IF YOU are looking for your next countryside escape then look no further than this holiday park set to open next year.
A new Landal holiday park in Malvern Hills is set to open in springnext year.
A huge new holiday park in Malvern Hills is set to open in spring next yearCredit: LandalIt will have 40 lodges each sleeping between two and six peopleCredit: Landal
Landal Malvern Hills will be set in a woodland with 40 timber lodges complete with terrace hot tubs.
The lodges can each host between two and six people.
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Inside, the interiors will have a modern design, with light woods throughout.
The entire park will be dog friendly too so your four-legged friend doesn’t need to be left behind.
Voters decide four runoff contests for Superior Court seats on Nov. 3, choosing who will preside over criminal and civil cases across the region.
Seat 131
The candidates
Donna Tryfman, a deputy public defender, serves in the major cases unit, where she handles homicide and other high-profile defendants. She also has extensive experience in juvenile cases.
David Ross is an alternate in the Torrance branch of the public defender’s office and also works in Bellflower and Long Beach. He claims to have represented more than 10,000 clients at hearings and in trials.
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The Los Angeles County Bar Assn. rates both attorneys as “qualified” for office. Ross said his mix of legal and life experience and his time as a journalist, when he “listened to real people, gathered the facts and told objective stories,” provide a unique perspective. Tryfman has served as a Superior Court judge pro tem, handling traffic and small claims cases. She has proctored teen courts at Dorsey and Hamilton high schools.
Seat 64
The candidates
Maria Ghobadi is an L.A. County deputy district attorney. As a child, Ghobadi fled Iran with her family during the Islamic Revolution and settled in Southern California. She joined the L.A. County district attorney’s office in 2015 and has handled misdemeanors, felonies and domestic violence cases. She’s spent seven years in the gang homicide division.
Rhonda Haymon is an L.A. County deputy public defender. She grew up in Southern California and became an attorney in 2001. She started in the Orange County public defender’s office before moving to L.A. County, where she’s spent 23 years as a deputy public defender. She has been assigned to a restorative justice drug court and consulted on police misconduct cases.
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The Los Angeles County Bar Assn. ranked Ghobadi as “well qualified” and Haymon as “qualified.”
Seat 87
The candidates
David DeJute, who defended President Obama against the so-called birther claims, spent a decade as vice president of litigation at Sony Pictures Entertainment. He now works in litigation at a private firm. An adjunct professor at Pepperdine’s Caruso School of Law, he’s taught ethics, antitrust, copyright and patent law. After last year’s wildfires, he returned as director of the disaster relief clinic, where he instructed students who provided pro bono legal services to victims of the Palisades and Eaton fires.
Anthony “A.J.” Bayne’s background includes nearly two decades serving in the Compton Courthouse, where he for a time served as deputy in charge. He’s now handling serious felony cases at the Torrance branch. Bayne is an inventor, with patent-pending applications for artificial intelligence tools that automate legal workflows. One helps with closing arguments; another uses court reporter transcripts to generate cross-examination questions.
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DeJute is rated “qualified” to serve by the Los Angeles County Bar Assn. Bayne is rated a notch higher, “well qualified.”
Seat 65
The candidates
Justin Allen Clayton is in charge of the Inglewood branch of the public defender’s office and has defended three cases with life sentences. Clayton said a priority is improving court efficiency through pretrial preparation and “firm but fair enforcement of deadlines.” Clayton said running a public defender branch office gives him a “comprehensive understanding” of the courtroom.
Anna Slotky Reitano represented juvenile and adult clients, many of them accused of felonies, before joining the county counsel’s office. Reitano focused on mental health diversion and treatment, aiming to support rehabilitation when possible. A former child actor, she volunteers with local schools and, according to her website, mentors “future lawyers” through moot court competitions.
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The Los Angeles County Bar Assn. considers both qualified to serve.
VATICAN CITY — Pope Leo XIV has become the first pope to vote in a U.S. general election, casting a mail-in ballot in a contest that will decide America’s future as the Trump era slowly comes to an end.
The Vatican confirmed Friday that the Chicago-born pontiff had submitted a mail-in ballot in Chicago ahead of the Nov. 3 midterm elections, citing his long-standing belief in civic participation.
Leo, formerly Robert Prevost, “has exercised his right to vote as a United States citizen” and has done so “whenever he was eligible to do so,” the Holy See press office said.
The statement said he had also voted while living in Peru whenever he was eligible. Leo lived in Peru as a missionary priest and bishop for over 20 years.
“The Holy Father expresses his belief in the right and the duty of citizens to participate in democratic processes,” it added.
Leo holds U.S. and Peruvian citizenship, and is also the head of state of a foreign country, the Holy See. The city state is an absolute monarchy with no political elections.
This election, Illinois voters are deciding whether to elect Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker to his third term, and they’re also filling an open U.S. Senate seat after longtime Catholic Democrat Dick Durbin’s retirement. President Donald Trump is not on the ballot but he has campaigned hard to try to preserve Republican control of the U.S. House and Senate for the final two years of his second term.
Leo’s vote was first reported by the Chicago Sun-Times, which quoted the chief of staff at the Will County clerk’s office as saying the pope, registered at a New Lenox address, requested a mail-in ballot on Oct. 3.
The request was made just 10 days before Leo underwent surgery to remove a cancerous tumor from his right lung. Leo has been slowly resuming his activities at the Vatican after being released from the hospital Oct. 17.
It is unclear how Leo returned the ballot. The pope’s older brother, John Prevost, was in Rome this week accompanying parishioners from St. Jude’s, an Augustinian-run parish in New Lenox, Illinois. The elder Prevost attends Mass there, and Leo gave a talk at the parish in 2024 while still a cardinal.
Prevost’s past votes have gone Democratic and Republican
Since 2000, Robert Prevost has voted in five primary elections, requesting Democratic ballots twice and Republican ballots three times, according to records held by the Illinois State Board of Elections.
The records do not show which candidates he supported. Illinois voters must declare a party preference to receive a primary ballot. No such declaration is required in general elections.
While registered in heavily Democratic Cook County, Prevost requested Democratic primary ballots in 2008 and 2010. After moving to the more conservative suburban Will County, he requested Republican primary ballots in 2012, 2014 and 2016.
The records also show that he submitted ballots in every general election since 2000 except those in 2020 and 2022.
Clashes with Trump
Since becoming pope, Leo has drawn criticism from President Donald Trump for repeatedly condemning the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran and calling for dignified treatment of immigrants.
Earlier this year, Trump called Leo “weak” and captive to the “radical left.”
Responding to Trump’s public rebuke, Leo told reporters en route to Algeria in April: “I’m not afraid of the Trump administration or of speaking out loudly about the message of the Gospel, which is what the church works for.”
“I will continue to speak out strongly against war, seeking to promote peace, promoting dialogue and multilateralism among states to find solutions to problems,” he said.
The public dispute has subsided in recent months.
A pope who follows U.S. politics closely
Leo has made clear on several occasions that he follows local and national U.S. politics closely, and is not afraid to intervene.
He has repeatedly called for reflection and humane treatment for immigrants in his native U.S. amid the Trump administration crackdown and mass deportation program.
Recently, Leo reiterated official church teaching declaring the death penalty “inadmissible.” He made the pronouncement in a social media post on the World Day Against the Death Penalty, which came as the U.S. announced plans to livestream an execution by firing squad. The plans were later scrapped.
In 2025, Leo intervened in a debate over abortion, after Chicago Cardinal Blase Cupich announced plans to give a lifetime achievement award to Sen. Durbin. The plans drew objection from some conservative U.S. bishops given the powerful Democratic senator’s support for abortion rights. Leo called for respect for both sides, but he also pointed out the contradiction between people who call themselves “pro-life” but also support the death penalty.
Also in 2025, Leo said he was “very disappointed” that his home state of Illinois approved a law allowing medically assisted dying, which is condemned by the Catholic Church.
Winfield writes for the Associated Press. AP editor Holly Meyer contributed to this report from Nashville, Tenn.
This year, the Dodgers watched the World Series from home, with the Milwaukee Brewers’ World Series victory over the Tampa Bay Rays officially ushering in a fresh slate for the Dodgers to plan their 2027 championship pursuit.
“When you take the experience and the talent of our core guys, and you look at what is coming [up through the farm system], that is what gives us a high degree of confidence about being able to sustain this,” said Andrew Friedman, the Dodgers’ president of baseball operations, in his end-of-season news conference, “not just in 2027, but as we look out.”
As the Dodgers attempt to strengthen their roster to climb back to the top, however, they’ll have to navigate a disjointed winter transaction window.
MLB owners are expected to impose a lockout when the collective bargaining agreement expires on Dec. 1. If that happens, the offseason will grind to a halt, suspended indefinitely until the two sides sign a new agreement.
Will that expected shutdown spur early action in free agency?
Will the threat of a salary cap freeze the player market?
It’s unclear, but teams are readying themselves to jump into action whenever the market does move.
“There’ve been a number of things that we’ve done over the last couple of years that, in October, early-November planning we didn’t think was likely or that possible,” Friedman said. “An opportunity popped up, and we were at least prepared enough to act in the time to get something done — there’ve been trades, there’s been free-agent signings.
“So for us, it’s just about our internal meetings, getting as prepared as we can be. Because things are going to play out in ways and timing and things that we can’t anticipate, so be as prepared as we can be.”
Amid those unique circumstances, here’s a guide to the Dodgers’ offseason:
Judy Reyes was nursing a severe case of homesickness when she arrived in Los Angeles nearly 25 years ago.
“Every month we’d have a hiatus on ‘Scrubs’ and every month, I’d head back east,” says Reyes, who plays head nurse Carla Espinosa on the ABC medical dramedy. The Bronx-born Dominican actor missed her family, friends and the theater company she helped start in 1992. She also feared she would forget her New York roots and wanted to “keep it real,” she quips. “I was so worried about being fake and not keeping it real.”
In Sunday Funday, L.A. people give us a play-by-play of their ideal Sunday around town. Find ideas and inspiration on where to go, what to eat and how to enjoy life on the weekends.
Over time, her trips back home became less frequent, especially after she got pregnant with her now teenage son and her New York family relocated down South. She’s since settled into the place she’s called home for the last three decades.
Earlier this year, Reyes reprised her breakthrough TV role on “Scrubs,” which initially ended in 2010 after a nine-season run. Meanwhile, she’s been splitting her time on set with another ABC workplace drama, “High Potential.” She plays Lt. Selena Soto, who leads a team of LAPD crime solvers. Off screen, Reyes is also the executive producer of “Freestyle: A Love Story,” a stage production that follows two lovers who meet at a freestyle show.
Just weeks before the production debuts on Nov. 6 at the Wilshire Ebell Theatre, Reyes shared a jam-packed Sunday Funday, which primarily takes place in Studio City. On the agenda are New York-style bagels (as a New Yorker, we trust her), getting a massage in the back of a sushi restaurant and enjoying sushi night with her husband and son as they’ve done since he was a baby.
“Before the kid, I was a Hollywood girl, but I’m annoyed when I have to go to Hollywood now,” she says. “I like to say we’ve contributed to the evolution of Studio City.”
This interview has been lightly edited and condensed for length and clarity.
5:15 a.m.: Admire the sunrise
I’m an early riser. I get up at like 5:15 or 5:30 a.m. I have a Breville machine, so I’ll make a cappuccino. I’ll take my supplements and I’ll pull up the shade on my terrace and watch the sunrise. I take photos and I send them to my besties on the East Coast. My bestie who lives in a high-rise on 43rd Street also has a terrace and sends me photos of her sunset. My husband’s an early riser too. He has business in the U.K., so he’s always up before me. If I’m not up by like 5:30 a.m., he’s like, ‘Babe, are you OK?’ So I’ll watch the sunrise, catch up on the news and do a little bit of doomscrolling to my detriment.
