Africa

Senegal draw with Mozambique, and Nigeria edge past Madagascar, but Cape Verde beaten by Mali in AFCON qualifying openers.

Former France star Patrick Vieira debuted as Senegal coach by drawing 1-1 in Mozambique, and Nigeria survived a scare to edge Madagascar 2-1 in Africa Cup of Nations qualifying on Friday.

Cape Verde, admired for holding eventual 2026 World Cup winners Spain and taking Argentina to extra time before bowing out, crashed 3-1 away to Mali.

Egypt were held 0-0 at home by Angola while Morocco and Algeria won comfortably against Gabon and Zambia respectively.

Aston Villa striker Nicolas Jackson put controversial 2026 AFCON runners-up Senegal ahead after 32 minutes with a close-range tap off a low cross.

But Geny Catamo from Portuguese giants Sporting levelled in first-half added time, firing a shot from outside the box through a crowded goalmouth into the far corner of the net.

Senegal had plenty of second-half possession in Maputo, but could not find a way past a well-organised Mozambican defence.

Originally scheduled for Senegal, the matchday one fixture in Group J was moved to Maputo as no stadium in the West African nation currently meets international standards.

Vieira, 50, was a midfielder in the French teams that won the 1998 World Cup and 2000 European Championship, and also starred for Arsenal.

But he has had less success as a coach with clubs in the United States, France, England and Italy. He left Genoa last November with the club winless and bottom of Serie A.

Dakar-born Vieira has inherited from sacked Pape Thiaw a Senegal team in transition during a dramatic year in which they were stripped of the AFCON title and flopped at the World Cup.

The Teranga Lions temporarily walked off the pitch to protest a penalty awarded in the AFCON final to hosts Morocco, who missed the kick when Senegal returned.

Senegal won 1-0 after extra time only for the African confederation CAF to later award Morocco a 3-0 victory.

An appeal by the West Africans against the decision will be heard by the Court of Arbitration for Sport on October 8.

After losing to France and Norway at the World Cup, Senegal hammered Iraq to squeeze into the round of 32, where they fell to Belgium after surrendering a two-goal lead.

Against Mozambique, Senegal were without recently retired goalkeeper Edouard Mendy and injured striker Sadio Mane. Fellow stalwarts Kalilou Koulibaly and Idrissa Gueye were on the bench.

Nigeria, shock non-qualifiers for the past two World Cups, fell behind at home to Madagascar when Ehsan Kari scored after 16 minutes in Uyo.

A Super Eagles side lacking injured star striker Victor Osimhen were then rescued by two international debutants.

Saudi Arabia-based George Ilenikhena, 20, burst through to equalise in first-half added time and substitute Moses Usor from Austrian champions LASK snatched the 65th-minute winner.

Cape Verde goalkeeper Vozinha, a star at the World Cup, gifted Mali their third goal in the defeat before a wildly excited crowd of 50,000 in Bamako.

He dashed outside his area to control the ball with his chest, then lost possession and Dorgeles Nene struck the loose ball into an unguarded net.

Mali, arguably the strongest football nation never to win the AFCON, dominated from start to finish and led within five minutes through Martial Tia.

Cape Verde levelled when a Sidny Cabral free-kick was deflected into the net. Mali regained the lead as half-time approached through Nene.

Abuja, Nigeria – Africa’s long-running campaign for permanent representation on the United Nations Security Council is back in focus at the 81st UN General Assembly, with leaders renewing calls to reform a body whose five permanent members have remained unchanged since 1945.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres used his final address to the General Assembly on Tuesday to renew his call for Security Council reform, saying it must become more representative and better reflect today’s geopolitical realities.

Nigeria’s Vice President Kashim Shettima, delivering President Bola Tinubu’s national statement, called for at least two permanent seats for Africa, with veto powers for as long as the veto exists, as well as five non-permanent seats for the continent.

Ghana’s President John Mahama made a similar appeal: “Security Council reform is not a favour to Africa; it is an imperative for the legitimacy, credibility and survival of the United Nations”.

