European Union

Locals often spot celebrity visitors such as the Mad Max star Mel Gibson and Dangerous Liaisons actor John Malkovich

Jet2Villas is offering holidaymakers a fresh way to explore Spain. The popular airline has added a new region of Spain to its Jet2Villas portfolio – in an area more and more Brits are heading to instead of Andalucia and the Canary Islands.

The area Jet2 is expanding to is popular with Hollywood film celebrities, who have been spotted in local restaurants. Stars such as Mel Gibson and John Malkovich have stayed in the region on more than one occasion – and it’s becoming increasingly popular with Brits as an alternative to spots like the Balearics.

Jet2Villas announced today that it has added Galicia to its programme for the very first time. The northern Spanish region has joined the Jet2Villas portfolio, as the Which? Recommended Provider continues to broaden its villa holiday range in response to increasing demand.

Situated on Spain’s north-west coast, Galicia is celebrated for its lush landscapes, Atlantic shoreline, beaches and fishing villages, as well as cities such as Santiago de Compostela, A Coruña and Vigo. The region is also well-known for its seafood and culinary delights.

Its blend of coastline, countryside, culture and cuisine makes Galicia ideally suited to families, groups and couples seeking a more independent villa break and the opportunity to experience a different side of Spain, away from the country’s more traditional resort hotspots.

The area is steadily growing in popularity. Last year, travel journalist Simon Calder explored the region’s appeal for the Independent. He spoke to Jessica Harvey Taylor, head of press for the Spanish Tourist Office in the UK, who said: “Obviously we’re well aware that the vast majority of our UK holidaymakers are still visiting our five most popular regions: Valencia, Andalucia, Catalonia, and then our islands, the Balearics and the Canaries.

“But it’s very encouraging to see that there’s increased appetite in our northern regions, namely Galicia, Asturias and the Basque country. I think there are multiple reasons. Obviously climate plays a part and not everybody wants the extreme heat that we’ve seen in recent years in the southern Med.

“But there’s much more to it than that. Increasingly, the UK public is realising that they can supplement a beach holiday with something a little bit more adventurous.”

Hollywood legend Mel Gibson, one of the biggest and best-paid actors of the 1990s, has a soft spot for Spain’s northern towns. El Pais reports that the Mad Max star has been spotted dining at a local restaurant in A Fonsagrada in Lugo, and later in Santiago de Compostela, where he took in the cathedral and stayed at the historic Hostal dos Reis Católicos. John Malkovich is a regular visitor to Ponte Maceira, Costa da Morte and A Coruña, the Spanish newspaper revealed.

In the spring of 2019, he returned once more and enjoyed a meal at restaurant Casa Salvador in A Baña alongside Spanish actress Marisa Paredes. The addition of Galicia forms part of a broader expansion which has seen Jet2Villas add more than 1,000 new properties to its portfolio for Summer 26, bringing the total number of available villas to over 4,000 across more than 52 destinations.

The airline says its villa holidays can offer travellers private pools and outdoor space, multiple bedrooms and generous shared living areas, making them ideally suited to families holidaying together, multi-generational groups and gatherings of friends. Jet2Villas has recorded its highest ever number of villa bookings for a summer season, with over 100,000 customers and counting, highlighting the enduring demand from families and groups for holidays offering the convenience of a package holiday combined with the space, privacy and flexibility of a villa break.

David Hills, Chief Customer Officer of Jet2, said: “We’re delighted to introduce Galicia to Jet2Villas for the first time, giving customers even more choice when it comes to villa holidays in Spain. With more than 1,000 new villas added to the collection and a record number of villa customers for Summer 26, we’re continuing to grow our programme in response to strong demand.”

The Xunta De Galicia tourist information website outlines a host of reasons why visitors might be tempted to head there. It says “Miles of coastline, fine sandy beaches, small fishing ports and outstanding gastronomy make the Rías Baixas one of the favourite destinations for travellers looking to combine nature, culture and the sea.

“A journey through the O Grove Peninsula, the Illa de Arousa or the Muros and Noia estuaries reveals sheltered coves, scenic waterfront walks and viewpoints overlooking breathtaking landscapes. After a day at the beach, there’s nothing better than enjoying fresh seafood and fish by the sea, paired with one of Galicia’s renowned wines with Designation of Origin.”

It also highlights that inland Galicia is home to the spectacular Ribeira Sacra, where the Sil and Miño rivers have carved deep canyons lined with centuries-old vineyards, historic monasteries and forests waiting to be explored.

For further information and to book, visit: www.jet2villas.com

Iceland will hold a referendum on August 29 on whether to reopen negotiations over joining the European Union, in a closely contested vote that could reshape the country’s economic and strategic direction.

The referendum, however, is not a vote on EU membership itself. Icelanders will only decide whether their government should begin accession negotiations with Brussels.

If voters approve the proposal, negotiations could last two or more years before Iceland holds a second referendum, potentially in 2028, on whether to actually join the bloc.

With opinion polls showing a near-dead heat between supporters and opponents, the vote has become an important test of Iceland’s relationship with Europe at a time of economic uncertainty and growing geopolitical competition in the Arctic.

Is Iceland Voting to Join the EU?

No.

The August 29 referendum only asks whether Iceland should begin negotiations with the European Union.

A “yes” vote would open a potentially lengthy accession process. Iceland would then negotiate the terms of membership with Brussels before citizens have another opportunity to accept or reject the final agreement.

That means the upcoming referendum is essentially a decision about whether to explore EU membership, rather than a final decision to join.

Prime Minister Kristrun Frostadottir’s government has nevertheless presented the vote as a potentially decisive moment.

What Happens If Iceland Votes No?

The government has described the referendum as a “now or never” opportunity.

Frostadottir has warned that rejecting negotiations would effectively put the EU question aside.

This makes the vote particularly important because Iceland has already attempted the accession process once.

Reykjavik applied to join the EU in 2009, but negotiations were abandoned in 2013 after a Eurosceptic government came to power.

A second rejection could therefore close the issue again for the foreseeable future.

Why Does Iceland Want to Reconsider EU Membership?

Economic concerns are among the strongest arguments for reopening negotiations.

Iceland has faced high living costs and economic volatility, while the country’s relatively small economy remains vulnerable to external shocks.

Supporters argue that closer integration with the EU could provide greater economic stability and strengthen Iceland’s position when dealing with larger trading partners.

EU membership could also eventually allow Iceland to adopt the euro, replacing the Icelandic krona.

Supporters say the euro could reduce currency volatility, help address inflation and potentially lower interest rates.

The country’s strategic environment has also changed since Iceland abandoned its previous accession negotiations.

The war in Ukraine and growing competition in the Arctic have encouraged Iceland to reconsider how closely it should align with European institutions.

What Would Iceland Gain From Joining the EU?

EU membership would provide Iceland with access to the bloc’s customs union and its wider internal market.

The customs union eliminates internal tariffs between member states while applying common external tariffs to goods entering the bloc.

Iceland would also gain a formal role in EU decision-making.

Its representatives would participate in institutions including the European Parliament, European Commission and European Council.

For supporters, this is important because Iceland would move from being closely connected to the EU economically to having a direct role in shaping policies that affect it.

The argument is particularly relevant for a small country dealing with much larger economic powers.

Why Do Icelanders Oppose EU Membership?

Opponents argue that membership would transfer too much political authority from Reykjavik to Brussels.

They also question whether joining the EU would substantially improve Iceland’s security.

The most sensitive issue, however, is fisheries.

Why Are Fisheries Central to the Debate?

Fishing is one of the pillars of Iceland’s economy and a major part of the country’s national identity.

Opponents fear that joining the EU would subject Iceland to the bloc’s Common Fisheries Policy and potentially weaken its control over fishing resources.

They worry that common European resource-management rules could eventually increase access for foreign vessels to Icelandic waters.

For a country surrounded by some of the world’s most important fishing grounds, that is not simply an economic concern. It is also a question of national sovereignty.

The fisheries debate therefore gives the opposition one of its strongest arguments against membership.

Why Does Iceland Want to Keep the Krona?

Iceland’s currency is another major dividing line.

Supporters of the euro argue that replacing the krona could reduce exchange-rate volatility and improve economic stability.

Opponents see the krona differently.

They argue that an independent currency provides Iceland with an important economic adjustment mechanism.

During a downturn, the krona can weaken against major currencies, potentially helping Iceland’s economy adjust. During periods of stronger growth, it can appreciate.

Giving up that flexibility in favour of the euro, opponents argue, could leave Iceland with fewer tools to respond to economic shocks.

Who Supports EU Membership?

The country’s centre-left government coalition has backed putting the issue to a referendum.

Vidreisn, Iceland’s most explicitly pro-EU political party, pushed for the vote.

Prime Minister Frostadottir’s Social Democrats also support EU membership, although they have taken a more cautious approach to campaigning.

The coalition’s third party, the People’s Party, opposes membership.

The political divide therefore does not fit neatly along government versus opposition lines.

Who Opposes EU Membership?

The opposition Independence Party, led by Gudrun Hafsteinsdottir, is campaigning against reopening accession talks.

Its argument centres on sovereignty, fisheries and economic independence.

Opponents believe Iceland can maintain its existing relationship with Europe without accepting the political obligations of EU membership.

The close polling suggests neither side has yet secured a decisive advantage.

Why Is the Arctic Important to the Vote?