8 a.m.: Have L.A.’s most New York bagels
Everything opens late on Sundays, so we’ll wait. We’ll either go to Sam’s Bagels, which has the best bagels — the most New York bagels. We’ll either get a half dozen of the mini ones or four of the regular-sized ones with the seeds on them, and we’ll get cream cheese, of course, and lox. Or we’ll go to Belle Bakery Cafe on Ventura Boulevard in Studio City. We’ll have either a full breakfast like bacon, eggs and toast or an omelet. They have the best fresh bread. You can get the bread during breakfast, but they won’t sell you the baguettes until after 11 a.m. You can’t make them give you anything earlier. You get there at 11 a.m. and you’re lucky if you get some. They sell out quickly.
10 a.m.: Pick up the best tuna from Erewhon
We’ll go to an Erewhon or Bristol Farms to get prepared foods for at least the first half of the week. Sometimes we’ll go to the farmers market on Fairfax, but that gets to be a little bit too busy. It’s too hot and there’s too much to do, and for my menopause, it’s not safe for the environment for me to be there. Erewhon has the best tuna fish, so we’ll pick that up that goes well with the bread that I told you about. I’ll add some capers or a pickle or two, then you have a sandwich for the rest of the day or into the next morning.
11 a.m.: A quick workout sesh at home
We’ll come back home and I’ll do some weights in the garage and my husband will do some stairs in the back of our house, or we’ll just do a walk in the hills near our house. I used to walk the hills a lot more before my dog passed away. I find it very sad, so I probably get a weekly walk in now, but I like to do my weights. It makes me feel good and prepared for the rest of the day.
1 p.m.: Get a massage in the back of a sushi restaurant
Sunday is nail day. My favorite place is Mod Nailson Ventura [Boulevard]. My girl Hannah, who runs the place, hooks my nails up, and we have nice, long talks. We rage talk about everything that’s wrong with the world and in our lives, and I get the coolest pedicure. I don’t have tips this time around because I have to keep going back between ‘Scrubs’ and ‘High Potential.’ Nurses can’t wear them long, so maybe next month I’ll get my gel fills, which is what she’s an expert at. Hannah does my nails better than anybody I’ve ever had. They run an acupuncture studio in the back. Her husband does acupuncture. It’s a really reasonably priced, wonderful experience.
Then on that street, I might go to Jonathan, who’s been my masseuse for 10 years, and get a nice beatdown. Interestingly, he works out of the back of a sushi restaurant called Iroha Sushi. He’s got his own little room back there that I’ve been going to for years. Best massage I’ve ever had. He keeps me in line especially when I have to travel. I had double hip replacement, so I’ve been dealing with a lot of pain. I also may go to my acupuncturist Dr. Yi if she’s available. She’s out in Culver City at Yi Qiao.
2:30 p.m.: Watch the L.A. Watford Women FC team practice at LACC
My husband and I co-own a women’s soccer team called L.A. Watford Women FC. We’ll go watch the girls practice at LACC. My husband is very active, as am I, in supporting these women. We were able to win a regional championship last year, so now we’re kind of devoted to going and rooting the girls on in practice, and encouraging them because it’s also an activist thing where you come for the game, but you stay for the activism.
4 p.m.: Go to rehearsals for my upcoming show
Now we’ll go to rehearsals at the Wilshire Ebell Theatre because we have a show, “Freestyle: A Love Story” coming up. We’ll meet with our dancers, actors and our DJ and the staging [team]. It’s not a terribly complicated show so we’re there for a couple of hours. The show is going to premiere on Nov. 6, so we’re running out of time. We do a lot of the social media and promotion because it’s a labor of love, faith, solidarity and community.
6 p.m.: Sushi Sunday with the fam
I’ve been doing Sushi Sunday with my husband and my son since he was 5 months old. We used to go with all these other couples, but people have outgrown us or moved on or gotten jobs in other states. It’s at Kiwami. We stuff our faces like it’s a job. I think we’ve been going there longer than the entire wait staff has been there. We sit at the same table, table number six right behind the sushi bar.
If we don’t go to Kiwami, we’ll go across the street to Black Market Liquor Bar. It’s also a place we’ve been going to for years. They have an appetizer-style, Southern, saucy-inspired menu where they have things breaded and fried. Oh, they have the greatest oysters and amazing pasta. If I’m not with the family and I’m just by myself or with a girlfriend, I’ll go to Laurel Tavern, which is a pub that has the greatest little menu.
7:30 p.m.: Read 10 pages before bed
Then we’ll come home. If there’s football, we’ll watch football. We go for the Jets. Poor Jets. I’m a New York fan so the Jets or the Giants are fine with me, but my husband is addicted to suffering. After football, we’ll both get in bed with our laptops and we’ll either watch something together and I’ll rub his head until he falls asleep. Or I’ll go back to doomscrolling and watching news until my feelings are hurt or I’ll read a book that I have. Because I’m on screen so much, I’m forcing myself to read at least 10 pages a night. I’m currently reading ”Communion” by bell hooks. It’s very heavy. Then I’ll do a little bit of journaling and I’m asleep by 9:30 p.m.
A BUSY UK train station is set to CLOSE for seven months for a major upgrade.
City Thameslink station in London has confirmed the next year closure, for a multi-million pound project to replace ten escalators.
City Thameslink station will close for seven months for a major upgradeCredit: Alamy
The closure will take place from May 17, 2027 until late December 2027.
Thameslink trains will continue to run as normal but will not stop at the station.
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Network Rail is recommending travellers to use Blackfriars as an alternative, which is around a six- minute walk away.
Lucy McAuliffe, Sussex Route Director for Network Rail, said: “We know closing City Thameslink is a significant change and we’re sorry for the disruption it will cause.
“This is not a decision we have taken lightly. We have looked long and hard at every possible option and, although none of them are without impact, a single closure is the least disruptive and most efficient way to carry out this vital work.
“City Thameslink’s escalators are at the end of their operational life. By replacing them now we’re tackling the root causes of access disruption for passengers in one go.
During the closure all of the escalators will be replacedCredit: Alamy
“This means that when City Thameslink reopens in December 2027, customers will benefit from completely renewed escalators, designed to provide safer, more dependable and accessible journeys through this important station on our network.”
The current escalators have been at the station for around 35 years, but recent flooding damaged them.
The station, which opened in 1990, welcomes around 7.6 million people a year, as it is near popular attractions like St Paul’s Cathedral.
A full closure of the station was decided on instead of a partial closure for safety reasons.
If you’ve watched anything from “Jesse Watters Primetime” to “The Daily Show” this week, you’re already up to date on the most important issue in America today: the decor of the Cheesecake Factory.
Earlier this week, former President Obama made a quip at a Cleveland rally that President Trump has renovated the White House to look like “Saddam Hussein opened a Cheesecake Factory.”
Trump lost it. If we’ve learned anything about the president in recent years, it’s that he loves gold as much as he hates Obama. Roll them together in one moment, and the leader of the free world can’t help but freak out. He freaked out so badly, in fact, that he sent Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent — a guy worth at least $500 million — to eat a French dip cheeseburger at the chain just to prove how great it was.
But if you think this is all a silly back and forth with an unserious administration, think again. Obama is masterful at political strategy, and this wasn’t just a joke. It was rage-bait, crafted for engagement.
Why Saddam Hussein?
The deeper point of Obama’s remarks seemed entirely buried by media coverage that focused on the Cheesecake part. But why Saddam Hussein?
Trump didn’t seem to take issue with being likened to the brutal dictator responsible for killing and disappearing thousands to maintain power. In fact, in all of the rebuttals from Trump and his minions, the Hussein reference hasn’t been mentioned once.
But don’t think Obama choose that reference carelessly, or just for humor.
That ostentatious excess wasn’t just bad taste. It was a show of power. At the same time that Hussein was amassing his wealth and consolidating that cult of personality, his people were broke. Now, I’m in no way saying that Americans in 2026 are suffering the way Iraqis were under Hussein. But there’s a Marie Antoinette-style similarity between Hussein’s narcissist tendencies and Trump’s obsession with all that glitters — from the water in the reflecting pool to the walls of the Oval Office — even as the economy crashes.
Obama clearly understands that: Maybe you don’t want to cut food stamps to millions while you’re slapping up a new ballroom. Obama, after all, could have said the White House looked like Liberace had opened a Cheesecake Factory, but he didn’t. Instead, he chose to insert Hussein, a man whose ego-driven rule came at the expense of his own people.
Which brings me to the absolute brilliance of the joke. Sure, it was funny. Yes, it was quickly picked up as a viral clip.
But more than anything, it got to Trump in a way that was entirely predictable with his unbridled ego, and a way in which Obama almost certainly knew it would. In a way that links him to a dictator who cared more about gilt than people, but in a way so clever Trump himself grabbed the bait and ran with it.
Trump couldn’t stop himself
Hearing his taste criticized, all his beautiful, shiny gold mocked — by Obama of all people — was rage-bait that Trump could not ignore. Trump could not stop himself from responding, and even more, he couldn’t stop himself from demanding others defend him and his gaudy aesthetics.
And the ever-willing members of his cult of personality across government and right-wing media quickly complied — with an attack that Obama surely knew would be the only possible pushback: That he was elitist for making fun of the decor of a wildly popular average-family spot (Obama quickly hit back that the Factory was “his jam” and he, like many parents of teens, myself included, had eaten there numerous times.)
Dozens and dozens of Trump minions parroted the same line for days — how dare Obama mock such a beloved American eatery? How out of touch. How tan-suit, Martha’s Vineyard of him. Trump brought it up at multiple rallies. The official White House social media account posted about it. It was all over the right-wing ecosphere for days.
Never mind the economy, or the war in Iran, or inflation that makes a meal at the Cheesecake Factory increasingly feel like a caviar-and-Champagne night.
Or even this insane comment from Trump about inviting supporters to Mar-a-Lago, his Florida club that makes the Las Vegas Strip look classy, to spend the money he’s promised to them if Republicans win elections: “You’ll be my guest at Mar-a-Lago,” he promised at an Ohio rally. “The problem is that for $5,000, the most you’ll be able to buy is a hamburger and maybe a small dessert. … I’m not even sure you could buy that. No, don’t go there. That’s not a good place if you’re price conscious.”
And Obama’s elitist? That’s bonkers-level disconnection from the audience, but back to my point.
Suddenly, in the middle of a pivotal election, all Republicans are hearing about is the Cheesecake Factory, and how wonderful it is their president is plastering gold all over everything while they are wondering if they’ll be able to pay the gas bill this month.
Granted, the Republicans don’t have a lot of bright spots to focus on as they give their final message to voters. But I am guessing that even the reddest of ballot-clutchers doesn’t want to hear about the Cheesecake Factory, or how much marble Trump has installed at the entrance to the White House. That seems tone-deaf.
Obama’s purposeful provocation completely derailed Republican messaging for multiple, critical news cycles, all because Trump couldn’t stand to have his taste criticized by a guy who has become a bogeyman in his own brain.
Trump had to defend his excess, he couldn’t resist — and in failing to check his own ego, again, he put into the bright spotlight the truth that his followers are increasingly unable to ignore: The only thing that matters to Trump is Trump. Not the economy. Not the war, and certainly not the concerns of voters in the final days of the election.
Obama’s one-liner wasn’t just a zinger. It was political gold, an artful bit of rage-bait trolling that casually took control of the narrative with a well-aimed poke.
The Los Angeles Board of Public Works has been overseeing work on streets, sidewalks and sewers since 1905. But if voters approve Measure LA on Tuesday’s ballot, it might not be around much longer.
The charter amendment enacts a half-dozen changes, and the most divisive is a provision that would “allow for the elimination of or changes to the Board of Public Works.”
Proponents assert that passage would lead to better city services and quicker repairs of deteriorating infrastructure. They also say the five-member board wouldn’t just disappear, and disbanding it actually would require a two-thirds vote of the 15-member City Council.
Opponents say the board plays a crucial role in managing billions of dollars of infrastructure projects while maintaining public accessibility and handling matters that don’t merit council attention (such as tree removal votes). They fear that eliminating the five-member oversight panel, and putting a single person in charge, would open the door to graft, with some citing San Francisco’s former director of public works being sentenced in 2022 to seven years in federal prison for his role in a kickback and bribery scheme.