The renewed calls highlight the scale of Africa’s demand. But translating them into an agreement that changes the Council’s structure remains a far more difficult task.

A reform process that has stalled

The Security Council has 15 members: five permanent members, China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States, and 10 members elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms.

The five permanent members hold veto power, allowing any one of them to block a substantive Council resolution.

No African country has a permanent seat.

Yet Africa remains central to much of the Council’s work. In 2025, the Council adopted 44 resolutions, including 24 under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which covers measures such as sanctions and authorisations for the use of force.

Eighteen of those 24 Chapter VII resolutions concerned Africa.

For Professor Ibrahim Gambari, a former Nigerian foreign minister and former Nigerian permanent representative to the UN, the issue is not simply one of geography.

“The status quo is not really interested in change,” he told Al Jazeera. “In the appointment of the Secretary-General, you cannot be a candidate unless each of the five permanent members agrees. Therefore, we have the privilege of the unelected P5, which they don’t want to relinquish.”

Gambari said Africa’s absence was difficult to justify given the continent’s size and the amount of Security Council business involving it.

“In the case of Africa, we have a whole continent that has the largest single bloc, yet has no permanent seat on the Security Council,” he said.

The General Assembly launched the intergovernmental negotiations process on Security Council reform in 2008. The talks cover the Council’s size, membership categories, regional representation and the veto, and have continued through successive General Assembly sessions without agreement on the core questions.

Changing the Council’s permanent membership would also require an amendment to the UN Charter. Under Article 108, that requires approval by two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of UN members, including all five permanent members.

That gives the existing permanent members a formal role in any change to the system that grants them permanent membership and veto power.

Nigeria wants a permanent seat

Which African countries would eventually occupy any new permanent seats is another unresolved issue.

Nigeria has consistently presented itself as a country prepared to take on such a role. At this year’s General Assembly, the country renewed its call for at least two permanent African seats with all the rights and responsibilities of permanent membership, including the veto for as long as it exists.

Dr Fola Aina, a political scientist and international security expert at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), London, told Al Jazeera the issue also carried particular significance for Nigeria.

“Securing this position would essentially elevate Nigeria’s global diplomatic influence, give Africa a continuous voice in international security decisions and grant Nigeria the power to consolidate its position as a regional hegemon and middle power,” he said.

“The timing of Nigeria’s push is particularly strategic given the current age of strategic competition.”

Nigeria is not alone in seeking a permanent role. Egypt and South Africa have also pursued permanent representation, while other African states have expressed interest.

The African Union, however, has not selected specific countries to occupy the proposed seats. Its common position calls for at least two permanent African seats and five non-permanent seats on an expanded Council, with the AU determining which countries should represent the continent.

The veto question

Even if agreement could be reached on who should represent Africa, another obstacle would remain: the veto.

The African Union’s Ezulwini Consensus calls for any permanent African members to have the same rights and privileges as the existing permanent members, including veto power for as long as the veto remains part of the Council’s system.

African governments have therefore argued that adding permanent seats without equivalent powers would not fully address the imbalance they are seeking to correct.

That leaves two separate questions: whether the Council should expand and what powers any new permanent members would receive.

A question of influence

Gambari argues that Africa’s absence also affects the Council’s day-to-day work.

“All these peacekeeping missions in Africa are based on the mandate of the Security Council,” he said.

“The P5 assign themselves the role of penholders, which hardly allows elected non-permanent African countries to initiate draft resolutions affecting their region.”

He said the imbalance was also visible in the way Security Council missions operate on the continent.

“Even Security Council missions to Africa are not led by Africans nowadays. How can the parties in dispute have confidence in such a team?” he said.

“Even for the Security Council’s continued relevance, it has to be reformed so that Africa can have representatives in the permanent seat category.”

For Favour Aniezi, a Nigerian creative and youth advocate, the issue is also about who has influence over decisions affecting the continent.