The referendum is taking place against a backdrop of growing geopolitical competition in the Arctic.

Iceland occupies a strategically important position between North America and Europe.

It sits along the Greenland-Iceland-United Kingdom gap, commonly known as the GIUK gap, a critical North Atlantic maritime corridor.

The area has long been important for monitoring Russian naval movements between the Arctic and the North Atlantic.

Iceland is also a NATO member despite having no standing army of its own.

That makes its strategic location particularly important to the security architecture of the North Atlantic.

What Would Iceland Mean for the EU?

For the European Union, Iceland’s potential membership would have significance beyond economics.

It would expand the EU’s presence in the Arctic at a time when the region is becoming increasingly important to major powers.

Russia, the United States and other countries are paying greater attention to Arctic shipping routes, natural resources and military positioning.

Iceland could therefore give the EU a stronger institutional and geopolitical foothold in the North Atlantic and Arctic region.

Its accession could also be relatively straightforward compared with some other countries seeking EU membership.

Unlike Ukraine and several Western Balkan states, Iceland already has close economic and institutional links with Europe and would require fewer major reforms to align with EU rules.

Could Iceland Join the EU Quickly?

Potentially, but the process would still take years.

A “yes” vote would only begin negotiations.

Iceland would then have to negotiate the terms of membership before citizens could vote again on the final agreement.

The second referendum could potentially take place in 2028.

This means that even if Icelanders vote in favour of talks on August 29, actual EU membership would remain uncertain.

The referendum is therefore the beginning of a political process rather than its conclusion.

Analysis: Why Does Iceland’s EU Vote Matter?

Iceland’s referendum is ultimately about more than whether a small North Atlantic country should join a political and economic bloc.

It reflects a wider debate over sovereignty, economic resilience and strategic alignment in an increasingly contested Arctic.

For supporters, EU membership offers economic stability, greater influence over European decisions and closer integration with a bloc that could provide Iceland with additional leverage against larger powers.

For opponents, the same process represents a potential loss of national control over fisheries, monetary policy and important economic decisions.

The strategic dimension is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore.

Iceland’s location makes it disproportionately important to North Atlantic security despite its small population and lack of a conventional military. As competition involving Russia, the United States and European countries intensifies in the Arctic, Iceland’s relationship with the EU could acquire greater geopolitical significance.

The vote also highlights a fundamental dilemma facing smaller states: whether greater integration with a larger political bloc provides more security and economic strength than the sovereignty it requires them to surrender.

The August referendum will not answer that question definitively.

It will determine whether Icelanders are willing to begin the conversation.

If voters choose “yes,” Iceland could move toward its most significant geopolitical realignment in more than a decade. If they choose “no,” the country may once again put EU membership aside and preserve its distinctive position outside the bloc while remaining closely connected to Europe.

With information from Reuters.

Anyone who is flying back home has been warned about the serious consequences

Travellers flying home after a holiday are being warned not to bring back certain items, even if they were purchased at a duty free shop. According to government rules, people who disobey risk facing a £5,000 fine or possible prosecution.

In an alert posted on social media by the Animal and Plant Health Agency, Brits returning home should not bring sandwiches, cheese, cured meats, raw meats or milk into Great Britain. The agency also states that this applies regardless of whether it is packed or packaged, or whether it has been bought at duty free.

It explains: “Help protect UK farmers from the devastating threat of African swine fever (ASF) and foot and mouth disease (FMD) by not bringing back meat or dairy products from the EU into Great Britain in your personal luggage. This includes items like sandwiches, cheese, cured meats, raw meats or milk into Great Britain – regardless of whether it is packed or packaged or whether it has been bought at duty free.”

The government agency says it is illegal to bring in most meat and dairy products from abroad for personal use. This is to protect the UK from devastating livestock diseases circulating in Europe and beyond.

Most personal meat and dairy products are now banned from entry into Great Britain. You must not bring in sandwiches, meat (raw or cured, such as ham and salami), dairy (milk, yoghurt, cheese) and animal-derived products. That includes items bought from duty free.

If you declare banned food products to Border Force officers at customs, they’ll take them away and destroy them. If you do not declare banned food products, you could be fined up to £5,000 (in England) or you could be prosecuted. Border Force can take away (‘seize’) your products if they think:

• you’ve brought something into the country illegally
• you’ve brought in too much of a restricted product
• it’s been cross-contaminated, for example with blood from meat – if any clothing or a bag the item’s in is contaminated, it’ll be destroyed

These rules are in place to protect the UK from highly infectious viral diseases of livestock, such as foot and mouth disease and African swine fever. These viruses can persist in meat and dairy products for several months, posing a risk to susceptible animals.

Neither disease affects humans. Livestock diseases like foot and mouth and African swine fever have a devastating impact on animal welfare, farming, trade and affect food security

The Animal and Plant Health Agency reminds travellers: “If you break the rules, you are breaking the law. If you break the rules, you are risking our food and economic security. If you break the rules, you could be responsible for the death of millions of animals. If you are found with undeclared illegal meat and dairy products, you will have these confiscated and risk a hefty fine.”

What are you allowed to bring into Great Britain?

You can bring the following into Great Britain from any country without any restrictions:

• bread, but not sandwiches filled with meat or dairy products
• cakes without fresh cream
• biscuits
• chocolate and confectionery, but not those made with a lot of unprocessed dairy ingredients
• pasta and noodles, but not if mixed or filled with meat or meat products
• packaged soup, stocks and flavourings
• processed and packaged plant products, such as packaged salads and frozen plant material
• food supplements containing small amounts of an animal product, such as fish oil capsules

Neighbouring countries send personnel to help keep the blaze from crossing into Germany.

Firefighters are battling Belgium’s largest wildfire on record as it burns through the High Fens nature reserve near the German border on Sunday.

The fire broke out on Friday in Belgium’s Liege province and has been spreading east towards Germany. It has burned more than 27sq km (10.4sq miles).

Belgium’s previous record fire occurred in 2011, burning 14sq km (5.4sq miles) of the same reserve, the European Forest Fire Information System said.

More than 250 emergency services personnel have been deployed, among them firefighters from Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands.

Firefighters focused on containing the advancing front of the fire, spokesperson for the government of Belgium’s Wallonia province, Stephanie Ernoux, told the Reuters news agency.

About 600 people in the Belgian border municipalities of Waimes and Butgenbach were told to leave their homes on Saturday as winds shifted and smoke spread.

Authorities said no homes had been affected as of Sunday morning, but urged people to stay away from the fire zone.

In Germany, the town of Monschau said the fire had come within about 3km (1.9 miles) of the border. Officials did not expect the flames to cross the border, the town said, but it advised residents of three of its districts to leave temporarily due to the smoke.

The fire came as Belgium had just come through another burst of severe heat, the thermometer touching roughly 37C (98.6F) in places on Friday, on top of weeks with barely any rain.

Like other parts of Europe, Belgium is in the middle of a summer of repeated heatwaves. Weather agencies logged temperatures above 35C (95F) in several European countries on Thursday, and the United Kingdom had its hottest day of the year when west London reached 38.1C (100.5F).

Fires have frequently followed the heat. Thousands of people have been driven from their homes in Germany, France, the UK, Croatia and Greece in recent days, and about 500,000 hectares (about 1.24 million acres) have burned across the European Union this year.

It is the only Spanish airport on the official new list – issues could regularly last for two hours or more

Brits jetting off to a Spanish holiday hotspot in August should pay attention to a new official airport update. Spanish media reports say that Palma Airport will be operating beyond its capacity for 18 days throughout August, according to an official analysis – for more than two hours on 10 occasions.

It has been reported that the airport in Mallorca is the only Spanish airport featured on a list of airports where Eurocontrol – the central organisation for coordination and planning of air traffic control for all of Europe – has identified mismatches between predicted demand and available capacity during August and September.

The list also features several Greek airports – Athens, Corfu, Heraklion, Kos, and Chania – alongside Istanbul’s Sabiha Gökçen and London’s Gatwick. As a result, Palma Airport faces an extremely busy August, Spanish media reports claim. According to Eurocontrol forecasts, it will surpass its operational capacity on 18 days, more than half the month.

On 10 of those occasions, the excess demand will stretch beyond two consecutive hours, while on the remaining eight, it will be concentrated within two-hour windows, Eurocontrol says. The capacity for Palma is set to stand at roughly 74 movements per hour, comprising approximately 33 arrivals and 40 departures, the agency says. During particular time slots, the anticipated flight demand will outstrip the number of operations the system can accommodate, says Eurocontrol.

Eurocontrol says the forecasts do not mean airports will be overwhelmed. Yet they say their analysis aims to identify periods when high concentration of flights may require measures to regulate traffic flow.

El Diario reports that the European agency projects that demand will also surpass the airport’s capacity at least eight times between September 1 and 27, with three instances stretching beyond two consecutive hours and five lasting two hours. Yet airport operator Aena has told media in the country that under no circumstances has Palma Airport been operated “beyond its declared capacity”. They say that if demand ever exceeds the established airspace capacity due to an unforeseen event, such as storms or regulatory measures, not all operations are permitted to take place simultaneously.

In such cases, they say air traffic control regulates the flow of flights through various traffic management and sequencing measures. Sources at the airport have also told Spanish media that a major overhaul there has resulted in a larger security checkpoint featuring hand luggage screening machines that do away with the need to remove liquids and electronic devices, as well as “more efficient routes throughout all areas, including the one dedicated to inter-island passengers”.