“If the Board of Public Works was eliminated and concentrated within the authority of one person, I think that gives way to more corruption than transparency,” Councilmember Monica Rodriguez said.
Storm drains and sidewalk repairs
The board generally convenes Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays in an ornate, high-ceilinged room on the fourth floor of City Hall.
One recent 2½-hour meeting kicked off with a lengthy celebration of Latino Heritage Month, and then the four members present moved through a series of agenda items tied to low-profile infrastructure projects, including:
A reveal of seven bids for a package of sidewalk repairs, with Acting Executive Officer TJ Knight reading aloud the name of each applicant, and the bid amount, sometimes down to the penny. They ranged from a high of $2.47 million to a low of $1.9 million
A Bureau of Engineering representative requested authority to boost the budget of a storm drain project in the Pacific Palisades in advance of El Niño storms.
A Bureau of Street Services staffer broke down a request to remove protected trees (with plans for replacement) on a project on Mulholland Drive.
Each discussion item drew questions from the commissioners. All items were unanimously approved.
Paid positions
The five board members are all full-time city employees who earn slightly less than $200,000 a year. The members, including the board president, are appointed by the mayor and together oversee more than 5,500 people who work for city bureaus and offices that handle sanitation, street lighting, engineering, graffiti removal and more. Each bureau also has its own head.
A Board of Public Works meeting at City Hall.
(Jonathan Alcorn/For The Times)
The board members aren’t commenting on Measure LA. Former members, however, say the five-member board is an effective way to manage and coordinate a wealth of projects.
Rodriguez, who served on the board from 2013-16, said that during her tenure she focused on overhauling the procurement process to allow small, women-owned and minority-owned businesses to better compete for city contracts. She also learned the inner workings of the panel that approves more than 85% of the city’s construction contracts.
Diffusing the workload, former members say, allows for regular interaction with elected officials and the private sector.
Valerie Lynne Shaw, who served on the board from 1996 to 2013, said the board plays an important role in serving as a “coordinating mechanism” for infrastructure projects, and that commissioners regularly assist in solving problems raised by the public. She echoed the benefits of a larger panel.
“Power in the hands of many better serves the city as opposed to power in the hands of one,” she stated.
One former board member, who asked not to be identified to preserve professional relationships, said the existing system yields frequent public interaction, whether it’s people speaking during meetings or via other channels.
“I regularly went to neighborhood council meetings, homeowners association meetings, town halls, county board of supervisors meetings, to the state legislature,” the former member said. “A director can do some of that, but not all of that.”
Who’s in charge?
Councilmember Katy Yaroslavsky begs to differ. From her vantage point, the current system is fragmented with no clear authority.
Yaroslavsky has been frustrated in getting information on a long-running intersection repair project on La Cienega Boulevard in her Fairfax area district.
“I can’t get any information from anybody, and I’m the councilperson,” she says.
Yaroslavsky contrasts the city setup with that of Los Angeles County, which she says has a well-known leader in Director of Public Works Mark Pestrella. She believes the city system of five board members serving as a collective general manager is a vestige of another era that never would be created today.
“When you have one person in charge, you know who you can hold accountable,” she says.
Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, another Measure LA supporter, agrees that accountability and efficiency could be bolstered under a revamped system. He believes that when certain projects require the participation of multiple bureaus, there can be a silo effect that slows progress.
“For years we’ve talked about, how do we better coordinate the bureaus? There have been advances, but it’s still fundamentally been a challenge,” he says.
In June, when the full council discussed changes to the board, during a marathon meeting about what would go on Tuesday’s ballot, panel President Marqueece Harris-Dawson also indicated that the current setup can cause confusion.
He said that, when discussing a project, “I have someone from Street Lighting saying to me, ‘Well, yeah, I can fix that light, but you also have to talk to Engineering.’ And Engineering says, ‘Well, that isn’t on our list to do.’ So it just feels like it’s bounced around, and there isn’t any one person that can say, ‘Here’s how the problem gets solved.’”
At the meeting, Rodriguez countered that having a single person in charge would not necessarily change that.
“A director isn’t going to be the omnipotent one that knows everything about what’s being coordinated between the different bureaus,” she said. Instead, she added, “If we want to talk about the real problems, we’ve got to talk about the resources and staffing support of each of these bureaus.”
Hiding the poison?
According to a City Ethics Commission database, no money has been spent by groups either supporting or opposing Measure LA. But for some political observers, the measure remains multifaceted and the debate heated.
Opponents of Measure LA question why something so significant and controversial as the potential eradication of a board that has been in existence for more than 150 years is on a ballot measure with more palatable proposals, such as adopting a two-year budget cycle and establishing a capital infrastructure plan.
Some have compared it with city Measure EE, the November charter amendment that includes good-governance elements such as boosting penalties for campaign finance violations and a more consequential proposal to allow the full council to meet at least once a week, rather than the current requirement of three times a week.
The former Board of Public Works member suggested that altering the five-member panel should have been its own item, saying, “The longer the paragraphs are, the fewer words the public will read.”
Rodriguez was even more direct, saying, “I think those are all tethered together to make you swallow the poison.”
Yaroslavsky described some of the board members as “very talented,” including its president, Steve Kang, and she acknowledges that separating aspects in the measure would have allowed a more focused conversation on public works. But she believes putting everything together is part of addressing “common-sense, obvious stuff” that will help the city function better.
Blumenfield also understands the objection but points out that the ballot already is overwhelming, and that everything in Measure LA addresses a change in governance and efficiency.
He also points out that voter approval would only set the stage for a later discussion. If a future council opts to change or eliminate the board, it would require 10 votes — or 12 if the mayor vetoed such a move.
“It’s a question that is worth asking, but nobody wants to take the time to go deep on how could we be better if we can’t even have the authority?” Blumenfield said.
British actor Patrick Stewart died Wednesday at 86. His spokesperson said Thursday that he died from Alzheimer’s disease and Lewy body dementia.
The two conditions often occur together, said UCLA neurology professor Dr. Keith Vossel, and when that happens, the individual’s decline may be faster.
Lewy body dementia is the second-most-common form of degenerative dementia, behind Alzheimer’s disease, Vossel said. It occurs when a protein called alpha-synuclein aggregates in clumps inside the brain. The condition is under-recognized and under-diagnosed in part because its symptoms can overlap with those of Alzheimer’s.
Other celebrities who suffered from the condition include Robin Williams, who took his own life at 63, and Casey Kasem.
The condition is named after Friedrich H. Lewy, the neurologist who discovered the brain abnormalities in the early 1900s, according to the Alzheimer’s Assn. website.
“Essentially the only way to really diagnose these conditions together is after an autopsy and to see the hallmark features of the diseases under the microscope,” Vossel said.
Lewy body dementia symptoms tend to start with rapid eye movement sleep behavior disorder, such as screaming or kicking during sleep. A sufferer may have rigidity or tremors in one of their arms or legs. And they may experience slowness of movement.
A patient may be diagnosed with Lewy body dementia after also experiencing cognitive symptoms within one year of motor symptoms. Cognitive symptoms could include illusions or hallucinations — some patients report sensing a shadowy figure nearby — and difficulties with problem solving and navigation. The condition is also marked by dramatic fluctuations in alertness that occur within hours of the same day.
Another early feature of Lewy body dementia is anxiety, Vossel said.
By contrast, Alzheimer’s disease typically is associated with memory and language loss, and is more associated with apathy and depression than with anxiety. The course of Alzheimer’s disease is slightly slower than that of Lewy body dementia, according to Vossel.
Lewy body dementia is more common in men than in women. Anyone over the age of 60 is at higher risk of having a degenerative condition. Lewy body dementia is most common in people in their 70s to 80s, he said.
There is currently no cure for Lewy body dementia, which is terminal and progressive. After a diagnosis, people can typically expect to live six to eight years before they need 24-hour care, Vossel said.
But medication can help manage symptoms. Clinical studies have found that cardiovascular fitness can slow the rate of decline, Vossel said.
Those who suspect they have Lewy body dementia symptoms should contact a neurologist or a clinician trained in either geriatric medicine or geriatric psychiatry for an evaluation, Vossel said.
Patrick Stewart was an imposing figure, on screens big and small, and on stage in the many theatrical productions he starred in over his long career. Depending on the role, his baritone voice could command a legion of Starfleet officers, superhero mutants or a royal court. The actor, who died Wednesday, will be best remembered for the iconic characters he portrayed, particularly in the “Star Trek” and “X-Men” franchises, but over the course of his career, he proved his versatility, playing comedic roles as brilliantly as his dramatic ones. Here, our writers detail some of his most memorable onscreen work.
‘Dune’ (1984)
Even in the wake of Denis Villeneuve’s mega-productions, David Lynch’s dreamy version has found its fandom of acolytes. To watch Stewart commit to the director’s vision is to wish he had more film opportunities outside the shadow of Capt. Picard. He’s playing Gurney Halleck (Josh Brolin does the role in the new movies), a war advisor to young Paul Atreides, and Stewart brings gruff family-friend vibes to his few scenes, which have become legendary in the Lynch pantheon. When Kyle MacLachlan’s Paul says he’s “not in the mood” for combat training, Gurney explodes at him: “Mood’s a thing for cattle and loveplay, not fighting!” Later, you can watch Gurney charging into planetary battle holding — what’s this? — a sweet-looking pug. They must be symbolic to House Atreides. The dogs don’t appear in Frank Herbert’s novel. Lynch just added them. It’s how I choose to remember Stewart. — Joshua Rothkopf
Patrick Stewart as Captain Picard in “Star Trek: The Next Generation.”
(Elliott Marks/Paramount)
‘Star Trek: The Next Generation’ (1987-1994)
Whichever captain in the “Star Trek” franchise you fancy — Janeway, Kirk, Sisko, Pike, etc. — Jean-Luc Picard was always in the conversation. He was serious, stern, smart, curious, with the hint of whimsy that it takes to soar among the stars with theoretical science and a diplomatic flair with alien races. Undoubtedly, Stewart’s Shakespearean training helped him look past the costumes, sets and CGI into the humanity of what the writers and Gene Roddenberry intended. Though “Star Trek” was set hundreds of years into the future, Stewart gave the character a sense of now, with some of the same problems we face today. Indeed, one of his most famous quotes from the show, from the fifth-season episode “The Inner Light,” embodied how he kept Picard in the present: “Seize the time … live now. Make now always the most precious time. Now will never come again.” — Jevon Phillips
‘Robin Hood: Men in Tights’ (1993)
My nascent cinephilia was nurtured by movies on VHS. One tape (and eventually DVD, then Blu-ray) we often found ourselves watching was Mel Brooks’ “Robin Hood: Men in Tights.” The spoof of early Hollywood’s swashbuckling action-adventure movies is one of the comedy titan’s most quotable films, thanks in large part to the timing of the cast. Stewart, in a cameo at the end of the film, plays a regal King Richard who returns from the Crusades to chastise his younger brother Prince John (played by a scene-stealing Richard Lewis). Stewart gets one of the film’s best jokes, delivering one final indignity to Prince John with the panache that only a formally trained actor of his caliber could. — David Viramontes
James Marsden, left, and Patrick Stewart in “X-Men.”
(Attila Dory / 20th Century Fox)
‘X-Men’ (2000)
Casting Stewart as Professor Charles Xavier in Bryan Singer’s “X-Men” must have seemed almost too easy. He looked remarkably like the bald, wheelchair-using Marvel comic-book character and had already spent seven seasons playing a similarly cerebral, principled leader as Capt. Picard on “Star Trek: The Next Generation.” But Stewart brought more to the role than a physical resemblance and a voice that could make a grocery list sound like a royal decree. As the powerful telepath who ran a school for young mutants and believed they could coexist peacefully with humans, his Xavier barely needed to raise an eyebrow to command attention, even when surrounded by characters who could sprout claws, control the weather and shoot beams from their eyes. Playing opposite Ian McKellen as Xavier’s old friend turned rival Magneto, Stewart brought a touch of Shakespearean gravitas to the fledgling franchise, returning to the role for seven more films over the next 22 years. He’ll reprise the role a final time in “Avengers: Doomsday” in December. — Josh Rottenberg
Patrick Stewart and Hugh Jackman in the film “Logan.”
