC championship game last season, the Rams traded for a star cornerback. Then they traded for a two-time defensive player of the year.

Donald, a future Hall of Famer two years into retirement, noticed.

His thought: “OK, I wish I was still out there playing right about now.”

On Sunday, there he was.

Hours after ending months of speculation that kept the NFL world at rapt attention, Donald, 35, agreed to terms with the Rams, donned his No. 99 jersey and practiced with the team for the first time since 2023.

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Future Hall of Fame defensive lineman Aaron Donald officially came out of retirement Sunday to rejoin the Rams for their Super Bowl title push.

“Do I feel like I can play at a high level? Yes,” Donald said after the workout. “Do I feel like I can still be myself? 100%.

“If I didn’t feel like that I wouldn’t be here.”

Rams coach Sean McVay is happy to have him. Since the Rams traded for star defensive end Myles Garrett in June, McVay had said he would welcome Donald’s return — and subsequently stressed that any decision would be Donald’s and on the eight-time All-Pro’s timeline.

Donald said that he and McVay communicated “damn near every day” as he worked out and pondered his decision.

Sunday was the deadline for NFL teams to trim their rosters to 53 players.

“He and I both had kind of an unspoken understanding, like, ‘All right, once we get the roster down, where are you at with it?’” McVay said. “We wanted to make sure he felt good about doing that.

“When he does something, he does it all-in. And that’s kind of what led to getting it done.”

When he retired, Donald had $30 million left on his contract. Under the new agreement, he can earn $20 million during the regular season on a one-year deal that could be worth as much as $30 million, a person with knowledge of the situation said. The person requested anonymity because the contract had not yet posted.

On Sunday, Donald went through individual drills with defensive linemen, and then headed to the training room. McVay indicated the Rams would handle Donald’s ramp-up conservatively as they prepare for their Sept. 10 opener against the San Francisco 49ers in Melbourne, Australia.

“Whether or not he’s available and whether or not we think it’s best to be able to play him in Australia, I think the best way to do it is to take it one day at a time,” McVay said.

That is how Donald approached it during what he said was a 13-week decision process. He worked out in the gym, did speed and agility workouts on the field and also did sessions of football drills.

Donald recorded every workout. Every movement and every cut, to see how he stacked up against his earlier self, the one who won three NFL defensive player of the year awards.

“In my opinion, I don’t see no difference,” he said. “If not, it looked a little cleaner to me.”

Still, Donald said “it really wasn’t an easy decision.” That it was “on and off for a while.” But after many conversations with his wife, Erica, and others, he said he knew for the last two weeks that he wanted to return.

Aaron Donald reacts after tackling Cleveland running back Jerome Ford during a game at SoFi Stadium in December 2023.

(Wally Skalij / Los Angeles Times)

It initially felt “weird” to arrive at the Rams’ Woodland Hills facility as a player rather than a visitor, he said, but he quickly acclimated after sitting through an 80-minute team meeting, getting to know new teammates and walking onto the field for practice.

Before the Rams went through stretching exercises, Donald sat on a red exercise ball, taking in the scene and focusing his thoughts for the workout ahead.

Though teammates insisted that he go first, he put himself at the back of the lines.

“Whatever my role is, I’m going to earn it,” he said.

Donald, who helped the Rams win Super Bowl LVI at SoFi Stadium at the end of the 2021 season, aims to help the Rams win another championship at SoFi Stadium this season.

The Rams piqued his interest when they traded for All-Pro cornerback Trent McDuffie, and then dealt edge rusher Jared Verse to the Cleveland Browns for Garrett.

Now he is part of a defensive front that also includes linemen Kobie Turner and Braden Fiske and edge rusher Byron Young.

“I already thought it was a stacked D-line with Verse,” Donald said. “Obviously, things transpired and happened, and then you bring in a guy like Myles Garrett, a generational talent, and it’s like, ‘That could be fun.’”

Donald said that before seeing him on Sunday, he had texted several times with Garrett.

“Hopefully,” Donald said, “we can do some special things together.”

Perhaps best of all, on that little fishing pier often half hidden by anglers and eager diners, stands Fathom Bistro, Bait and Tackle. Fathom has a far more ambitious menu that your average bait merchant, including lots of craft bees and sausages, kimchi and beignets made in house. I loved my Baja Dog there (onions and pico de gallo are involved), but bolder eaters may opt for the Explodo Dog, which brings a Vienna Beef hot dog, bacon, pepper jack cheese, kimchi and mustard together at last.