Eurocontrol said in its assessment of Europe-wide air traffic: “July 2026 set new records for air traffic. The EUROCONTROL area recorded its highest ever monthly traffic, with over 1.13 million flights and a peak of 37,659 flights on Friday 24 July. Worldwide, commercial aviation also reached an all-time high of 153,359 flights on 23 July.

“On average, capacity among the busiest 10 carriers remained stable compared to the previous week.” The update comes as tourists heading to Spain and other EU nations face the prospect of lengthy queues this summer at airports. The EU rolled out its Entry/Exit System (EES) in April, which requires passengers from the UK and other non-EU countries to register their fingerprints, photograph and personal details upon their first arrival. This has resulted in lengthy hold-ups for countless passengers.

EES delays lead to big increase in waiting times at EU airports

The Financial Times reported this month that peak waiting times at two major European airports – Munich and Frankfurt – have doubled this summer compared with the same period last year, following the EU’s chaotic rollout of its new electronic border system. Mallorca is amongst the many airports where significant delays have been reported on multiple occasions throughout the year..

Ryanair chief executive Michael O’Leary said the system should be moved online. “Only the Europeans would invent s*** like this,” he told investors last month, adding that the airline had witnessed substantial queues at around 15 airports.

The scorching temperatures are also heaping further pressure on the airport, according to the Majorca Daily Bulletin. The publication reported that Palma Airport workers are once again demanding the immediate reopening of the airport canteen.

Staff say the facility is essential as somewhere they can eat and take refuge from the sweltering summer heat. The Balearic Government has urged airport operator Aena to reopen the venue as swiftly as possible.

Reports suggest that officials believe Aena is currently working to adapt the premises with the aim of getting the canteen back up and running in the near future.

A significant change could come into force from next month that would impact Brits travelling to parts of Europe, with threats of more potential airport chaos – unless it’s pushed back yet again

Brits could face a fresh wave of airport chaos when new restrictions kick in for travel to parts of Europe – unless officials introduce allow further delays.

Earlier this year, British holidaymakers began to face significant travel disruption as they grappled with the new European Union’s (EU) Entry/Exit System (EES), which was fully implemented across airports on April 10, 2026. There were reports of grueling queues of up to four hours and missed flights as Brits needed to create a digital record and register their biometric details, such as fingerprints and a photograph, on arrival in a Schengen area.

Thankfully, some restrictions were eased, and member states, including France, Portugal and Spain, were given the option to temporarily “lift biometric registration” until the end of summer to ensure there is “some relief for the worst-case scenario”. Greece was one of the countries that opted to waive the EU requirement for Brits to provide fingerprints and facial scans at airport border control.

Uku Särekanno, deputy executive director of Frontex, which helps to manage the external borders of the EU, explained in June: “We have until the end of the summer, the possibility during the tourism season to lift the biometric controls or the biometric registration temporarily.

“If there is a peak hour, you see that there are hundreds of people queuing, their queues are getting too long, then member states still have the possibility to lift biometric registration. The EU has considered, for the period of summer, to make sure that there is still some relief for the worst-case scenario.”

However, any flexibility that has been in place for the EES, or that is still in effect, could come to an end.

According to Frontex, the offer of eased measures for the digital border system is set to expire on Sunday, 6 September, potentially leading to longer airport queues and travel disruptions.

However, there have been calls to extend the full rollout of the EES beyond 6 September, for fear it could spark further airport chaos, even though it comes after the summer holidays.

According to The Times, Apostolos Tzitzikostas, European commissioner for Sustainable Transport and Tourism, has privately reassured that the EES checks could still be paused after the current 6 September deadline, when needed. It’s also been reported that Apostolos has also made similar assurances to the UK, indicating that an extension of the flexibility could be possible, following a meeting with British Transport Secretary Heidi Alexander.

“We want everyone to have the summer holidays they deserve – and yesterday’s meeting shows everyone is pulling in the same direction, “Heidi said following the meeting on 14 July. “I was reassured that the EU commissioner for transport understood the concerns of holidaymakers and recognised the need for us to work together.”

The new digital border system is required for the initial arrival at an airport border within the Schengen zone and replaces the traditional manual passport-stamping process. Once the first registration has been completed, the EES remains valid for three years.

Countries within the Schengen area include: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. The EES system is not required for travel to the Republic of Ireland or Cyprus, as neither country is part of the Schengen area.

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

Flights were suspended after the recent incident

Families heading to Europe for their summer holidays soon may want to read up on some updated travel advice. The Foreign Office has updated its guidance for a popular EU destination. You may want to speak with your travel provider ahead of your trip.

The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office has changed its guidance for people traveling to Italy. The update relates to ‘Mount Etna Eruption – Flight Disruption’ and was added on Friday, August 7. Visitors to the Mediterranean country are informed: “Flights are currently affected by an ash cloud from Mount Etna. Check with your travel provider or Catania Airport before travelling.” The active volcano Mount Etna is on the east coast of Sicily, and is about 40km north of Catania Airport.

Plumes of ash cloud recently filled the air in the local area after an eruption of the volcano. Previous guidance on the Catania Airport website said that flights into Catania were suspended on Saturday, August 8, until 12 noon local time. Departures continued to operate as usual.

Airport update

A later update on the airport website posted on Saturday, August 8, reads: “Following the downgrade of the volcanic activity alert level from RED to ORANGE, the resumption of flight operations has been authorised with immediate effect.

“Airspace sectors are therefore back in operation and flight landing services are being gradually restored.” But the guidance also encourages customers to keep an eye out for updates.

The airport said: “However, passengers are kindly advised to check the status of their flight with their airline before heading to the airport.” You can read the full Foreign Office guidance on the Government website.

You can also check for any fresh updates on the Catania Airport website. Travellers heading through Bristol Airport also recently faced disruption after flights were suspended owing to a fault with the runway.

Many flights were left grounded after the problem emerged late on Friday, August 7. Flights resumed at around 8am on Saturday, August 8, once the issue was fixed.

Operations were halted late on Friday, August 7, with the airport initially expecting flights to resume at 6am on Saturday. The runway eventually reopened at around 8am.

Your rights if your flight is delayed

If your flight is delayed for whatever reason, after a certain period your airline must provide certain things to take care of you.

These include:

• Food and drink
• Communication i.e. access to phone calls and emails
• Accommodation if you are delayed overnight – and journeys between the airport and the hotel.

The company must provide support if your flight is delayed by:

• At least two hours for flights under 1,500km (such as Glasgow to Amsterdam)
• At least three hours for flights between 1,500km and 3,500km (such as East Midlands to Marrakesh)
• At least four hours for flights over 3,500km (such as London to New York).

Madrid warns of ‘proportional measures’ if Rome does not put an end to checks amid fallout from Ceuta migrant crisis.

Italy has doubled down on its temporary reinstatement of border controls following the deadly rush of thousands of migrants into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, even after Madrid threatened retaliation.

In a statement on Friday, the Italian government said it would not bow to “ultimatums or impositions” from ⁠Spain and would maintain border controls until at least August 15.

The refusal came hours after the Spanish government declared a two-day deadline for Italy “to rectify, put an end to the checks and treat Spaniards like other European citizens”.

“If it does not do so before the end of Sunday, August 9, Spain will be obliged to adopt proportional measures to protect the interests and dignity of its citizens,” Spain’s statement said.

The diplomatic tit-for-tat unfolds as Spain continues to reel from the influx of some 72,000 people who crossed into Ceuta from Morocco last week, on foot and by sea.

Mass arrivals in the North African Spanish enclave angered other European Union leaders who have taken a hard anti-migration stance, including far-right Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

Italy earlier said it would temporarily reintroduce border checks with Spain starting on August 1 in what Meloni called an “extraordinary measure” seeking to “safeguard national security and prevent possible repercussions for our nation”.

Yet experts said there was little prospect of migrants travelling from Ceuta to Italy, particularly as Italy and Spain do not share a land border. Rights groups instead pegged Meloni’s move as “political theatre”.

Still, 22 EU member states signed a joint letter accusing Spain of “pull factors” that destabilise the bloc’s borders.

The vast majority of the Ceuta migrants have since returned to Morocco as authorities tallied at least 100 deaths.

Also on Friday, Spain said its police successfully dismantled a people-smuggling operation believed to have brought 2,000 migrants into the country via Spain’s southeastern coast and the island of Ibiza.

Unaccompanied minors

Amid the political fallout, Spanish leaders are grappling with a humanitarian crisis still ongoing in Ceuta.

Of the few thousand undocumented migrants who remain in the enclave, at least 1,342 are children, Youth Minister Sira Rego said on Friday – hundreds of whom are unaccompanied.

Rego acknowledged “painful images” of children sleeping on Ceuta’s streets, noting that two schools had been opened as authorities evaluated more locations as possible reception centres.

Still, Ceuta authorities said at least 1,100 children needed assistance, with Ceuta’s theoretical capacity only totalling 90 places where people could be housed.

“It might only be a matter of a few weeks before we start seeing [children] transferred to and welcomed on the mainland,” Rego told reporters.

Local and international charities have cautioned that the children face abuse and exploitation.

Jose Miguel Morales, head of Federacion Sur Acoge, a migrant rights and assistance group in southern Spain, said some of the children were under 14 years old and had already been beaten and assaulted.