(James Mangold / Marvel / Twentieth Century Fox)
‘Logan’ (2017)
Previous installments of the “X-Men” films are more typical of the superhero genre, with grand CGI battle sequences and a foe or foes that must be defeated. But “Logan,” which centers on the titular character, a.k.a. Wolverine (Hugh Jackman), is different, with a grounded, gritty story set in 2029 in the desert of Northern Mexico near El Paso. Logan is now a limousine driver addicted to prescription painkillers and he’s a caretaker, along with fellow mutant Caliban, for an elderly Charles Xavier. Ten minutes into the film, we see the professor not in his usual dignified manner, dressed in a sharp suit; instead, we see him thin and frail, in a dirty T-shirt, zooming around in circles in his motorized wheelchair repeating the lines of a Taco Bell commercial. Logan attempts to medicate him so that he and Caliban can rest, but Xavier fights him off, falls out of his wheelchair and has a telepathic seizure that begins to affect everyone around him. “What are you doing to me?” he whispers in a scared voice as Logan tries to inject him. It’s a scene that Stewart imbues with terror and sadness as we see the formerly stoic Xavier shrivel in his hospital bed, reminded of his ailments and his mortality. — Maira Garcia
With less than a week until Nov. 3, it seems like the Los Angeles mayor’s race is Karen Bass’ to lose.
After a bad debate against challenger Nithya Raman over the summer and the fiasco that was City Hall’s response to the Lineage fire, the incumbent had no other way forward but attack, attack, attack.
Councilmember Nithya Raman, right, speaks during an Oct. 13 debate with Mayor Karen Bass, left, moderated by Conan Nolan, Colleen Williams and Alejandra Ortiz.
(Eric Thayer / Los Angeles Times)
Bass barely improved on her abysmal favorability ratings. But some Angelenos seem willing to shrug and cast a ballot for her, because they just don’t trust the more liberal alternative. Raman, a democratic socialist who has served on the City Council since 2020, saw her unfavorability rating jump to 50%, as more people got to know her and didn’t like what they saw.
This isn’t the first time voters have swung like this in a mayoral race involving an unpopular incumbent and an upstart representing a new L.A.
In 1969, the candidate with six years on the City Council was Tom Bradley. The mayor, who, like Bass, had served in the California state Assembly and Congress was Sam Yorty, four years removed from a disastrous response to the Watts riots.
Bradley placed first in the primary and seemed a shoo-in to become L.A.’s first Black mayor in an era when cities across the country were also electing Black mayors.
Councilman Tom Bradley, right, and Mayor Sam Yorty debate in Tarzana in May 1973.
(Los Angeles Times)
So Yorty — a former New Dealer turned conservative Democrat — chose the only path to victory. He claimed that “left-wing radicals” who supported the arriviste were salivating to “take over your city.” The nattering negativity worked: He easily beat Bradley.
History doesn’t repeat itself, the adage goes, but it always rhymes.
One factor boosting Bass’ fortunes: Backers of conservative reality TV star Spencer Pratt, who finished third in the June primary, are trending toward the mayor they loathe, apparently because they hate Raman even more.
Part of Raman’s fall is self-inflicted. She lost her momentum with an October of unforced errors, from awkward television interviews to inadvertently praising the late LAPD Chief Daryl Gates, whose name is still synonymous with Lucifer across swaths of the city.
You know you’re having a bad month when you think it’s wise to yell, “Only you can stop fascist liars!” in unison with a progressive influencer, only to walk it back after realizing the influencer had superimposed an image of your opponent on his video.
Councilmember Nithya Raman celebrates advancing to the general election with mayoral campaign volunteers and supporters at Lawless Brewing Co. on June 13.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
But don’t discount how Bass’ camp decided to frame the race. Facing voters who just don’t like their candidate, they long ago stopped focusing on how she would govern the city better in a second term and doubled down on attacking Raman anywhere and everywhere. That strategy owes as much to Yorty’s win as the Beats did to Walt Whitman.
Raman’s colleagues on the City Council have trashed her like bullies out of a boarding school novel.Videos and fliers of homeless encampments blooming across L.A. under a Raman regime are reminiscent of Yorty campaign ads featuring Bradley and the caption, “Will Your City Be Safe With This Man?”
Bass — whose usual sunny disposition I’ve always found a tonic in the toxic world of politics — lashed into Raman during their final debate, offering no real platform and little defense of her record, preferring instead to paint an L.A. collapsing without her in charge.
“Now is not the time,” she said at one point, “to turn the city over to Nithya Raman.”
Then when, Karen?
L.A. Mayor Sam Yorty in 1971.
(Los Angeles Times)
The comparison to 1969 isn’t apples to apples, of course. The city’s demographics are vastly different, its politics nowhere near as conservative. L.A.’s first female Black mayor would never throw racist slurs at Raman, although Bass and her team continue to point out that the India-born council member has lived in L.A. for only 13 years and thus doesn’t understand the place — a page from Yorty’s troll-tastic playbook.
I don’t like Bass’ tactics, but I get it. When you have nothing to run on but your failures, you have to go nasty against a rival who offers a different vision for the city — because fearmongering works when Angelenos know change is on the way but are skittish about what’s next. It happened in 1969, it happened in 2001 when James Hahn beat Antonio Villaraigosa, and it seems to be happening this time around.
We’ll see what election day brings, but Raman can take solace in history if she loses.
Bradley lost his first mayoral campaign but easily won his rematch against Yorty in 1973, after voters realized the status quo was going to remain the status quo. Villaraigosa, too, eventually became mayor.
“Nothing is as powerful as an idea whose time has come,” goes another cliché of history.
Bass might very well cling to her position, but Angelenos still yearn for a visionary to pick them back up from four years of despair under her. They know she’s not it.
Let’s hope she doesn’t become like Yorty in his last term, complaining about haters being unfair and fending off the rebels she can only keep away for so long.
Iran has sentenced award-winning filmmaker Jafar Panahi to five years and one month in prison and ordered the seizure of of all of his assets.
The “It Was Just an Accident” director was sentenced Monday, according to the Associated Press. The charges against Panahi, who’d returned to the country in March, remain unclear, per the outlet.
One of Iran’s most politically outspoken filmmakers, Panahi has been critical of the country’s leadership and condemned violence against anti-government protesters. He has previously been convicted of “propaganda activities against the system” and has repeatedly been imprisoned, banned from traveling and put under house arrest by Iranian authorities over the years.
“I felt a huge burden on my shoulders when I left prison that made me feel I owed something to my fellow prisoners who were left behind,” Panahi told The Envelope earlier this year.
Panahi was detained by Iranian authorities in 2022 after inquiring about the arrests of fellow filmmakers Mohammad Rasoulof and Mostafa Al-Ahmad. Authorities then reimposed a six-year prison sentence that had never been enforced stemming from a 2010 conviction related to a documentary he was making about the disputed reelection of Iran’s then-president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and the protests that followed.
“This arrest was more like banditry and hostage-taking than the execution of a judicial sentence,” Panahi said in a statement from Tehran’s Evin Prison at the time.
Panahi’s lawyer, Mostafa Nili, told Iranian news site Emtedad that the filmmaker was currently involved in three open legal cases but had not been notified of the hearing date for the latest one, according to a report by the Guardian. Nili also said that the court imposed a two-year travel ban and has barred Panahi from using social media for two years.
How would the late Anthony Bourdain have responded to our political climate in the United States with less than a week before the midterm elections of Donald Trump’s second term?
This speculative thought bubble emerged for me as I watched the last of two Los Angeles episodes Bourdain did through 12 seasons of his CNN food and travel series “Parts Unknown.” It aired just over a year before his death by suicide in France on June 8, 2018.
Set in our Pacific immigrant metropolis, the program predicts Season 2 of Trumpism, if you will. In another way, Bourdain’s ode to L.A. suggests a framework on how to think about the state of our nation as we head to the polls on Tuesday.
The universal glee of getting tacos
Customers line up at Ave 26 Tacos stand in a parking lot next to the Little Tokyo Galleria in 2024.
(Silvia Razgova)
Picture the moment when a taquero hands you a warm paper plate heaping with warm tortillas and meats on a street in Los Angeles. Do you also get that giddy, kid-like feeling for half a second? There’s nothing like it, right?
Halfway through the Season 9 opener of “Parts Unknown,” Bourdain experiences just that. In a moment you might miss without looking closely, that familiar look flashes on his face, an unbridled glee, as a taquero in downtown L.A. hands him tacos. In that moment he’s not some mythical man known to his best friends as “Tony.” He’s just a guy getting tacos. It’s super cute.
I came upon this episode recently, and it struck me as potently relevant for today, just before the midterm elections. Bourdain’s taco happiness reminded me that even when some sectors of U.S. society are calling for an effective de-browning of this country, everyone everywhere still really loves Mexican food.
Daniel Hernandez digs into the stickiest questions around food and culture in Los Angeles and the California borderlands.
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It’s worth pointing out that I’m not a Bourdain superfan. I’ve not seen every episode of TV he made. I didn’t read “Kitchen Confidential” until this year. But lately I’ve been studying him. In the past month I finally watched the biopic “Tony” about his coming of age, and I’ve started reading the entertaining memoir “Care and Feeding” by Laurie Woolever, Bourdain’s former long-term assistant and co-author.
I’m catching up on Bourdain because I’ve noticed that as we pass eight years since his death, the author’s cultural influence upon chefs, cooks and food lovers in general does not seem to be waning. It might even be growing.
“He taught me that being a rebel lets you enjoy life,” said Evil Cooks chef and co-owner Alex Garcia, who has an image of Anthony Bourdain tattooed on his leg.
(Daniel Hernandez / Los Angeles Times)
A multitude of chefs or cooks in L.A. have a depiction of Bourdain hanging somewhere in their restaurants, kitchens or homes. Some even on their skin. At least six portraits of Bourdain are on display along the black-clad walls of restaurant Evil Cooks in El Sereno, for example. Chef Alex Garcia has a Bourdain tattoo on his lower leg.
“I love Anthony Bourdain for his rebellious way of being, but also for his love for Mexicanos because he worked for many years with people from Puebla,” Garcia told me after I had dinner there Tuesday night. “He taught me that being a rebel lets you enjoy life, because the end of the day, being yourself, being happy, is the purpose of this journey that we call life.”
This enduring passion for Bourdain also springs from what so much of his television and writing do: Demonstrate an unflagging empathy for almost anyone he met anywhere in the world. Well, almost anyone — he said pretty clearly he’d never share a meal with Donald Trump.
His 2017 episode “Los Angeles” (currently streaming on HBO Max) proves it more than most. It was filmed in 2016, just before the election that took Trump to the White House. It is worth a rewatch before you cast your ballot anywhere.
The program delves into cultural identity, racism, police abuse and corruption and gentrification. Its whole thesis points to the fallacy of being anti-immigrant or anti-Mexican in 21st century America. “Los Angeles, like much of California, used to be part of Mexico,” Bourdain says in the intro. “Now, Mexico, or a whole lot of Mexicans, are a vital part of … us.”
“This show will air long after the election,” Bourdain tells Hinojosa-Ojeda at Gish Bac. “There is actually a national conversation now, unthinkable in my lifetime, where the notion of rounding up however many millions of undocumented workers in this country all at once … and then kicking them out. I mean, it seems unthinkable. But, you know, they said that in Europe in the ‘30s.”
In his characteristic tone, grumpy yet hopeful, Bourdain showed he believed in a shared human dignity that superceded all ethnic, national, religious or ideological boundaries.