Given all these assets, I’m ready to forgive Shelter Island for not really being an island. This mini-peninsula is connected to the mainland by Shelter Island Drive. It was created in the 1950s, when the San Diego Port District dredged the bay, built up a peninsula and zoned it for tourist businesses with a tiki/Polynesian theme.

From the Bali Hai restaurant (since 1954) at the north end of the mile-long isthmus to the Kona Kai resort at the other end, that theme survives. The hotels include Humphrey’s Half Moon Inn, whose annual summer Concerts by the Bay series runs from April into November and brings acts like Tower of Power, Pat Metheny, Judy Collins, Robert Plant and Rodrigo y Gabriela to an amphitheater at water’s edge. Savvy kayakers paddle up nearby and listen for free.

Also found on Shelter Island: several yacht brokers and boat repair operations, a Tunaman’s Memorial Sculpture, a Friendship Bell from Yokohama, a longstanding osprey nest atop a light pole by the friendship bell, a boat ramp and the kid-friendly Grace Beach (which gets no waves).

By the way, back when San Diego’s Port District was creating almost-islands (and the California Coastal Commission didn’t exist), it also made nearby Harbor Island, which has a few more marinas and hotels, along with a closely grouped trio of restaurants with perhaps the best downtown skyline views in the city: Coasterra (modern Mexican), Island Prime (steakhouse) and C Level (seafood).

If you have a first-time California visitor on your hands, take them to one of those. Suddenly, our real estate prices will make a little more sense.

One of the more remarkable streaks in the history of this nearly century-old racetrack is still alive.

It’s just not the one most people expected.

Gold Phoenix’s bid to join Kelso as the only horses to win the same major stakes race in North America in five straight years ended Saturday evening when the 8-year-old gelding finished fourth behind Test Score and two others in the $300,000 Del Mar Handicap.

“Got beat, I think less than a length, and got stopped there at the top of the lane,” trainer Phil D’Amato said. “That’s grass racing.”

More specifically, it’s grass racing at Del Mar against Graham Motion, the East Coast trainer who in recent years has been more successful here than a margarita concession stand.

Test Score was the eighth horse Motion has sent to Del Mar for a summer stakes race since 2022 — and the eighth to win.

“It’s crazy,” said assistant trainer Alice Clapham, who accompanied Test Score on his trip west. “It’s one of those things you just pinch yourself. You know it’s going to stop at some point but you just go along for the ride.”

Gold Phoenix’s owners know the feeling.

They never expected their gelding to win this race four straight times, an unprecedented feat at Del Mar, but each year since 2022 he found a way, prevailing three times by less than half a length and once by 1¼ lengths.

This time the 11-10 favorite found himself on the wrong side of a five-horse photo finish. He nosed out Mondego but was a head behind Atomic Age, who was half a length behind Atitlan, who was a neck behind Test Score. The winner, a son of Lookin at Lucky who is half Gold Phoenix’s age, paid $7.20 as the 13-5 second choice.

While disappointed, Gold Phoenix’s connections weren’t about to ask for condolences.

“We’re so grateful for everything that he has done, for all of us and the partners,” said Gary Fenton, managing partner of Little Red Feather Racing Stable. “He’s just a really, really special horse and today changes nothing.”

Said Billy Koch, Little Red Feather’s other managing partner: “It just didn’t work out the way we needed it to work out. He tries, though, every time. Can’t say anything but be proud of him.”

Koch said he had a feeling during the race that another win could be problematic. Gold Phoenix was near the back of the pack in the field of 11 until the far turn, when jockey Hector Berrios began urging him. The jockey had to hold him up just a bit as they came around the corner, though he had a clear run once he shifted toward the rail.

Test Score also rallied from behind but had a little smoother journey under Juan Hernandez and outdid the other closers.

“[Berrios] took a chance to go up in there,” D’Amato said. “It got a little tight but once he got through, he battled and we just got outrun.”

The final time of 2 minutes 14.76 seconds for 1-3/8 miles was the fastest since Gold Phoenix’s initial win (2:14.51). As part of the Breeders’ Cup Challenge Series, Test Score earned a fees-paid berth in the $5-million Breeders’ Cup Turf on Oct. 31 at Keeneland.

Fenton said the plan is to give Gold Phoenix another shot in that race, in which he’s finished fourth twice, fifth and 10th and earned $640,000 — about 25% of his career earnings of $2.6 million.

He won’t be the only Little Red Feather horse at Keeneland. Just a half-hour before Gold Phoenix’s race, Iron Man Cal pulled off an 8-1 upset in another Grade 2 race, the $250,000 Pat O’Brien. That win, in 1:22.02 for seven furlongs under Joel Rosario, guaranteed the 4-year-old gelding a berth in the Breeders’ Cup Dirt Mile.