But the transfer of children to the mainland has become a domestic flashpoint in Madrid, where Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s government approved 25 million euros ($29m) to help support unaccompanied minors in the territory.

Leaders from the far-right, anti-immigration Vox party were quick to say they opposed any aid for migrant children.

Vox leader Santiago Abascal wrote on X that “not one euro from Spaniards” should go “for illegals, for invaders”.

EUROPEAN borders have been consumed by long queues recently thanks to new travel rules introduced back in April – and it’s about to get worse.

Europe‘s new Entry/Exit System (EES) was fully rolled out at the beginning of April and applies to all Brits entering Europe.

Upon your first entry to a Schengen country, you must register – which means having your photo taken as well as fingerprints.

However, this registration process has been causing long queues and delays at border control across European airports, with some travellers waiting hours and others even missing their flight.

And soon it could get much worse.

Come September 6, a flexibility allowance introduced across Europe is due to expire.

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EU member states are currently allowed to pause EES checks in “exceptional circumstances” which includes when queues get too long.

According to the EU border security agency Frontex, the flexibility won’t be renewed in September, despite industry bodies calling for it to be, reports The Times.

Countries including Greece, France, Portugal and Spain currently all switch off EES when they need to.

However, when the flexibility expires in September these countries could once again experience long queues at their airports.

At some airports, the machines even have to be shut down and turned on again when they get overwhelmed, just to get them to work.

Air France-KLM told Politico: “When lines form during the busy summer months, the system is shut off to ensure smooth transit at our hubs in Paris and Amsterdam.”

Other airports that have had problems with the technology include Brussels Airport, where the system is still not fully operational.

It comes as other issues with the new system have emerged including taking the fingerprints of elderly people.

In some cases, the new system has been unable to scan fingerprints of elderly people as they are too faded.

According to The Telegraph, one Brit who recently travelled to Majorca but when she got to the EES kiosks, her fingerprints weren’t recognised.

The woman then had to wait in a long queue of mainly families for her passport to be manually stamped.

However, anyone who cannot give fingerprints will be exempt from having to give them.

Jet2 has issued an update about customers’ free 10kg hand luggage allowance as new European Commission airline baggage regulations are set to come into force in 2027

Jet2 has updated customers ahead of sweeping new European regulations affecting hand luggage coming into force in 2027.

The European Commission’s new measures are designed to bring greater transparency to cabin baggage policies across the airline industry, making it easier for travellers to understand and compare what is included when booking flights. For many airlines, the new rules could mean significant changes to how they present baggage costs to customers — but Jet2 says it has nothing to change.

That is because, unlike a number of its rivals, Jet2 already includes a complimentary 10kg hand luggage allowance as standard for all customers, along with a personal item. The airline says this means passengers know exactly what they are getting from the moment they book, with no hidden charges or complicated add-ons to navigate.

The approach appears to resonate strongly with travellers. According to the airline, eight in ten customers say the inclusion of free hand luggage is one of the main reasons they choose to fly with Jet2.

Steve Heapy, CEO of Jet2, said the new EU rules would make no practical difference to its customers, adding that the airline had long been committed to straightforward, fair pricing.

He said: “For Jet2 customers, these new rules change nothing because we have always believed in doing the right thing by customers when it comes to hand luggage. Holidaymakers should not have to pay extra or figure out complicated rules just to bring their essentials on board. We have always believed in making things simple, transparent and fair, so customers know exactly what they’re getting when they book.

“We welcome any move that helps customers better understand what is included in the price of their flight and make informed decisions when comparing airlines. It is another example of why customers continue to choose Jet2 in record numbers – because they know exactly what they’re getting when they book.”

European Parliament MEPs voted for new rules protecting customers in July. These include enhanced refund rights.

The reimbursement process is to become quicker and easier. Passengers opting for a reimbursement instead of being rerouted will receive it automatically, while passengers facing travel disruptions will receive clear instructions on how to submit a request for compensation within four days of the termination of their journey.

Air passengers will have nine months to file a compensation request, while airlines will have 30 days to pay the compensation or invoke extraordinary circumstances, explain why compensation will not be provided and refer passengers to complaint handling steps.

The new rules also include the right to carry on board, without extra cost, one personal item, such as a small bag or backpack. Airlines, intermediaries and search portals will also have to display the air fare inclusive of carry-on luggage at the outset of the booking process. Airlines may offer cheaper tickets for passengers who decide to travel without hand luggage.

The EU’s major overhaul of air passenger rights will impact UK travellers, but primarily on flights departing from European airports or when flying with EU-regulated carriers. The rules are scheduled to take full effect around mid-2027 following a 12-month transition period.

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez is facing growing criticism from some European leaders as European Union interior ministers meet to discuss last week’s mass crossing into the Spanish territory of Ceuta, an episode that has reignited debate over migration across the bloc.

Human rights groups and activists, meanwhile, have accused far-right politicians of exploiting the crisis to advance anti-immigration narratives.

More than 60,000 people crossed into the North African enclave on Thursday and Friday, triggering a humanitarian emergency and prompting Spain to deploy additional military and police forces.

More than 80 migrants died, according to Spanish and Moroccan authorities, including some who drowned or were crushed while attempting to cross a breakwater barrier.

Most of those who entered have since returned to Morocco. By Saturday, “almost all” had left and the situation in Ceuta had largely returned to normal, Spanish Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska said.

Ireland, which holds the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union, convened an emergency video meeting of EU interior ministers after 22 of the bloc’s 27 member states called for “coordinated action and the strengthening of external borders”.

Political fault lines

The events in Ceuta have once again exposed divisions within the EU over migration policy, with several governments calling for a tougher approach while others have urged adherence to humanitarian and international legal obligations.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni was among Sanchez’s sharpest critics, announcing that Italy would introduce temporary air and sea border controls with Spain while questioning Madrid’s handling of the situation.

Sanchez rejected the criticism, saying Italy’s position was “contrary to European law, humanitarian law, and the principles of solidarity that bind us together”.

In a post on X, he also noted that Italy had received significantly more migrants than Spain since 2021, saying Italy had recorded about 478,000 arrivals compared with Spain’s 234,000.

The political debate has unfolded despite a broader decline in irregular migration to the EU. According to the EU’s border agency Frontex, irregular border crossings peaked at 1.8 million in 2015. During the first half of 2026, crossings fell by 37 percent compared with the same period last year to about 49,000.

The scenes in Ceuta have nevertheless become a focal point in wider political debates over migration, despite the EU already introducing stricter migration and asylum rules that expand member states’ powers to detain migrants and return them to designated “safe countries” or facilities outside the bloc.

Human rights organisations have criticised the measures, warning they could leave asylum seekers stranded for prolonged periods in offshore detention centres, while illegal police pushbacks at borders still regularly occur in both the EU and North Africa.

Spain defends its response

The Spanish government has rejected accusations that it mishandled the crisis, saying the situation was brought under control quickly in close coordination with Morocco despite limited assistance from other European countries.

Officials have also said that a recent ruling by Spain’s Supreme Court, which found that migrants arriving by sea cannot be summarily returned without due process, was deliberately misrepresented by smuggling networks to encourage people to attempt the crossing.

A senior Moroccan official, speaking anonymously to the AFP news agency, said Rabat had raised concerns with Spanish authorities after discussions on social media about the court ruling began in late July.

“We discussed this ruling and its impact. We explained that this ruling was going to create a problem. And it did create a problem,” the official said.

He rejected suggestions that the mass movement into Ceuta reflected a failure by Morocco’s security forces.

“It’s simplistic to say that Morocco should just have used force to stop them. That is to completely misunderstand this phenomenon,” he said.

Spain’s two tiny enclaves on the north coast of Africa have long been a flashpoint in its relationship with Morocco, which the territories border.

The only such European territories on African soil, they include the autonomous city enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as Plazas de Soberanía – a group of rocky islands off the Moroccan coast, which include the Chafarinas Islands, Alhucemas Islands and Penon de Velez de la Gomera.

While Spain says it owns these enclaves, Morocco does not recognise Spain’s sovereignty over them and has been demanding their return since independence from France in 1956.

The territorial dispute has resulted in long-standing political tensions between Spain and Morocco.

Last week, after more than 50,000 migrants surged over the border into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, those tensions between Madrid and Rabat intensified. While most have since returned to Morocco, several thousand remain in Ceuta this week.

So why does Spain have these territories at all and what does their future hold?

Here’s what we know:

Why does Spain have enclaves in North Africa?

The enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, along with a few islets off the coast of Morocco, constitute the last vestiges of the Spanish colonial empire.

Ceuta first came under Portuguese rule in 1415 before becoming part of Spain in 1580, while Melilla was conquered by a Spanish nobleman in 1497. Ceuta remained under Spanish control after Portugal regained independence in 1640 following a long war.

“Spain reached its greatest extent in Latin America, and with the loss of Cuba, Costa Rica and the Philippines in 1898, it shifted its influence to Africa, although most European colonial powers had already divided it among themselves,” explained Yolanda Aixelà Cabré, an anthropologist at IMF-CSIC in Barcelona.

After the decolonisation of Africa in the last century, Ceuta and Melilla remained the only European-held territories on the African mainland. Although geographically in Africa, the enclaves are considered Spanish territory and form part of the EU’s external border.