Listening to him, the prospect of total MAGA Republican rule in all branches of government becomes something like a nightmare that we’ve seen play out in real life. It is a long list of gross constitutional violations targeting immigrants and brown-skinned people, and their supporters like slain U.S. citizens Renée Good and Alex Pretti of Minneapolis, on a daily basis in this country.
People gather at a memorial for Alex Pretti and Renée Good, both shot and killed by ICE agents in Minneapolis.
(Stephen Maturen / Getty Images)
Loving immigrants
On Tuesday, voters nationwide are expected to be thinking first of their pocketbooks and of corruption in Washington when they vote. On another level, this election along with the 2016 and 2024 results are also about litigating by the ballot box what it means to “be” an American.
Sandra Zweig, one of the executive producers on the show, told me Bourdain set out to highlight Latino Los Angeles from the very beginning in 2016. In March of that year, she recalled in an interview, he sent producers the initial list of the cities he was thinking of for Season 9, to start the production conversation.
From that first brainstorming session, Zweig found these notes about a second episode in L.A.: “All-Mexico edition.”
“This time we pretend nobody lives in L.A. who isn’t Latino,” the notes continued. “We live, play in that world without leaving it, we will explore Mexican and Central American immigration, how vital this population is to the SoCal economy.”
Those notes show Bourdain wanted to avoid a recycling of the pastoral mainstream modern narrative on L.A., which isn’t inaccurate but can sometimes feel stale: hyping its multicultural, polycentric, polyethnic etcetera identity. No. This time would be all brown.
“He worked in kitchens and restaurants for so long, he knew as well as anyone that a huge portion of that work staff were immigrants from Mexico and Central America,” Zweig told me. “He also knew that being an immigrant wasn’t a bad thing, to use the word pejoratively was just anathema to him.”
Pop figures like Bourdain and Trejo, despite his recent stumble (he was cast in a film by alt-right extremist Ben Shapiro’s film company), have arguably done a lot more to shape Americans’ perceptions of immigrants and Mexicans than any political leader.
“He would always say, ‘Travel allows you to see people, where they live, and understand where they’re coming from, and reducing that fear for the other.’ For the audience, you’re opening up a world that they may not be able to travel to yourself,” Zweig said. “In 2016, there were things being said about immigrants and immigration that he felt strongly about, and this was one way to discuss that.”
Zweig added: “I can’t predict exactly what he’d say, but it’s clear to me that’d be appalled by the whole sort of immigration enforcement and ICE tactics that’s happening now. That’s not a leap to assume that.”
When I look at the audacity and cruelty of the MAGA right’s stance on immigration, the killings of citizens and immigrants at the hands of ICE agents, I always turn back and remind myself how out-of-step with the nation it is to be anti-immigrant.
Alfonso Lira, 61, a dishwasher and busser from Michoacan, Mexico, sweeps the entrance at Chapter One restaurant in downtown Santa Ana during a double shift in 2024.
(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
Gallup polling is a reliable benchmark on weighing Americans’ views on immigration. At its highest point just last year, the trend line showed 79% of Americans believe immigration is a good thing overall to the country by far. Currently that figure is 73%. Only 21% of Americans believe immigration is a bad thing, its second lowest point since 2002.
Polls and sentiments vary widely from there on how to reform and manage the immigration system — although certainly most people in the U.S. are against current ICE raids, roughly by 2-to-1 — but the basic truth is sitting there before us: The country loves and appreciates immigrants. For most of us, it’s always been about welcoming the stranger, honoring hard work, and contributing to the pursuit of social harmony.
Most of us believe anyone can join the party. There just has to be a better process for it. Political leaders therefore must offer a clear plan not for “mass deportations” but for normalizing people who are here and contributing to society, the economy and the tax base. And more than anything, offer as many people as possible a pathway to citizenship.
If anyone ever tells you they are opposed to any version of this notion, remind them that they are in the minority. Americans favor immigrants by 7-out-of-10, Gallup says. And remind them that as his last love letter to L.A. shows, Anthony Bourdain would have tried to snap them out of it if he’d ever gotten the chance.
Democrats, election officials and voting rights groups have long wondered whether President Trump, upon his return to the Oval Office, would again attempt to overturn an election when his party is trailing.
It’s no longer hypothetical.
Late last week, the president directed his Department of Justice to preemptively contest a potential Republican loss in the U.S. Senate race in Alaska. The department is demanding a court hold up certification of a possible Democratic win until it’s determined whether voters were confused by having two candidates with the same name on the ballot.
Trump followed that by calling for the prosecution of Democratic candidate Mary Peltola, a former congresswoman, based on a New York Times report that her campaign helped recruit someone named Dan Sullivan to siphon away votes from the Republican incumbent, also named Dan Sullivan. The governor has ordered an investigation.
Academics believe the lawsuit is the first time since the Civil Rights era that the federal government has sued to halt certification of an election, a duty the Constitution places in the hands of states.
Trump, for years, has claimed elections are rigged when he or his party loses, and this time is no exception. He has used his midterm rallies to say Democrats cheat, criticize election officials by name and call the ranked choice voting system in Alaska, which might hold the key to Senate control, a scam.
But the certification lawsuit elevates Trump’s crusade beyond mere rhetoric, indicating that he is preparing to use the power of the presidency to try to reverse a possible loss as his party struggles to hold its control of Congress in Tuesday’s elections.
Earlier this week, the president also announced a $1 million bounty for anyone who provides proof of prior or current voter fraud in the country. It wasn’t clear whether or how he planned to follow through.
“For at least the last year and a half, they’ve been laying that groundwork,” said Theresa Lee, a senior attorney with the ACLU. “We’ve been preparing for just as long, if not longer.”
Trump says he’ll accept results if the election is ‘honest’
Trump told reporters this week that he would accept the election results, but with his typical caveat: “If they’re honest elections,” he said.
That follows a pattern. Trump has preemptively claimed that upcoming elections will be rigged and labeled elections he’s lost as stolen. It started with the 2016 Republican Iowa caucuses, when he came in second to Texas Sen. Ted Cruz.
“Ted Cruz didn’t win Iowa,” Trump said at the time. “He stole it.”
Democrats and other groups that oppose Trump have been concerned that his words would turn into directives to have his administration interfere in the midterms. They have been running exercises for months and have lawsuits pre-written. They also plan to have tens of thousands of people monitoring the polls on Election Day.
So far, early voting has been quiet, with about 35 million people already casting ballots without any notable disruption.
In that respect, this year’s election so far resembles 2025’s off-year elections in New Jersey, Virginia and a handful of other states. Democrats braced for possible Trump action then, but the election proceeded with no major issues. But the Justice Department’s more aggressive actions this month already make 2026 different from any election in recent memory.
It has sued California to block it from counting ballots after it alleged the state had 20,000 noncitizens on its rolls and made a similar demand of Washington related to about 400 voters in that state. Both states said the demands came too close to the election to fulfill, and a federal judge Wednesday rejected the federal government’s California demands.
Earlier, the Justice Department seized ballots and election records related to the 2020 presidential election in Georgia’s Fulton County, and the administration launched a sweeping investigation of that vote, though it has yet to turn up evidence supporting Trump’s false claims of fraud.
Attorney General Todd Blanche said the Justice Department does not want to intervene in elections, but had no choice in Alaska.
“We are not doing anything improper,” Blanche said Sunday on CNN. “But I do think it’s important for the American people to understand that we are not — (and) President Trump is not — trying to take over a state election in any way, shape or form.”
After the lawsuit was filed, Trump told reporters he was the one who pushed for it: “I’m the one that said do it,” the president said.
Lawsuits seem more ‘impulsive’ than strategic
Though the Trump administration claimed to be acting on behalf of Alaska’s voters in its lawsuit to hold up certification, the president’s Republican allies in the state didn’t appear happy.
Sen. Sullivan would not say whether he supported the lawsuit. Alaska’s Republican-controlled state government filed court papers to try to have it dismissed. The state’s other Republican senator, Lisa Murkowski, said the administration “should never have filed” it.
While controversial, the situation in Alaska is not that unusual. Political parties often support extra candidates on the ballot to try to pull votes from their rivals. If state courts allow it, legal experts say, the federal government has no role challenging the results.
Derek Muller, a Notre Dame law professor, wrote that the Alaska lawsuit’s legal argument was “one of the worst ones I’ve ever seen.” He said that should reassure the public that Trump won’t be able to change election outcomes.
“The notion that there’s going to be something systemic that’s going to thwart the will of the voters seems much more speculative,” he said. “A lot of the conduct seems impulsive rather than strategic and planned.”
The courts have repeatedly rebuffed the administration, in many cases because the Constitution gives the president no direct power over how elections are run. Courts put on hold two Trump executive orders seeking to change voting procedures. The administration also has lost more than two dozen cases trying to get detailed voter information from the states.
That resembles 2020, when Trump and his allies tried to overturn his loss to Democrat Joe Biden and in the process lost dozens of lawsuits.
Can the institutions hold?
Pat McCrory, a former Republican governor of North Carolina, is part of Right Count, a group of conservatives pushing back against election conspiracy theories and intervention in local elections. He said he’s confident the system will hold.
“The only thing that protects us from anarchy is this thin piece of paper called the Constitution,” McCrory said. “That thin piece of paper is, to me, a cement wall.”
It’s one that many analysts expect will continue to stymie Trump in the courts.
“The courts are likely to throw most, if not all, of these charges out,” said Matt Dallek, a political historian at George Washington University. “But this is a way of intensifying the signal to Trump’s supporters that the elections are rigged.”
The Justice Department in 2020 refused to join Trump’s allies in litigation. In his second term, Trump has pushed out career staff and stocked his administration with people who helped him challenge the 2020 election. That’s led to mounting concern he could deploy immigration agents, the FBI or even the military to the polls or seize ballots or voting machines, although multiple administration officialshave denied they have such plans.
All of that could happen before courts even have a chance to weigh in, said Brendan Nyhan, a Dartmouth political scientist.
“The threat is that he’ll take actions that can’t be undone,” Nyhan said.
Riccardi and Swenson write for the Associated Press.
THE evenings are drawing in and the mornings are getting chillier – so now is the perfect time to plan your winter sun getaway.
For the next two weeks, the temperature in Agadir, Morocco, sits between 26C and 29C – making it the perfect spot to escape the UK.
Agadir is hitting highs of 29C over the next two weeksCredit: Getty
And the even better news is that return flights cost as little as £43 and take around four hours.
The city sits on southwestern coast of the country and is framed by the Anti-Atas mountains, which date back millions of years.
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The city is home to three souks to explore, such as Souk El Had, which is the largest in the city with a staggering 13 entrance gates and and around 3,000 to 6,000 shops and stalls selling spices, leather goods, fresh fruit and crafted goods.
You could also visit La Medina d’Agadir, which is a craft village with workshops and smaller shops.
For a bit of history, head on the cable car to Agadir Oufella Kasbah, which is home to 16th century hilltop ruins as well as panoramic views of the city and marina below.
And of course, Agadir is home to a brilliant six-mile Plage d’Agadir beach with golden sand and a promenade lined with shops, cafes and palm trees.
If you are a keen outdoor explorer, take a half or full-day trip into the Atlas Mountains, with limestone canyons and natural rock pools ideal for a cooling dip.
North of the city, Taghazout Bay is another great day trip – it’s a small fishing and surfing village with secluded spots serving up fresh seafood.
Return flights to the city cost as little as £43 in NovemberCredit: Getty
Deputy Travel Editor Kara Godfrey, who has visited the city, said: “The Moroccan city is home to the country’s largest market, Souk El Had, as well as a bustling harbour and modern marina.
“Rebuilt following a devastating earthquake in 1960, the sprawling city nestles against the Atlantic Ocean and its palm-lined wide roads feel more Miami than Morocco.
“At Taghazout Beach, hordes of eager surfers took to the sea before I’d even finished my morning coffee.
“As a novice surfer, I opted to watch those riding the waves, while my companion made friends with the stray dogs and hawkers selling Moroccan breads.”
Soon there will also be a new TUI Magic Life all-inclusive beachfront resort in Agadir as well, set to open summer next year.