“Beyond representation, Africa’s absence from the permanent seats of the UN Security Council is a question of whose voice gets to shape decisions that affect the continent,” she told Al Jazeera.

“As a young Nigerian woman, I think it matters that Africa is not only present when global institutions discuss our challenges but has a meaningful role in deciding how those challenges are addressed. We should not simply be represented at the table, Africa should have a voice with the weight to influence what happens at it.”

For now, the core questions remain unresolved: how many new permanent members there should be, which African countries would take the seats, whether they would receive veto power and whether the existing permanent members would accept the changes.

“As long as they keep sticking to this anachronistic formula, reforms will be hard to attain,” Gambari said.

Civilians and senior military officials among 14 dead after an army plane crashes into a residential area in the DRC.

At least 14 people, including senior military officials, were killed on Friday when a Congolese army plane crashed in the southwest of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

The plane was travelling to the capital, Kinshasa, from the southwestern city of Kikwit on Friday when it developed a technical fault and attempted to land in Kenge, in Kwango province.

Remy Saki Bokinda, deputy governor of Kwango, said: “With no landing strip available in Kenge, the plane crashed into a residential plot.”

Congolese military spokesperson Major-General Efomi Ekenge said 14 people had died in the crash.

“All those on board died; 12 were burned beyond recognition, while the pilot’s lifeless body was found outside the aircraft,” he said.

According to the military, among those killed were civilians and members of an official delegation travelling with the two generals, along with other military personnel.

Bokinda also said most of the bodies were burned beyond recognition and the pilot was found dead outside the wreckage.

An investigation has been opened to determine the cause of the accident, Ekenge said.

The DRC, a vast, mineral-rich country in central Africa, has endured decades of conflict, particularly along its eastern border with Rwanda, where several armed groups compete for control of lucrative mining areas.

The Congolese military has been battling a number of rebel groups that have claimed key cities in the country since last year.

Health workers struggle as new Ebola cases are found in border regions of South Ubangi and Haut-Uele.

The Ebola virus caused by the Bundibugyo strain has spread to two new health zones in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, according to the World Health Organization (WHO).

New cases were found in Bulu in South Ubangi governorate on the border with the Central African Republic and Dungu in Haut-Uele province on the border with South Sudan, the WHO said on Friday.

The additional cases bring the number of health zones affected to 63 across seven provinces as authorities struggle to control the outbreak.

As of September 23, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, has reported 7,890 confirmed cases and 3,799 deaths, according to the WHO. That means that almost half the people who contracted the infection have died.

WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said conflict and population displacement were making it more difficult for health workers to reach ‌‌affected communities and trace people who may have been exposed to the virus.

“It’s very difficult to see Ebola in isolation because even our response to Ebola is affected by the conflict, because there is displacement and there is an access problem to some areas,” Tedros said.

The Bundibugyo strain is difficult to treat because there are no approved vaccines, Tedros said, adding that the WHO is accelerating clinical trials of vaccines and treatments.

Contact tracing falling short

Meanwhile, health workers looking for people who may have been exposed to the Bundibugyo strain are falling short of their targets.

According to Dr Jean Kaseya, the director-general of the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC), the more than 7,000 confirmed cases should translate to about 420,000 contacts.

“But currently, we have just 30,000 people in the contact list,” Kaseya said.

“When the outbreak is at community level, we cannot talk about control,” he added.

Ituri province in northeastern DRC continues to be the epicentre of the outbreak, accounting for 6,032 confirmed cases since the start of the epidemic in May, including 868 new confirmed cases reported in the last 21 days.

North Kivu is the second most affected province, with 1,480 new cases, including 567 reported in the last 21 days. The province now accounts for around a third of newly confirmed cases and deaths, the WHO said in a report on Sunday.

Nearly 60 percent of people diagnosed in North Kivu died, significantly higher than the national average of 48 percent, the data show.

Medical staff say patients are avoiding health facilities until it is too late.

“Patients think that if they arrive at the hospital, they will be immediately sent to the treatment centre to die,” said Dr Michel Paluku Mukuloli, who works at a hospital in North Kivu’s Butembo.