“For Spain, maintaining these enclaves [on the northern coast of Africa] is fundamental on a symbolic level because they reinforce Spanish grandeur, its imperial past which the State continues to consider a bearer of civilisation in contrast to barbarism, a notion perfectly encapsulated by the repetitive discourse that [Christopher] Columbus, representing the Catholic Monarchs, ‘discovered’ America,” she said.

Why didn’t the enclaves pass to Morocco on independence?

Selim Balouati Lakhloufi is a historian and researcher specialising in the history of North Africa and the Rif mountainous region in northern Morocco, which stretches along the Mediterranean coast from Tangier to the border with Algeria. He said Ceuta and Melilla continue to exist as separate territories because their origins “predate modern Morocco”.

“They are enclaves that have been occupied for centuries,” he told Al Jazeera.

But since gaining independence from France in 1956 – which Spain recognised while retaining its enclaves – Morocco has consistently maintained that the territories of Ceuta and Melilla, which it calls “Sebtah and Melilah”, and the Plazas de Soberanía, are part of its territory and has been demanding their return.

“This has always been used by the Moroccan political class as a point of criticism against Spain,” Lakhloufi said.

Samir Bennis, a Washington, DC-based senior political adviser who is also the co-founder of Morocco World News and an expert on Morocco’s foreign policy, said since independence, Morocco’s territorial claims over Ceuta and Melilla have frequently been at the centre of tricky relations between Spain and Morocco.

“Perhaps this issue would not have had the same detrimental effect on bilateral relations had Moroccan leaders shown greater determination in the early 1960s, during the height of the decolonisation period, to bring the matter before the United Nations and seek recognition of these two cities as colonial territories that should be liberated from any foreign presence,” he said.

He explained that there are, however, two important factors which led the Moroccan authorities to refrain from pursuing this course in their efforts to restore the country’s territorial integrity.

“The first was the sheer scale of the territorial disputes between Spain and Morocco. Given the difficulty Morocco faced in simultaneously contesting Spanish control over several territories, the Moroccan government decided to proceed gradually in its efforts to recover the parts of Moroccan territory that remained under Spanish rule.”

“The second factor that led the Moroccan leadership to postpone addressing the question of Ceuta and Melilla was the willingness shown by the Spanish authorities to resolve their territorial disputes with Morocco progressively. In the end, this strategy proved highly beneficial for safeguarding Spain’s interests in the two cities,” Bennis added.

How strong is Morocco’s claim to these enclaves?

Morocco’s claim to the territories is relatively weak, Bennis said. But “the country can invoke a range of historical, geographical and human arguments that cast doubt on Spain’s position”.

Jamie Trinidad, a fellow and director of studies in law at Wolfson College, Cambridge University, also said that Morocco’s claim to the territories is weak under international law. “It is a political, rather than a legal, claim, similar to Spain’s claim to Gibraltar, which lies across the strait from Ceuta,” he said. Gibraltar is a British Overseas Territory.

“In the 1970s, Morocco asked the UN to include the territories on the list of ‘Non-Self-Governing Territories’ overseen by the UN’s Special Committee on Decolonisation, but the Moroccan request was ignored by the UN,” he added.

What do people living in these enclaves want?

Around 84,000 people live in Ceuta and 86,000 in Melilla.

In Spanish possession since 1580, Ceuta is home to a mixed population of Christian and Muslim, Spanish and Moroccan residents and day workers who live and work in relative harmony.

But after more than 50,000 migrants entered Ceuta illegally last week, divisions and tensions in the enclave have risen.

Hundreds of residents rallied on Sunday – two days after the surge of migrants to Ceuta – to oppose a planned far-right anti-migrant rally, forcing organisers to cancel the event.

“I am half Christian, half Muslim, as many in Ceuta are. We live peacefully together. But the numbers this time were scary,” Ceuta resident Isabel told Al Jazeera over the weekend.

Melilla, which has been in Spanish possession since 1497, is also home to Spanish and Moroccan residents, as well as small Jewish and Sindhi communities, the latter a diaspora of Hindu merchants who arrived following the 1947 partition of India.

The Plazas de Soberania is mainly populated by Spanish military personnel.

Lakhloufi noted that polling shows an overwhelming majority of people living in Ceuta and Melilla wish to remain part of Spain.

“This has been reflected consistently in public opinion and in the absence of any significant political movement advocating a change in sovereignty,” he said. “Even the population with Moroccan origin want to stay as Spanish and European. This is because the social welfare difference between Morocco and the cities it’s really high,” he said.

“At the same time, both cities maintain strong historical, cultural and economic ties with Morocco, making cooperation across the border an important aspect of daily life,” he added.

According to the Spanish government, Ceuta and Melilla are part of the Schengen area, which guarantees freedom of movement within the EU, but are subject to a special Schengen regime. People travelling between the enclaves and mainland Spain undergo separate border checks.

“Schengen checks are carried out on exit by sea or air, the only two routes available. Therefore, no one can travel from Ceuta or Melilla to mainland Spain without being identified by the National Police at the port or the airport. In addition, ferry operators and airlines are required to verify travel documents,” a Spanish government document states.

Will Spain give up these enclaves?

Analysts are divided.

In March 2022, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez wrote to the Moroccan king, confirming Spanish support for Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara, which Spain gave up control of in 1975. Sanchez said this was “the most serious, realistic and credible” initiative for resolving the decades-long dispute over the vast African territory and declared “a new stage” in Spain’s strained relations with Morocco.

Cabre said, therefore, that after last week’s overwhelming migrant influx into Ceuta, Spain could ultimately cede sovereignty to Morocco.

“Their [the enclaves] mere presence is an unsustainable historical anomaly at a time when the decolonisation of European states is being promoted at all levels, like European countries returning of items stolen during colonialism and recognising the citizenship rights of their former colonies,” she said.

But Lakhloufi does not expect a fundamental change in Spain’s policy on the enclaves.

“What may change is the way Spain manages its relationship with Morocco, particularly regarding border management, migration and security cooperation. However, tactical adjustments should not be confused with a shift in Spain’s long-standing position on sovereignty. It’s usually Morocco that puts pressure on the borders, not Spain,” he said.

Images of migrants from Morocco streaming into the Spanish territory of Ceuta in North Africa have again thrust the immigration debate into the spotlight in Europe and elsewhere.

Despite the sea barrier separating Ceuta and mainland Europe, some EU countries have announced controls at their borders with Spain.

Italy has suspended Schengen rules allowing border-free travel.

US President Donald Trump has also weighed in, attempting to tie the brief migrant surge in Ceuta to the US midterm elections in November.

But why did the influx happen now, and what does it mean for Spain’s relatively migrant-friendly policy as it faces hostility from large parts of Europe?

Presenter: Anna Burns-Francis

Guests:

Anna Terron Cusi – Spain’s former secretary of state for immigration and emigration, who is now a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute

Daniel Gros – Director of the Institute for European Policymaking at Bocconi University and an adviser to the EU parliament

Deborah Fleischaker – Former acting chief of staff at US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), who is now a senior adviser for immigration policy and strategy at UnidosUS

Spain says the crisis in its North African enclave Ceuta is back under control, with most of the more than 50,000 migrants who stormed across its borders over recent days choosing to voluntarily go back to Morocco.

Tens of thousands of people crossed into Ceuta on Thursday and continued arriving overnight into Friday.

Most came by sea, swimming or in small boats, to get around the border fence. Some rushed border crossing points in such numbers that the guards were overwhelmed. Others tried to climb the breakwater that holds the border fence. At least 67 people died trying to reach Ceuta.

Many questions remain about what caused such a huge number of people to abruptly seek to illegally enter Spanish territory. It was clearly not a coincidence they all chose the same day to do so. Was it coordinated and planned in advance, and if so, by whom and for what purpose?

Here’s what we know:

Where is Ceuta and why is it significant?

Ceuta is an autonomous Spanish city on the northern coast of Africa bordering Morocco. Along with Melilla, it is one of the only two land borders between the European Union and Africa.

It first came under Portuguese rule in 1415 before becoming part of Spain in 1580. It remained under Spanish sovereignty after Portugal regained independence in 1640. After the decolonisation of Africa, Ceuta and Melilla are the only remaining European-held territories on the African mainland.

Its location has made it one of the main entry points for migrants and asylum seekers trying to reach Europe. The enclave is protected by high border fences, surveillance systems, and a permanent deployment of Spain’s Civil Guard and National Police.

What caused the sudden massive influx?

Authorities in Ceuta linked the surge in attempted crossings to a Spanish Supreme Court ruling published in July that barred authorities from immediately returning migrants who arrive by sea. The ruling does not apply to migrants who enter Spain by land, including by climbing over the border fence.

But several experts have questioned this theory, saying few migrants would have been aware of the court ruling.

Ignacio Cembrero, a Spanish journalist specialised in migration in North Africa, told the news agency AFP that “without a doubt, the July 8 ruling has played a role… but that doesn’t explain the level of mobilisation.”

Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez blamed the sudden influx on human trafficking mafias who exaggerated the significance of the court ruling to convince vast numbers of migrants to take part in a mass coordinated surge into Ceuta.

Some believe that Morocco may have had a role in organising and facilitating the sudden mass breach of the border.

Morocco does not recognise Madrid’s sovereignty over the centuries-old Spanish enclaves Ceuta and Melilla, regarding them as occupied territory.