The resort will have more than 400 rooms, three restaurants, four bars and three outdoor swimming pools.
Can’t head to Agadir in the next couple of weeks? Well the good news is that the city benefits from around 300 days of sunshine each year.
This method could reduce the cost of your Ryanair flight
These tips could save you money when jetting off on holiday(Image: Getty Images)
Those planning holidays in the coming months may be looking for ways to keep costs down, with opting for a budget airline being a popular choice for this. But even cheaper airlines including Ryanair, easyJet and Wizz Aircan quickly add up when booking flights, choosing seats, and checking luggage.
However, there are ways to keep costs down, and Martin Lewis‘s moneysavingexpert.com has shared a number of tips and tricks for Ryanair customers, including one that involves booking your outbound and return flights separately. Start by searching for your outbound flight as a one-way ticket, and then in a second browser search for your return flight.
When searched this way, the return flight will appear in the currency of the country you are flying from, and will often be cheaper than it is in pounds – although it’s definitely worth double-checking before booking.
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The experts also warn that this likely won’t be cheaper if your bank has a foreign transaction charge, so you’ll need to check this before booking, or you may end up actually paying more for your flights.
You’ll also need to opt out of Ryanair’s guaranteed exchange rate, or you’ll still end up paying in pounds rather than euros or other foreign currencies.
While this method often leads to savings when jetting around Europe, the experts have noted that it can sometimes end up more expensive when purchasing with non-Euro currencies.
To avoid extra charges when at the airport, ensure that your cabin bag and checked luggage fit the airline’s rules, especially when flying on a budget airline, as they are typically stricter when it comes to these rules.
You’ll also need to check-in and download ahead of time when flying with Ryanair, otherwise you may end up having to pay up £40 per person, per flight – setting you back £220 for a family of four before you’ve even boarded your plane.
For the 15th time in the last 16 years, Palisades and Granada Hills met for the City Section Open Division girls’ tennis championship Wednesday afternoon.
For the second year in a row, Palisades came out on top, winning eight of nine doubles sets (each worth one and a half points) in the round-robin format on its way to a 20-9.5 victory at Balboa Sports Center in Encino.
It was the 31st City title for the top-seeded Dolphins (21-5), who clinched the championship when their No. 1 doubles team of Remy Trepanier and Penelope Mihal beat the Highlanders’ No. 3 duo of Nicole Khachatourians and Sammi Cho 6-1 to earn Palisades’ 15th point
“We lost our top seven players from last year but these girls worked hard and improved,” Palisades coach Robert Silvers said. “I’m really proud of them.”
Palisades and Granada Hills have combined to win the last 25 upper division crowns (14 by Palisades and 11 by Granada Hills) and since the debut of the Open Division in 2017, Palisades has won the four-team bracket seven times and Granada Hills three.
Mihal and Trepanier dropped only five games in three sets, the Dolphins’ No. 2 pair of Brienne Dominguez and Nina Arasteh swept 7-5, 6-4, 6-1 and the third tandem of McKenna Adham and Sonia Shirley sandwiched a pair of 6-4 wins around a 6-3 defeat to the Highlanders’ No.1 team of Iris Huang and Christina Surmabukian.
Granada Hills High’s No. 2 singles player Ayah Vilien hits a forehand return Wednesday at Balboa Sports Center.
(Steve Galluzzo / For The Times)
The schools split the 16 singles sets (each worth one point). The Dolphins’ No. 1 player Aila Monahan and No. 2 player Charlie Roberts each won three sets before being subbed out for the last round with a second straight title already secure.
Palisades ended Granada Hills’ three-peat bid with a 25-4.5 finals win last fall.
“We expect to play Pali in the finals every year and it’s always a good match,” Granada Hills coach Troy Aiken said.
Ernie Johnson, the bow-tie-wearing, peace-keeping host of “Inside the NBA,” is leaving the show after 37 years.
“It’s just time,” the 70-year-old broadcaster said in a video posted Wednesday on social media.
“So why now? Total honesty here. I’ve always prided myself on my preparation, the hours I put in every day getting ready for the next show. I’ve always loved that part of my job, but I’ve always vowed that if that ever became more of a challenge than it is a joy, then I’ll know it’s time to step away. And now, after 37 seasons, it’s time.”
“Inside the NBA” started on TNT in 1989, and Johnson became host the following season. Over the years, he was joined by analysts Kenny Smith (1998), Charles Barkley (2000) and Shaquille O’Neal (2011) in a lineup that has become beloved to generations of basketball fans — so much so that the show switched over to ESPN when TNT lost its NBA rights.
“Few people have shaped the way fans experience the NBA as profoundly as Ernie Johnson,” NBA commissioner Adam Silver said in a statement. “His brilliance as a broadcaster is matched by his character, compassion and generosity, which have been evident throughout his 37 years as host of ‘Inside the NBA.’ We are grateful for Ernie’s extraordinary impact on our league and look forward to celebrating him during his final season.”
Johnson repeated his announcement to open the crew’s appearance on ESPN’s “NBA Tip-Off” on Wednesday, then asked a clearly emotional Barkley how he was doing.
“That was tough,” Barkley said. “We knew the day was coming — still tough. Been here for 26, 27 years, and it’s been an honor and a privilege to work with you all this time, and Kenny and Shaq and the amazing people behind the scenes. …
“It’s been an amazing journey. You’ve been our leader. Our unquestionable leader. The question I’m asked the most … is, is Ernie Johnson as good a person as he seems? And I say, man, he’s better than that. So I just want to say thank you. Thank you for being our leader for all these years. … All I can say, Ernie, is thank you.”
Smith gave Johnson a standing ovation, and O’Neal said Johnson was the reason he joined the crew.
“You are the controller of this thing people call the circus — the best circus in town, but without you, it’s going to be very, very difficult,” O’Neal said. “Chuck made a great point. All we can say is thank you, and we appreciate you. We’re gonna miss you, and we will see you around, but thanks for the great run.”
In a video posted on X, Golden State Warriors forward and frequent “Inside the NBA” guest Draymond Green perfectly summed up Johnson’s role on the show.
“He is the best point guard I’ve ever played with — that’s no disrespect to the great Steph Curry,” Green said in a video posted Wednesday on X. “Ernie Johnson on a set is as incredible as they come. He sees everything. He’s like, ‘Man, this guy hasn’t spoke for a while. Let me toss it to him. Man, this conversation is going off the rails a little bit’ — as it can on that show — ‘let me rein it back in.’ … This guy is amazing.”
Johnson also shared that he’s been dealing with “heart issues” for almost two years, including undergoing bypass surgery two months ago, and that it was a “contributing factor” in his decision.
“Still trying to get this thing to beat exactly the way it should, and we’re getting it,” Johnson said. “I mean, I feel great. So this isn’t a case where my doctor said you need to stop working. It’s nothing like that. But here’s the deal: Going through that has made me treasure even more every second with my amazing wife of 44 years, Cheryl Ann, and being Poppy to our five grandchildren. So I just want to slow down a bit, spend more time enjoying that.
“Just to be clear, I’m not retiring; just cutting back. I’ll still do March Madness and other projects for TNT and CBS, and I’ve just started a new production company called 32 Bowties, geared toward telling feel-good stories in sports. So this is by no means the end. It’s just a turning of the page.”
Already accused by his wife of sexually assaulting her, Marcellus Wiley is the defendant in a lawsuit filed Tuesday in Los Angeles Superior Court alleging that he raped a 22-year-old USC student in 1999.
Wiley, a former NFL defensive end and longtime sports media personality, also has been accused by three women of sexual misconduct when he was a student at Columbia University in 1994 and by four additional women of similar criminal behavior from 1995 to 2009.
Those filings support a motion-seeking class-action status against Wiley and Columbia by one of the accusers, who filed her initial complaint in 2023 alleging that Wiley raped her in his Columbia dorm room in November 1994 after inviting her to study. She claimed university officials discouraged her from going to the police and handled the matter internally.
The filing Tuesday alleges that “Jane Doe” met Wiley in February 1999 and went on two dates with him. The lawsuit states that she told Wiley — who had just completed his third season with the Buffalo Bills — that she was sexually inexperienced and not interested in a romantic relationship. Nevertheless, she accompanied him to a L.A. nightclub and agreed to spend the night in his hotel room. Doe alleged that Wiley raped her after she fell asleep fully clothed.
“Jane told Wiley to stop and repeated ‘Please stop’ several times and told him, ‘You’re not listening to me,’” the lawsuit states.
While driving Doe to her dorm room, Wiley suggested that she be tested for a sexually transmitted disease because he “had the clap,” according to the filing. She claims they never spoke again.
Doe wrote that she filed a police report after a rape kit tested positive for Wiley’s semen. More than a month later she claims the district attorney’s office informed her that Wiley denied Doe’s allegations and that, “therefore, no charges would be filed.” Doe is suing Wiley for sexual battery, assault, battery and intentional infliction of emotional distress.
Wiley responded to the lawsuit by pointing to MenTooProject.org, a digital advocacy movement and platform he launched in August after the State of Florida declined to file charges against him following a July 4 domestic dispute with his estranged wife, Annemarie Wiley. She alleged that he poked her in the face and threatened to kill her in front of their 7-year-old daughter. Wiley denied the allegations.
The project, a spin-off of the #MenToo awareness campaign that gained widespread traction in India in 2019, invites men to “join us in the fight for truth, fairness, and justice,” Wiley wrote on the website. “My grandmother told me the truth always outruns a lie. She taught me not to chase the lie, just give the truth time to catch it.”
Wiley, 51, frequently addresses the allegations against him on his YouTube channel, “Dat Dude TV.”
“Pick a date, pick the encounter, pick the allegation. For every one of them, I either saw, communicated through email, text, phone, was invited by these individuals after these dates to engage, to be intimate, or all of the above, after the dates that are in question,” Wiley said in a May 2006 episode.
In a court filing two months later requesting a temporary restraining order, Annemarie Wiley accused him of raping her four separate times. The first alleged instance occurred in 2012 when they were dating and the other three allegedly took place in January 2026. Annemarie, a nurse anesthetist and former cast member of “The Real Housewives of Beverly Hills” was granted the order as well as full custody of their children. She filed for divorce the same day.
In Sepember, a judge granted her request to extend the restraining order for three years. The July 4 episode that triggered the restraining order resulted in Wiley’s arrest, but a month later the Orange County State Attorney’s Office dropped criminal charges, stating that testimonial evidence lacked corroborating physical or other evidence required to pursue a conviction.
Wiley, who grew up in Compton and played 10 years in the NFL including three with the Chargers, defended himself publicly through a long social media post that read in part, “I owe it to my children to truthfully document what they and I have endured. To do that, I must address the lies Annemarie has told about me by telling the truth about her and our marriage.
“Over the years, I have compiled videos, photographs, text messages, emails, and other evidence that directly contradicts those baseless claims and provides a factual record of our family and the events leading to this unfortunate divorce,” he wrote.
Wiley has repeatedly lamented that the allegations, lawsuits and media reports could have a negative impact on his young son and two daughters. He pointed out on social media in May that three sexual assault claims were dismissed in New York County court in September 2025, while suggesting that his son, Marcellus Wiley Jr., could suffer from the allegations.
“To me, it’s about my son’s name, that he will one day Google and think this is about him, but he’s gonna know it’s about his dad,” he said on “Dat Dude TV” in May. “And how dare you stain the brain of my child.”
For John and TJ Osborne, work and family have long been intertwined.
Today the siblings are known to country music fans as Brothers Osborne, the rock-leaning twosome that’s put 13 songs on Billboard’s Country Airplay chart and been named vocal duo of the year half a dozen times at the annual CMA Awards. Before they moved to Nashville, though, the brothers grew up helping out with their dad’s plumbing business in the late 1990s in the small fishing town of Deale, Md.
“You know how every country star opens a bar in Nashville?” John asks. “I was thinking it’d be funny to start a Brothers Osborne plumbing company that services all the bars.”
With TJ on lead vocals and John on lead guitar, the brothers look back at those early days in Deale on their nostalgic new album, “Watertown,” which came out last week, 10 years after the release of their first LP. It’s got handsome, well-drawn songs about long-lost loves and teenage indiscretions, not to mention one tune about some of the colorful Osbornes who don’t play in the band.
“We got a mama that you wouldn’t want to take home to mama,” TJ sings in “Family Business,” which rhymes that line with “Got a daddy with a girlfriend who loves marijuana” and “Sister took a swing at her first boy’s father.”
“I always tell people that TJ and I are the most boring people in our family,” John says. “Our sister really did punch her ex-husband in the face.”
TJ, 41, calls the album a tribute to the people who shaped him and his brother, who’s 44. “When you’re a kid, you want to run away from home and spread your wings,” the singer says. “Then at some point, it’s like that place is almost calling you back.”
That the Osbornes are at an age to memorialize the old days puts them on the outskirts, to some extent, of a country scene crowded with ascendant zoomers like Ella Langley, Tucker Wetmore and Megan Moroney. Yet the brothers are hardly fuddy-duddys: In 2021, TJ became the first country artist signed to a major label to come out as gay; musically, he and John consistently make unexpected stylistic choices — take the ringing new wave guitars in “Family Business” — even as they court down-the-middle success, as with the new album’s lead single, “Born and Raised Hell,” which features the country radio kingpin Cody Johnson.
“John and TJ don’t make corporate country music,” says Ashley McBryde, who’s collaborated repeatedly with the brothers. McBryde calls John “a guitar god” and says TJ’s deep voice “could make your kneecaps come unglued”; she adds that she likes to listen to their records “while I’m doing yard work, slinging a chainsaw.”
“Our mission the whole time has been: How do we thread the needle of doing something that’s a little left of center while making it commercial enough that people can hear it?” TJ says over coffee at an outdoor cafe in Griffith Park. The Osbornes are in town on a recent afternoon between tour dates; last night they did dinner at Nobu in West Hollywood — “bougie as f—,” John acknowledges — then “climbed up the La Cienega mountain,” as the guitarist puts it, back to their hotel on Sunset.
“The last 50 yards, I felt like I was gonna puke,” John says.
Does Nashville have good sushi?
“They do now,” John replies. “Back in the day, there was just this place Ken’s — kind of a hole in the wall where you’d get these huge styrofoam containers of rolls. It was really cheap, and we’d all get really stoned and eat tons of sushi.”
The brothers learned to play from their dad in Maryland in a family roots-music combo called Deuce and a Quarter; each went to Nashville to do his own thing but didn’t really gain any traction until they teamed up — a union they say their mother envisioned from the jump.
“I think the second TJ was born, she thought to herself: I have a country band on my hands,” John says. “She’s very — what’s the word I want to use? — goal-driven, in a good way. So when we finally joined forces and things started taking off, there was a bit of ‘I told you so’ about it.” He laughs. “In her defense, she was right.” (The brothers’ sister Natalie also works in Nashville as an A&R exec at the indie label Leo33, where she signed Zach Top.)
Brothers Osborne — nominated again for vocal duo of the year at next month’s CMAs ceremony — came up in a tightknit peer group that also included McBryde, Maren Morris and Kacey Musgraves. The duo broke out with a No. 1 showing for “Stay a Little Longer,” a single from their platinum 2016 debut; since then they’ve scored hits with tunes with like “21 Summer,” “Nobody’s Nobody” and “Burning Man,” the last a collab with Dierks Bentley that also went to No. 1.
Asked why they’ve been embraced by the traditional Nashville biz in a way that’s sometimes eluded Musgraves, TJ shakes his head. “There’s so many Kacey songs that I’m just like, How was this not a huge hit for her?” he says. “There is a game you have to play with country radio — doing things for them that we were willing to do that I know Kacey was just like, ‘No thanks.’”
Why does he reckon he and his brother were willing to jump through the hoops?
“I mean, we knew it would help,” he says. “We grew up in a poor family where everyone worked their asses off just to get by paycheck to paycheck. So I think for us it was about the fact that we’re gonna put in the work and get noticed.”
“You have to be willing to compromise — not your art or your dignity but compromise your time,” John says, “in the hopes that you can pursue a career in music because it’s very competitive.”
Over the past few years, some of Nashville’s biggest hits have come from outsiders like Post Malone experimenting with country music. Speaking broadly, TJ says the trendiness of the genre “is a little annoying because people are like, ‘I hate all country music,’ until their career flounders and suddenly they do a country record. Some of these people, they don’t know anything about it.
“At the same time, the genre is the biggest it’s ever been, which probably set the stage for a song like ‘Choosin’ Texas’ to be the song that it was,” he adds of Langley’s pedal-steel-soaked mega-smash, which just logged its 25th week atop Billboard’s Hot 100 — longer than any other song in chart history.
“I was just up in Brooklyn at a gay bar, and I’m like, All the gays are singing along — what the f—?” TJ says. “Also very jealous of that. I want a song all the gays are singing.”
Five years after he came out in a widely publicized Time magazine story, TJ says he doesn’t think much about his position as one of the few openly gay men in country music. As we keep talking, though, some things seem to come to mind.
“There was a moment recently with all the equity and inclusion stuff where [my identity] started to feel political — that was weird,” he says. “It felt like picking sides, even though I’m like, This is just my sexuality. But I feel like we’re kind of getting back out of that a bit.”
Then again, TJ recalls his appearance at May’s ACM Awards, where he presented Langley with the prize for female artist of the year. “I made a joke about my gay ass being up here giving this award, and there were comments from people being like, ‘I don’t understand why you have to talk about it,’” he says. “It’s like, F—, maybe people aren’t as open to it as I thought. It was proof to me that there’s still a lot of ground to cover.”
Is TJ up for doing the work of opening minds?
“I am. And I think it’s important work because there’s so many different types of gay people. There’s also so many different types of rural Americans. We’ll go to some places, and there are people who I perceive to maybe have some sort of bigotry towards me but I read them wrong and they’re actually totally cool.
“Look, you’re not gonna be able to convince everybody,” he adds. “There’s people that just hate on people for the stupidest reasons. Girls have it the worst. Anytime a girl does anything — ‘She looks like a slut,’ ‘She’s fat,’ ‘She’s too skinny.’ There’s just some mean people out there.”
“We’ve heard it all,” John says.
“There was this amazing burn we got one time where we’d taken ‘21 Summer’ out of the set,” TJ says, “and someone commented, ‘I can’t believe Brothers Osborne played 21 guitar solos but not ‘21 Summer.’” He laughs. “See, at least that’s pretty clever.”
Dolores Huerta, the fiery and resolute activist who helped launch and guide the nation’s first enduring labor union for poor farmworkers and later became an inspiration to women and liberal true believers, has died. She was 96.
Erik Olvera, a spokesman for Huerta’s family, told The Times on Wednesday that Huerta died in Bakersfield, surrounded by members of her “huge family.” The cause, he said, was cancer.
“It’s a tough time,” Olvera said. “She was incredibly beloved, and not only was she beloved, but she was an icon to so many people around the country and around the world, really. If anything, her family is clinging to memories and clinging to each other as they mourn.”
Huerta never gave up on her dream of a more equitable distribution of wealth in America, campaigning for working people for years beyond standard retirement age.
The emotional compass of the United Farm Workers of America for decades, the petitemother of 13 attained singular stature as a rule-breaking proto-feminist, godmother of the Chicano power movement and doyenne of American labor.
Huerta’s fervent crusading for the dispossessed made her the potent alter ego to her union co-founder, the soft-spoken and methodical César Chávez, though the full complexity and pathology of their relationship only became apparent late in her life.
The duo’s history took an unexpected and dark turn in March 2026, when two women came forward to say they had been sexually assaulted by Chávez when they were teenage girls, with Huerta telling the New York Times that the venerated labor leader also had twice forced sex on her, resulting in a pair of pregnancies.
Nearly 96 at the time, Huerta said she had remained silent for six decades to protect the farmworker movement. But she added: “I now understand that I am a survivor — of violence, of sexual abuse, of domineering men who saw me, and other women, as property, or things to control.”
Some wished Huerta had spoken out earlier, at least within the insular union, in order to prevent others from being victimized. But her many champions insisted the late-life revelation reflected badly only on Chávez, who for decades before his fall from grace had been an American civil rights icon and a virtual secular saint to the political left.
Some historians insist that Huerta be given full recognition for teaming with Chávez during much of the early foundational work that produced the UFW, from its founding in 1962 in the San Joaquin Valley farm town of Delano through her leave from full-time work with the union in the late 1980s.
It was Huerta who hurried from pickup truck to back stoop to pool hall, to recruit many of the union’s first members; Huerta who stormed up and down the picket lines to keep striking workers out of the fields; Huerta who helped negotiate one of the first contracts ever for farmworkers in North America; and Huerta who struggled to keep the union relevant, as its membership and clout faded. She turned the phrase “Sí, se puede!” into a chant that animated rallies and marches well into a new century.
Complications and byzantine controversies helped stymie the union in its adolescence, with Huerta usually supporting Chávez, even as he became distracted from the union’s central work and demanded absolute power. Their obsession with loyalty and often-imagined conspiracies ended with purges of some of the UFW’s most dynamic leaders and organizing stagnation, even as field hands continued to labor under abysmal conditions.
Huerta later devoted much of her time to women’s rights, Democratic Party politics and community organizing.
In 1999, the 69-year-old great-grandmother helped obtain extra government benefits for workers who lost their jobs in a citrus freeze and stared across the contract bargaining table at lawyers for the giant Gallo wine company. Even late in life she still toured the nation as a public speaker and used her foundation to register voters and campaign for progressive causes. Liberal groups clamored to have Huerta at the front of their marches. Often sporting a jaunt red beret, she locked arms with activists one-quarter her age.
Her Dolores C. Huerta Foundation supported endeavors as diverse as a performing arts camp for children, higher education mentoring for high school students and food distribution to victims of floods that inundated the Central Valley in 2023. The foundation became something of a family business — headed by her daughter, Camila Chávez, and supported by legal advice from her son, Emilio Huerta, while four other relatives served on the board.
In another step to cement Huerta’s legacy, one of her nonprofits broke ground in 2025 for the Dolores Huerta Peace & Justice Cultural Center in Bakersfield, the San Joaquin Valley city she called home. The $35-million project, paid for largely by the state of California, will include an academy to teach future generations how to become community organizers. “They are the ones who are going to guide us forward,” the 95-year-old told a crowd, which stood under a scorching sun for the groundbreaking.
Through it all, Huerta insisted her primary loyalty remained la causa — the struggle to win better wages, working and living conditions for poor people, particularly farmworkers.
Beginning with the early organizing days in the 1960s, Huerta inspired passions almost as intense as her own. She won almost breathless admiration from followers for the way she faced down sometimes violent anti-union forces, worked for days with little rest and negotiated late into the night, while others faded. She alienated others with a waspish temper, an unwillingness to forgive even small slights and inattention to some of the details that make a union work.
To the union faithful, she was the “Madonna of the Fields.” Some said Huerta reminded them of the soldaderas, a handful of women warriors who followed Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa into battle during the Mexican Revolution. The growers, whom she almost always scorned, had another name for her: “the dragon lady.”
A woman of frenetic energy who lived in a world of myriad contradictions, Huerta was one of the only women in many board rooms and union halls full of men. She was a jet-setting, president-schmoozing pragmatist, who in unguarded moments spoke mystically about her two youthful encounters with UFOs. She was the devout Catholic who had the last four of her children with a man she never married, Richard Chávez, Cesar’s younger brother. (Only in 2026 did she acknowledge having two other daughters, given to others to raise, fathered by César Chávez.)
Her relationship with Cesar Chávez was as complex as it was volatile — a fact acknowleged by UFW regulars long before Huerta’s charges about his sexual misconduct.