Morocco also stridently asserts its own sovereignty over Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony it annexed in 1975 where the Indigenous inhabitants, represented by the Polisario Front, oppose rule from Rabat and want independence.

In April 2021, Madrid allowed Polisario Front leader Brahim Ghali to be treated in a Spanish hospital for COVID-19, infuriating Morocco, which regards him as a criminal in charge of an outlawed separatist rebellion.

Morocco recalled its ambassador from Madrid, and appeared to loosen its border controls in May, allowing about 10,000 migrants to enter Ceuta as a threat to Spain.

In 2022, Spain restored full diplomatic relations with Morocco after reversing its four-decade policy of supporting self-determination for the Indigenous people of Western Sahara and instead backing Moroccan sovereignty. It was widely assumed that Rabat achieved this goal by leveraging the vulnerability of the Spanish enclaves.

Last month, relations between Madrid and Rabat soured again because Sanchez made an official visit to Algeria – a country Morocco regards as a bitter enemy because of its unwavering support for the Polisario Front.

Some are speculating that the latest events in Ceuta show Morocco once again sending a warning to Spain.

What does this have to do with Israel?

Some observers believe that if Morocco did orchestrate the mayhem, it may have been encouraged by others, pointing at two leaders with a particular grudge against Sanchez – US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Sanchez is one of Europe’s most consistently pro-Palestinian voices. He has explicitly said Israel’s war on Gaza is genocide, has been highly critical of the US-Israel war on Iran, and refused to allow jointly operated US-Spanish military facilities to be used to facilitate that war.

Trump has been scathing about Spain because of its refusal to spend a greater share of gross domestic product to match the NATO target.

Morocco has been far friendlier than Spain to Israel. In 2024, Spain refused to allow a US-flagged cargo ship carrying weapons for Israel to dock at Algeciras, so the vessel redirected to Morocco instead. The same year, Moroccan authorities allowed an Israeli warship to dock at Tangier to refuel and resupply en route from the US to Israel, after Spain had refused the vessel port access.

Many Israelis consider Madrid’s support for Palestine hypocritical when Spain also occupies Arab territory.

In 2019, Netanyahu’s son Yair tweeted a map of Ceuta and Melilla, saying, “Dear Arabs and Muslims. Want to free occupied Arab Islamic lands? Here’s a good start!”

In March this year, an article written by American Enterprise Institute fellow Michael Rubin for the staunchly pro-Israel Middle East Forum urged: “Moroccans should gather, send bulldozers to the border, and then enter Ceuta and Melilla unarmed to raise the flag.”

In April, pro-Israel Moroccan analyst Amine Ayoub wrote an article for Israeli website Ynet News arguing: “US-Spain tensions over NATO, Iran create opening for Morocco to press claims on Ceuta and Melilla, with Israel positioned to back Rabat diplomatically within US-led alliance that increasingly favours cooperative partners over European holdouts.”

On Friday, with Ceuta invaded by tens of thousands of migrants, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, posted a provocative comment on X.

“Spain, which never misses an opportunity to lecture Israel, has declared a state of emergency in Ceuta following the crisis over its immigration policy,” Danon wrote. “Maybe before it continues lecturing us, it’s time it explained to the world why it still maintains colonial enclaves in Africa.”

“Well, it’s all starting to become quite clear,” commented Spain’s transport minister, Oscar Puente, apparently suggesting he thought Israel was involved in what happened in Ceuta.

Pro-Israel sentiment has been steadily on the rise in Morocco, particularly as the country’s diplomatic relationship with both Israel and the United States has been deepening.

Days ago, it was announced that Morocco named a 1,055km (655.5-mile) highway over Western Sahara after Trump.

Experts said the gesture was far from surprising, as Morocco was one of the signatories to the Trump-brokered Abraham Accords, which saw the country normalise relations with Israel in 2020. In return, the Trump administration has provided crucial support to Morocco at the United Nations and through bilateral channels, bringing Rabat closer to securing greater control over Western Sahara.

There is no evidence that Morocco orchestrated events in Ceuta partly on behalf of Israel, just a lot of interesting coincidences.

But whether or not there was any conspiracy, one consequence of the episode is clear – the already frosty relations between the left-wing Spanish government of Sanchez and the far-right Israeli government of Netanyahu are now even chillier.

While the United States enjoys sufficient energy resources, thanks to shale oil, the European Union does not. To assure itself of the energy supplies in the Gulf that the European Union needs, the EU should consider assisting the Gulf States in the construction and operations of the pipeline. 

Building a large-scale, completely underground oil pipeline system from the Persian/Arabian Gulf oil fields to the Mediterranean Sea is estimated to cost between $40 billion and $60 billion and would take 5 to 7 years to complete. The exact metrics depend heavily on the chosen route, political alignment across transit countries, and the required total throughput capacity. 

Breakdown of Total Costs 

Modern mega-pipeline engineering over long desert and mountain distances faces massive cost drivers: 

· Construction & Trenching ($18B – $25B): Burying multiple large-diameter (e.g., 42 to 48-inch) pipelines entirely underground requires extensive trenching, rock blasting, and specialized anti-corrosion coatings. Global benchmarks show that large-scale overland pipelines average $8 million to $12 million per mile, but full underground burial heavily drives up labor and machinery costs.

· Pumping Stations & Terminals ($8B – $12B): Moving millions of barrels of crude daily across hundreds of miles requires heavily fortified pumping stations every 60–100 miles, alongside massive new storage and loading terminals on the Mediterranean coast. 

· Geopolitical & Geotechnical Risk Premium ($7B – $10B): Multi-billion dollar  contingencies are standard to absorb project snags, material inflation, and  complex international legal/right-of-way frameworks. 

· Security Infrastructure ($5B – $10B): Given the vulnerability of cross-border energy corridors, modern estimates for Gulf bypass networks integrate specialized defensive technologies (like automated drone surveillance or surface-to-air missile defenses) to protect critical facilities. 

Construction Timeline and Stages 

· Megaprojects of this length are restricted by a sequential project lifecycle that cannot easily be accelerated simultaneously: 

· Diplomacy & Right-of-Way (Years 1–2): Securing cross-border transit legal treaties (e.g., routing through Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, or Syria/Turkey) and finalizing environmental impact assessments. 

· Material Procurement & Logistics (Years 2–3): Manufacturing and transporting millions of tons of high-grade steel line pipe and heavy industrial pumps. 

· Civil Trenching & Laying (Years 3–6): Heavy execution phase. Crews can typically lay roughly 1 to 2 miles of pipe per day per construction spread.

Multiple spreads working simultaneously across different geographic zones are required to finish within a 3-to-4-year active construction window.  · Testing & Commissioning (Year 7): Hydrostatic pressure testing of the lines to ensure underground integrity, followed by line fill and gradual commercial scale-up 

Proposed Alternative Routes 

Producers in the region actively advance or evaluate different variants of this corridor to bypass maritime chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz: 

· The Mesopotamian Corridor (Iraq/Syria route): A ~1,500 km route linking the southern oil fields of Basra to Mediterranean ports like Baniyas, Syria.  While geographically direct, it remains vulnerable to high regional instability. 

· The Trans-Arabian Upgrades: Adapting or running parallel lines to existing corridors (like the Saudi East-West Petroline, which travels 1,200 km to the Red Sea) and extending them northward to Mediterranean Sea terminals. 

How Standard Micro-Tunneling Works for Utilities: When pipeline engineers hit a mountain or an environmental zone where they cannot dig an open trench, they use Micro-Tunnel Boring Machines (MTBMs) or Horizontal Directional Drilling (HDD). These systems are highly specialized to avoid the exact problems of passenger-sized tunnels: 

· Sized to the Pipe: Unlike a 12-foot-wide transit tunnel, an MTBM is built to the exact outer diameter of the oil pipe (typically 4 to 5 feet for a 48-inch line).  This means crews excavate 90% less rock and dirt.

· Pipe-Jacking Method: Instead of laying concrete tunnel walls and then trying to slide a heavy steel pipe inside later, MTBMs use a process called “pipe jacking.” Powerful hydraulic rams at the surface push the actual steel oil pipe directly behind the drilling head as it advances into the rock. 

· No Open Voids: Because the pipeline fits perfectly into the drilled hole, there is no empty space left around it. The pipe is completely surrounded by solid rock or stabilizing grout, eliminating the risk of dangerous, explosive gas pockets building up in an open tunnel. 

The Mountain Ranges the Route Must Clear 

· To get from the Gulf fields (like Ghawar in Saudi Arabia or Basra in Iraq) to the Mediterranean, a pipeline must breach the Syrian Desert and cross a series of rugged, geologically active mountain walls running parallel to the Mediterranean coast: 

· The Jordan Rift Valley & Dead Sea Fault: Before hitting the mountains, the pipeline must drop down into one of the lowest, most seismically active valleys on Earth (falling hundreds of feet below sea level) and then immediately climb back out. 

· The Judean Hills & Golan Heights: Depending on the exact coastal terminal, the line must climb over rugged limestone ridges ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 feet high.

· The Anti-Lebanon & Mount Lebanon Ranges: If the route takes a more northern path toward Syria or Lebanon, it faces severe alpine conditions with peaks soaring between 9,000 and 10,000 feet. 

The Geopolitical Treaties Required 

Building a multi-billion dollar piece of energy infrastructure across national borders requires an intricate web of international legal frameworks. Historically, cross-border pipelines are governed by Host Government Agreements (HGAs) and Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs). 

To make a Gulf-to-Mediterranean pipeline a reality, several unprecedented breakthroughs would be needed: 

· Transit Fees and Tariffs: The countries hosting the pipeline but not producing the oil (like Jordan or Syria) must negotiate “transit fees.” These are typically paid in cents per barrel of oil that passes through their territory, providing them with billions in long-term revenue. 

To make a Gulf-to-Mediterranean pipeline a reality, several unprecedented breakthroughs would be needed: 

· Transit Fees and Tariffs: The countries hosting the pipeline but not producing the oil (like Jordan or Syria) must negotiate “transit fees.” These are typically paid in cents per barrel of oil that passes through their territory, providing them with billions in long-term revenue. 

· The “Right of Way” Guarantee: Sovereign nations must sign legally binding treaties promising that they will not shut off or seize the pipeline during diplomatic disputes. A famous historical warning is the original Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline), which was repeatedly disrupted, sabotaged, and eventually shut down permanently due to border conflicts and transit fee arguments between Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. 

· The Abraham Accords Framework: If the pipeline takes the most geologically direct southern route to terminals in Israel (like Ashkelon or Haifa), it relies heavily on the long-term stability and expansion of the Abraham Accords. Saudi Arabia and Israel would need formalized economic treaties to protect a joint energy corridor from regional political shifts. 

· Joint Security Commands: Because a pipeline stretching thousands of miles across the Middle East is a prime target for non-state actors and drone strikes, treaties must establish a unified security framework. This allows military and intelligence sharing across borders to patrol the pipeline corridor with automated drone networks and satellite monitoring. 

Environmental Safeguards for Freshwater Aquifers The Jordan Valley and the surrounding mountain ridges contain critical freshwater sources, such as the Mountain Aquifer, which supply drinking water to millions of people in Israel, Palestine, and Jordan. A single major crude oil leak could seep into the porous limestone and permanently poison these non-renewable water reserves.  To mitigate this, engineers deploy an array of specialized defenses: 

· Pipe-in-Pipe Technology (Double Containment): In high-consequence water zones, crews do not use a standard single-wall pipe. They build a “pipe-in-pipe” system where the main 48-inch crude oil line sits inside a larger, secondary outer steel casing. The vacuum gap between the two pipes is monitored 24/7 for pressure changes; if the inner pipe leaks, the outer pipe captures the oil before it touches the soil. 

· Fiber-Optic Acoustic Leak Detection: Continuous fiber-optic cables are buried directly alongside the pipeline. These cables can “hear” the micro-acoustic vibrations and sudden temperature drops caused by a pinhole leak. This allows operators to pinpoint the exact location of a breach within meters in less than a minute. 

· Emergency Remote Isolation Valves: The pipeline is segmented by heavy-duty, automated shut-off valves. In flat areas, these are placed every 20 miles. In critical aquifer zones or steep mountain drops, they are placed every 1 to 2 miles. If the control center detects a pressure drop, these valves slam shut automatically via satellite command to trap the oil inside a small, isolated section, preventing millions of gallons from draining into the environment. 

Daily Revenue for Transit Countries 

· Transit countries like Jordan or Syria do not own the oil, but they make massive profits simply by letting it cross their land. These fees are negotiated as a tariff—a fixed dollar amount charged per barrel of oil moved. 

· Assuming a modern mega-pipeline with a capacity of 2 million barrels per day (bpd) and a standard international transit tariff of $0.60 to $1.20 per barrel, we can calculate the massive financial impact on a host country’s budget:

DAILY TRANSIT REVENUE ESTIMATE │ 

Pipeline Throughput Capacity │ 2,000,000 Barrels / Day 

Average transit tariff rate: $0.90 USD per barrel 

Daily Revenue Generated │ $1,800,000 USD / Day 

Annual Revenue Generated │ $657,000,000 USD / Year 

The Broader Economic Impact 

· Direct Budget Injection: For a developing economy like Jordan, an extra $650M+ per year in pure cash represents a massive boost to their national budget, easily funding large-scale public infrastructure or health programs. 

· In-Kind Energy Off-Takes: Rather than taking 100% of the payment in cash, transit treaties often allow host countries to take a portion of the payment in free crude oil. This allows them to supply their local refineries and secure cheap domestic gasoline without relying on volatile global energy imports. 

· Long-Term Economic Leverage: Hosting the pipeline transforms these non-producing nations into critical gatekeepers for global energy markets, giving them significant diplomatic leverage when negotiating trade and security deals with major global superpowers. 

Maritime Shipping Insurance & The Strait of Hormuz Bypass  The Strait of Hormuz is the world’s most sensitive maritime energy chokepoint. During periods of regional conflict, Lloyd’s of London and global marine underwriters designate

the Persian Gulf as a listed area (high-risk zone), triggering drastic shifts in shipping economics. 

· War Risk Premiums: When regional tensions spike, war risk insurance premiums for oil tankers navigating the Strait can surge from a baseline of 0.025% of the ship’s value to over 0.25% to 0.5% per voyage. For a modern $100 million Very Large Crude Carrier (VLCC), this adds an extra $250,000 to $500,000 in insurance costs for a single transit. 

· Bypassing the Chokepoint: Moving oil via the underground pipeline directly to the Mediterranean entirely eliminates the need for tankers to enter the Persian Gulf. Tankers load at secure Mediterranean ports (like Ashkelon, Haifa, or Baniyas) within standard, lower-risk European maritime zones. 

· Shipping Time Savings: Loading in the Mediterranean slashes the sailing distance to European and North American refineries by roughly 3,500 to 4,500 miles compared to sailing all the way around Africa or paying steep transit fees to use the Suez Canal. This reduces freight operating costs and completely erases the risk of a regional conflict stranding a fleet inside the Gulf. 

Naval Defense Infrastructure at the Mediterranean Terminal 

Because the new Mediterranean pipeline terminal would handle up to 2 million barrels of oil per day, it becomes a high-value strategic asset. Protecting it requires a multi-layered naval defense perimeter extending miles out to sea:

· Anti-Drone & Anti-Torpedo Netting: Heavy, underwater physical barriers and sensor nets are deployed around the loading buoys and piers to catch or detonate incoming unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) or loitering aquatic explosive drones. 

· Phalanx CIWS & Missile Batteries: The onshore terminal facility integrates close-in weapon systems (CIWS) and surface-to-air missile batteries (like Iron Dome or Barak MX systems) to intercept incoming rocket, drone, or anti-ship missile strikes launched from sea or land. 

· Active Naval Patrols: Host nations deploy continuous maritime security cordons using fast attack craft, sonar-equipped corvettes, and aerial reconnaissance drones to enforce a strict 5-to-10 mile exclusion zone around the offshore loading terminals, vetting every incoming commercial vessel. 

Conclusions 

With political tensions between the United States and the European Union increasing and confidence in the United States’ foreign policy falling, Europe needs to find and secure an energy source that is not dependent on either the United States or Russia.  An agreement, both economic and political, would in the long run make Europe independent from energy sources from either country. The idea of an overland pipeline to the Mediterranean is both economically and engineeringly possible. What is needed is the political will to make it happen.

More than 1,500 migrants have reached Spain’s North African enclave of Ceuta by sea over the past week, many swimming from Morocco using wetsuits and inflatables. Local authorities say reception centres are overwhelmed and have called for an emergency response.

Both countries expect to see temperatures soar into Wednesday, which could cause the blazes to spread.

The spread of wildfires in France and Spain that had come dangerously close to the cities of Bordeaux and Madrid appears to be slowing, authorities say, but they are bracing for yet another stifling heatwave this week, which could fan the flames of current blazes and ignite new ones.

Nearly 4,000 people were evacuated from tourist sites in the Lacanau area of the Gironde region in southwestern France on Tuesday, bringing the total number who have fled Gironde to well over a quarter of a million. The wine-growing region, which includes the historic city of Bordeaux is the worst affected in France by the wildfires

“We are at a point of fragility,” Eric Brocardi, spokesperson for France’s national firefighters federation, told BFMTV on Tuesday. “We will continue attacking this fire despite the forecast rise in temperatures.”

Images posted by the French newspaper Le Figaro showed ash on a beach in Lacanau. Sophie Brocas, Gironde’s prefect, has banned all sporting and cultural events until August 8.

France’s fourth heatwave of 2026 is expected to begin on Tuesday as temperatures are forecast to reach as high as 40 degrees Celsius (104 degrees Fahrenheit) in the coming days. When the heatwave reaches Spain on Wednesday, temperatures are expected to be even hotter there.

In Spain, 116,000 people have had to leave their homes since the wildfires began, but some have since been able to return. In the central province of Toledo, people from nine of 11 evacuated towns were allowed to go back to their homes on Tuesday.

Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska said people “can be a little more at ease” after progress overnight in tackling the many blazes in the country, which are mostly concentrated in central Spain.

Firefighters are also dealing with blazes in the neighbouring provinces of Avila and Toledo. About 800sq km (310sq miles) of land have burned.

One Spanish evacuee from the east of the country told the Reuters news agency he had witnessed “total chaos”.

“It was like in the movies where hell cracked the ground open, and you see the red hell.”

The scorching heat has renewed concerns about climate change with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez describing the fires as “the most painful expression of a climate emergency”.