The two met through their work for the Community Service Organization (CSO), a progressive group that sought better government services and equal rights for poor and minority people. Both were called to the cause by the organization’s founder Fred Ross Sr. — Huerta in Stockton and Chávez in San Jose — and later united over their common concern for farmworkers. But even when he became statewide leader of the CSO, Chávez could not persuade the group to focus its energies on organizing field workers.
It was 1961 and Chávez was living in East Los Angeles when he called Huerta to his home one day and said, “We have got to start the union. If we don’t do it, nobody else will,” Huerta once recalled. He left the CSO, and Huerta followed.
Both soon moved their families to the Kern County farm town of Delano. Chávez relied on Huerta for nearly everything. When she wasn’t going door-to-door to recruit new members, Huerta negotiated with growers and created union hiring halls. She formed farmworker ranch committees and moved to the East Coast for months to promote the union’s national grape boycott.
But Chávez and his right hand also clashed routinely during their decades-long collaboration. The two would explode in shouting matches over strategy, while other union leaders shrank from the room. In audio recordings of one 1979 confrontation reviewed by the New York Times, Huerta fought back and demanded respect as Chávez called her a “stupid bitch” and accused her of stealing. Huerta might quit, or be fired. Inevitably, she would be back in the fold within a few days or weeks.
“Their commitment to the cause trumped all else and grew into a mutual dependence that survived decades of discord,” wrote Miriam Pawel, a former Los Angeles Times editor, in the biography “The Crusades of Cesar Chávez.” Asked by ABC News if she tried to protect Chávez, Huerta replied, “Always. Always.”
During a wine grape strike in the Central Valley, Huerta and other UFW women once locked arms in a human blockade between the union’s male picketers and replacement workers wielding two-by-fours. She blocked one worker’s car with her own, to prevent him from going to work and breaking a 1965 strike against rose growers in McFarland.
Chávez never doubted Huerta’s resolve. He once called her “totally fearless, both mentally and physically.”
Her years of community organizing in Stockton taught Huerta how to inspire even the most humble of her poor constituents.
In the union’s founding days, Huerta helped recruit a 19-year-old grape picker named Eliseo Medina to perform a one-man picket at the Port of Los Angeles — supposedly to stop the loading of a shipment of non-union grapes. The grapes never materialized. But Medina recalled how Huerta’s spirit and determination galvanized him.
“Dolores had a gift for making you believe in yourself,” Medina said. “She has an ability to inspire you and urge you to do things you could not think were possible. She is one of those life-changers.”
An Echo Park mural features Dolores Huerta alongside artist Frida Kahlo.
(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)
Medina left the Chávez-Huerta led union, believing it had strayed from its core work. He went on to become the international secretary treasurer of the more than 2-million-member Service Employees International Union (SEIU) — just one of many UFW acolytes who fueled the labor movement as it staged a modest resurgence in the 21st century.
Huerta was at the center of many of the union’s landmark achievements, including the negotiation of a contract in 1966 with the Schenley Wine Co. It was the first labor agreement obtained by farmworkers themselves with an agricultural company, according to the union’s history.
But the UFW’s fortunes would rise and fall. One low ebb came in 1973 with the loss of many contracts to the Teamsters Union, which struck sweetheart deals with growers. But some union insiders also complained that the UFW had failed by not winning enough concessions for the workers it represented. The union’s membership plummeted.
Two years later, momentum swung again, as the union helped persuade California Gov. Edmund G. “Jerry” Brown Jr. to impose the toughest farm labor regulations in the nation.
The union’s membership would spiral downward until Chávez’s death, at 66, in 1993. There was a sense among many insiders that the union became overly insular, with repeated purges designed to promote absolute fealty to Chávez.
In one incident, students graduating from English classes at the union’s headquarters, La Paz, ended a slide show with the words: “The Union is not César Chávez, the Union is not La Paz, the Union is the farmworkers.” Huerta, fuming, demanded to know which of the teachers had planted this message, which she viewed as an act of treason against Chávez — an episode detailed by one of the teachers, Jeffrey W. Rubin, who went on to become a history professor at Boston University.
“Confronted there by Huerta, Richard Chavez, and Cesar Chavez himself, we were accused of being part of a subversive plot, railed at, called ‘chicken s—’ by Cesar, and thrown out of La Paz and the union,” wrote Rubin, who kept the episode quiet for years.
At the same time, the UFW lost contracts and sometimes failed to provide the benefits it promised to workers. Huerta was one of many union leaders unable to set Chávez, and the UFW, on a better path.
Dolores Huerta at rosary, standing next to the body of labor leader and civil rights activist Cesar Chavez (1927 – 1993) at rest in the pine coffin in Delano, Calif., on Wednesday, April 28, 1993.
(Jose Galvez/Los Angeles Times)
As Chávez’ son-in-law Arturo Rodriguez took control of the union in 1993 and began clawing to regain members and clout, Huerta remained the UFW’s most public persona.
At hundreds of marches across the nation that she attended with regularity throughout her life, parents would push forward, telling their children they were witnessing a historic figure. Asked for an autograph, she would boldly scrawl: “Sí, se puede.”
The phrase — “Yes, it can be done” — had been part of the union’s fabric since 1972, when some doubters suggested the union would fail in its campaign against an anti-union law in Arizona. Huerta responded, “Sí, se puede,” creating a mantra for the American left.
Born April 10, 1930, in Dawson, a small mining town in the mountains of northern New Mexico, Dolores Clara Fernandez moved to Stockton when she was 3, along with her mother, two brothers and two sisters. Her father and mother had divorced, but Juan Fernandez’s legend had been fixed — a brawling union leader and New Mexico state legislator. Her mother, a hotel operator, believed in public service and would not let the poorest guests go hungry.
Dolores thrived on a middle-class upbringing of Girl Scouts, violin lessons and tap dancing, describing her mother’s generosity as a guiding force. She was bright and popular and even founded a teen center where she and other kids hung out.
But Dolores would recall her high school years as a time of slights and rewards not received — injustices she linked to her Mexican American heritage. When police ordered her teen center shut down, it became clear it was because they did not like whites socializing with Mexican American, Black and Filipino kids.
Those setbacks would not be forgotten.
Dolores Huerta in Santa Fe, N.M., in 2019.
(Associated Press)
After community college in Stockton, Huerta became a teacher. But she left after just a year, because, she said: “I thought I could do more by organizing farmworkers than by trying to teach their hungry children.”
Soon she met Ross and Chávez and her life’s path would be set. Even her name seemed to brand her for the work. When she divorced her second husband, Chávez advised her to hold on to her last name. Dolores Huerta means Sorrows of the Orchard.
Along the way, there would be great personal heartache.
In 1968, she was at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on the night Sen. Robert F. Kennedy was shot. The Democratic presidential front-runner had just finished his California primary victory speech — thanking Chávez and Huerta — when an assassin gunned him down.
Twenty years later, her politics thrust Huerta even more directly in the path of violence. A television camera captured the images of a San Francisco police officer clubbing her as she and others peacefully picketed an appearance by Vice President George H.W. Bush. The blows ruptured Huerta’s spleen and nearly killed her.
She later won an $850,000 settlement from the city for the attack. Some in the union said that Chávez‘s insistence that Huerta give the money up to the UFW created another rift that caused her to leave the union.
Huerta would struggle, as well, to find time for her expansive family — which in the end included 13 children, counting the two fathered by César Chávez.
Among her greatest heartaches grew out of the struggles of her oldest daughter, Celeste, a schizophrenic who, on occasion, would leave the institutions where she lived and wander the streets.
Huerta’s union zealotry would inspire a range of emotions from her other children.
“We understood very quickly she wasn’t ours to have,” said son Emilio, the lawyer, a Central Valley activist.“She sort of belonged to the farmworker movement. And it was our job to support her.”
He and several other of the Huerta offspring devoted their lives to the UFW and related causes, basking in a sense that their family played a part in history. That did not always make up for the personal slights — the times their mother would fob them off on union allies or neighbors, or miss a birthday.
In a bittersweet essay, Dolores’ daughter Juanita once recalled how her mother forgot to pick her up from junior high school. She compared Huerta to a train “rattling all the windows behind me, blaring out its horn, announcing its simultaneous arrival and departure with an incredible clamor, but rushing constantly forward.”
At a 69th birthday party in 1999, Huerta told a large dinner gathering that her own sacrifices had been overblown.
“It was our families who sacrificed,” she said. She then told a story about driving a carload of children to school one day in an automobile limping along because a tire had been slashed by union opponents. “That,” she said, “was kind of how we made it through life.”
Approaching her 90th birthday in 2020, Huerta spent a day that might have been more typical for someone half her age. She protested at the Fresno County Board of Supervisors for increased pay for home healthcare workers, who made just $12 an hour. Huerta hadn’t planned on being arrested that day, but when she felt police used excessive force on one of the protest leaders, she changed her mind. Take me too, she said, according to USA Today. Officers cinched a plastic zip-tie around her wrists and led her away.
More typically in her later years, she supported her foundation. In one moment, she might be campaigning for a bond measure for a middle school gym in the poor San Joaquin Valley community of Weedpatch; in seemingly the next, she would be stumping via Zoom for Joe Biden, during his fight to take the White House from President Trump.
In 2020, USA Today named Huerta one of the 100 women “who’ve made a substantial impact on our country or our lives over the past 100 years.” By then, at least half a dozen schools across America bore her name. Others considered taking her name after they removed Chávez’s following the sexual abuse revelations.
President Obama presented Huerta with the country’s highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, in 2012; the one-time community organizer, who made his way to the White House, honoring a woman still doing the work.
“The great social justice changes in our country have happened when people came together, organized and took direct action,” Huerta said in accepting the honor. “It is this right that sustains and nurtures our democracy today.”
Olvera, the family spokesman, said Wednesday that Huerta’s relatives would be announcing the details of a public memorial in the coming days.
How many rejection letters from the same high school does it take for a football coach to conclude the school doesn’t want to hire you?
Jose Razo, the head football coach at unbeaten Marshall High, applied for the Barristers’ head coaching position in 2019 and 2022, only to be turned down. You’d think that the Marshall grad had gotten the message that somebody didn’t think he could be head coach.
Instead of abandoning a program he had been with since playing linebacker at there since he was 15 years old, he decided to remain as an assistant coach.
“It was never personal for me,” he said. “It was, ‘I’m going to stay and help the kids.”’
When the job opened again in 2025 and Razo interviewed for a third time he told himself, “It’s now or never.”
Razo finally received an email informing him he was being promoted to head coach after 18 years serving as an assistant. Talk about being patient. Talk about having no ego. Talk about complete loyalty to a school.
“He stuck it out for the kids and the program,” said Eagle Rock coach Andy Moran, who coached Razo at Marshall in 2005 and 2006.
Incredibly, it’s Moran and Eagle Rock standing in the way on Friday night trying to prevent Marshall from going 10-0 in the regular season. Moran, who is a mentor for Razo, has never lost to Marshall since leaving in 2012.
Razo remembers asking Moran what he should do after being turned down twice. “They didn’t give it to you because they already have you,” Moran told him.
Said Razo: “I had to prove myself to them.”
Standout quarterback Nathaniel Cadet said every day Razo, 37, passes along insights and offers inspiration to players
“Coach Razo’s loyalty is unmatched,” he said. “He’s a great role model, and his commitment to the team makes players want to play under him. He’s a good father and brings his son to the games. He got a college education, and I believe he comes from a similar background to a lot of our players, so he sets a great example for us.”
Marshall is a school that attracts students from many little communities, but the football team’s success has brought everyone together to form a large community on Friday nights.
Razo deserves a standing ovation for his commitment to the school and his players. There’s not many coaches who would have stuck around when twice told “we’re going in a different direction.”
Rejection usually makes people angry and is motivation to run away.
Razo was different. He stayed, kept teaching and coaching, and waited for his alma mater to give him a chance to lead.
What a lesson of perseverance and patience to pass along to his players.
Marshall always had its coach nearby. Someone just needed to open their eyes. Thankfully, Razo put faith in himself that someone would recognize his talents.
Win or lose on Friday, Razo has proven he deserves to be a head coach.