Sanchez said authorities are beginning “to see the light at the end of the tunnel in the fight against wildfires” but cautioned that the upcoming heatwave still has to be dealt with.

The change has just come into place for the peninsula, and Brits flying to the area will need to make sure their travel documents meet the new requirements, or could find themselves stranded at the airport

Budget airline easyJet has issued a warning to Brits flying on any of its four routes from the UK to a popular holiday hotspot visited by approximately 1.3million Brits every year, as new entry requirements came into force earlier this month.

In a statement, easyJet said: “From 15 July 2026, Gibraltar will align with Schengen entry requirements. If you’re travelling to Gibraltar, please check that your travel documents meet the new rules before you fly.”

The airline operates four routes from the UK to Gibraltar International Airport from Birmingham, Bristol, London-Gatwick, and Manchester. The only other airline that operates from the hub is British Airways, which has a London-Heathrow service.

The airline set out the key changes, saying: “UK visas and UK residence permits/share codes will no longer be accepted for entry to Gibraltar.” It also clarified: “Passports for travellers from non-Schengen countries (except Ireland and Cyprus) must have been issued within the last 10 years, and be valid for at least 3 months after the date you plan to leave Gibraltar.”

The requirements are now aligned with what Brits can expect at the other 29 countries in the Schengen area. This means they’ll need to go through registration under the Entry/Exit System (EES). EasyJet added: “Before travelling, please make sure you have the correct documents for your journey to avoid any issues at the airport, you can check the government website.”

While Gibraltar remains a a self-governing British Overseas Territory, as of July 15 a post-Brexit deal has allowed the border with Spain to be removed, getting rid of border controls and customs checks for those passing between Spain and Gibraltar.

Historically, the border has caused hold-ups and long queues for locals as it has had to handle an average of 15,000 people passing through it each day for work, education, and social purposes.

But the change means that, while Gibraltar still has autonomy, it’s now a de facto part of the Schengen free-movement area, which is why Brits will notice a change when visiting the territory. The EES system will involve the same fingerprint and face scans as the EU requires at every airport.

The FCDO added: “On arrival at Joshua Hassan Gibraltar International Airport, you should expect two sets of checks which will satisfy entry into Gibraltar and the Schengen Area: Gibraltar entry immigration controls performed by the Gibraltar authorities and Schengen entry immigration controls performed by the Spanish authorities as the authorities of the neighbouring Schengen State

“This includes registration under the Entry/Exit System (EES) where it applies. The European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS) will also apply once it is operational. Once you have cleared these checks, you can move freely across the land border from Gibraltar into Spain and the wider Schengen Area.”

Have a story you want to share? Email us at webtravel@reachplc.com

AS many as one million Brits could have invalid passports – which could see them banned from boarding their flight at the airport this summer.

New research conducted by Compare the Market has found that hundreds of thousands of passports are falling foul of two major rules.

The research analysed HM Passport Office Data in June 2026.

One of the more common mistakes is passports not having at least three months left on them.

This is required for more European countries like France and Spain, and the study found that as many as 705,904 passports in the UK don’t follow these guidelines.

Some countries require even more than this – Turkey need 150 days and Egypt needs six months – so Brits need to check how long they have left after the expiry date before booking a holiday.

NO SHARM NO FOUL

Egypt passport rule to be aware of after family banned from flight

PASS IT ON

Turkey passport rule Brits need to know about or risk being BANNED from flight

This recently caught out one family who were forced to miss their ‘dream holiday’ to Egypt because one of their passports had less than six months left on it.

Another rule that holidaymakers are still breaking is the 10-year rule, which no longer allows passports to be more than this.

Pre-Brexit rules allowed passports to carry over 10 months from the previous document, meaning passports could be 10 years and 10 months.

But those extra 10 months are no longer seen as valid, and it is thought that as many as 347,268 passports could be out of date due to this.

Anyone with a burgundy passport, issued before September 2018, are affected by this.

This has affected a number of families already this year, including one who were forced to miss her 50th birthday abroad and was lest £900 out of pocket.

Tim Knighton, travel insurance expert at Compare the Market, said: “Many travellers assume if they have a valid passport they can travel overseas without any issues, but that’s not always the case. 

“Some countries, including many popular European destinations, require several months’ validity extending beyond the length of a trip, so it’s important to check the entry requirements for each destination before travelling.

“With more than 700,000 UK passports now having less than three months’ validity remaining, it’s worth travellers taking a few minutes to check theirs before heading abroad.”

The study also warned of the risk of passports being stolen or lost, with more than 422,000 reported this last year. This works out to more than 1,100 a day.

He added: “While some travel insurance policies will cover lost and stolen passports, there are specific conditions and policies vary so it’s always worth comparing different deals and checking details of your cover to ensure you get the right level of protection for your circumstances.”

If your passport is lost abroad, you will need to apply for an emergency one at the British embassy in that country. Here are some other passport rules you need to be aware of this summer to avoid holiday chaos.

Passport Rules

Everything you need to know about passports

Passengers have been issued a stark message about being caught up in airport delays

Peak travel season is here, with many Brits jetting off on their summer holidays. Thousands of holidaymakers are flocking abroad over the next few weeks.

However, this year things are looking very different if you are travelling to Europe. The new EU Entry/Exit System (ESS) was fully implemented in April, resulting in significant travel disruptions that are still continuing at many airports.

Brits have found themselves in queues lasting hours as they try to pass through the digital border system. It has even seen some travellers missing their flights, leaving their holidays in tatters.

The system is used at airport arrivals and departures in the EU and the Schengen area. Travellers have been urged to get to airports even earlier than usual so they aren’t caught up in queues, especially when returning to the UK.

Now, Ryanair boss Michael O’Leary has issued a stark message to anyone flying on his airline this summer. He has admitted the airline will not wait for anyone stuck in queues, and that the flight will carry on as scheduled.

While on the Telegraph’s Travel Expert podcast, host Simon Calder asked: “If I were a passenger, say at Milan Bergamo Airport, and was stuck in a mile-long queue, how long are you going to be waiting for me? And if you can’t wait for me, what are you going to do?”

Mr O’Leary replied: “Nothing. We will not wait for anybody. If you are stuck, if you are not at the boarding gate when we finish boarding, the plane is going without you.

“We are not delaying our flights for people who are stuck in passport control queues. They have to show up at the airport earlier, but they have to be at the boarding gate; otherwise, they are not flying.”

Travel expert Simon previously branded the entry and exit system a “Euro shambles”. He named Milan Malpensa, Lisbon, Paris Charles de Gaulle, Frankfurt and Copenhagen as the airports with the “worst” delays.

Simon previously said on the podcast: “From what I have experienced, and certainly one of them is Milan Malpensa. The fingerprint stuff took an hour, and I was the first one off the EasyJet plane from Gatwick.

“Then, I went through the other terminal to check out and it took 45 minutes that time but they wanted those fingerprints again, which is absolutely not in the rules.”

He added: “I have heard terrible stories from Lisbon, other places frequently mentioned, Paris Charles de Gaulle and Frankfurt.

“Both of them are huge hubs where you have got a lot of people flying from various regional airports across the UK into Paris and Frankfurt to connect.

“That’s okay if you are going intercontinental but if you are trying to connect to somewhere in Europe it is awful.”

Need to know

Ryanair is targeting passengers who use large rucksacks or wheelie bags that exceed their free under-seat allowance. If you do not purchase ‘Priority Boarding’, your bag must fit under the seat in front of you (max 40x 30 x 20 cm)

All you need to know about Ryanair’s £79.99 hand luggage charge update

1. The £79.99 hand luggage charge, which has been causing a stir online, is a new baggage enforcement crackdown by Ryanair directly colliding with landmark new EU flight rules that aim to ban carry-on fees entirely.
2. Ryanair is targeting passengers who use large rucksacks or wheelie bags that exceed their free under-seat allowance. If you do not purchase ‘Priority Boarding’, your bag must fit under the seat in front of you (max 40 x 30 x20 cm). If it does not fit in the sizing gate, you will face an airport gate bag fee.
3. While standard pre-booked cabin bags cost between £6 and £36, being caught at the gate triggers a post-booking penalty that can reach up to £75 to £80.99 to put the bag in the aircraft hold.
4. Ryanair CEO Michael O’Leary has doubled down on checking oversized bags. Ground handling crew bonuses for finding non-compliant bags are increasing, and the monthly bonus cap has been entirely removed to catch passengers “scamming the system”.
5. This enforcement push comes right as the European Parliament passed an air passenger rights update. New EU legislation will make it mandatory to include one overhead cabin bag and one personal item in the basic advertised airfare, eliminating hidden luggage fees. Airlines, search portals, and travel agents must display the full ticket price inclusive of hand luggage from the very beginning of the booking process.
6. O’Leary has furiously criticised the European Union‘s move. O’Leary claims the EU has “miss-sold” the regulations and that bundling overhead bags will make European airlines look less competitive globally. Ryanair warns that banning separate cabin bag fees will simply force base ticket prices up across the board, making travel more expensive for people who prefer to fly light.
7. The current cabin bag rules and gate fees remain fully in force. The new EU rules are a confirmed proposal expected to transition into law next year. Until the official transition period concludes, you will still be charged at the gate if your luggage exceeds the strict sizer dimensions.

READ MORE: Ryanair CEO says airports shouldn’t serve booze until 12pm to stop ‘misbehaviour’