That complicates efforts to identify cases and start treatment before the disease reaches its most dangerous stages.

North Kivu was the epicentre of three previous Ebola outbreaks, including one in 2018-2020, which until this year was the DRC’s largest and deadliest. Those outbreaks, however, were caused by a different type of Ebola virus, known as the Zaire strain.

Much less is known about the Bundibugyo strain. But responders say in the early stages of infection, patients often experience milder symptoms easily mistaken for more common diseases such as malaria and typhoid fever.

Tigray was cutoff from the world during the 2020-2022 civil war, which killed around 600,000 people.

Fears of a communications blackout in northern Ethiopia have increased as fighting flares between the federal military and forces from the Tigray region and ⁠their allies.

Telecom and internet networks were reported to have stopped working on Friday as the conflict threatened to develop across the country into a full-scale war.

The interruptions have provoked fears of a repeat of the communications blackout and supplies blockade during the 2020-2022 civil war in ⁠northern Ethiopia, when Tigray was largely cut off from the outside world.

Web monitor NetBlocks said it had detected an “internet disruption in northern Ethiopia corresponding to reports of a telecoms blackout in Tigray”.

The Reuters news agency reported that Tigray’s ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, had ordered private operator Safaricom and state-owned Ethio telecom to cut off access ⁠to phone and internet networks in the region.

Full-scale war

A source said the restrictions may be part of a tactic to neutralise the advantage of government forces using battlefield drones.

Lower-level clashes between federal and Tigrayan forces have been ongoing for some time. However, fighting intensified this week across Tigray and later spread to the neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions, after seven armed groups announced they have formed an alliance.

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival has committed itself to removing the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

The Tigray Army said the federal government had launched a “full-scale offensive” involving infantry, mechanised units and drones, and said its forces had begun what they called a defensive war to counter aggression by Abiy’s government.

The alliance forces have seized three airports and launched attacks against ⁠federal troops in Afar and Amhara.

The ⁠federal government has accused Eritrea of financially backing the TPLF and its allies, which leaders in the capital Asmara deny.

Abdisalam Balema, a member of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) central committee, told Al Jazeera that the situation has become a “full war”.

The outbreak of violence is the most serious escalation ⁠since the civil war in 2020-2022. During that conflict, which killed an estimated 600,000 people, the telecoms blackout and supplies blockade imposed on Tigray caused famine-like conditions for hundreds of thousands of people.

People in Tigray are reported to have rushed to stock up on basic supplies and withdraw cash.

The renewed fighting comes at an awkward moment for the United States, which only this month lifted sanctions on Ethiopia and Eritrea related to atrocities committed during the last civil war, saying the “national emergency… has expired”.

The conflict could also draw in neighbouring Eritrea, which fears landlocked Ethiopia is planning to invade it to gain access to the Red Sea.

About 100 people, as well as cargo, were reportedly on board the vessel when it sank on Lake Tanganyika.

At least 41 people have died, and 49 others have been rescued, after a boat capsized on Lake Tanganyika in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Norris Mulongoyi, the provincial transport minister for DRC’s Tanganyika province, told The Associated Press news agency that search operations were under way to locate the remaining passengers.

The boat was reportedly carrying about 100 people and cargo when it capsized near the Congolese village of Mapera.

The vessel was travelling from the port of Kigoma in Tanzania to the city of Kalemie in DRC when it sank on Thursday.

A survivor identified as Annie Moyoni told Radio Okapi, a UN-backed Congolese broadcaster, that passengers were awakened at about 1am and found the boat tilting to one side.

It is unclear what caused the vessel to capsize, but hundreds of people have been killed in boat disasters in the DRC in recent years, according to the AP. Vessels are often overloaded and lack life jackets.

For many in the DRC, travelling by boat is the cheapest and most affordable way to get around. The country is one of the poorest in the world and lacks sufficient infrastructure for its more than 100 million people.

The sinking was the second loss of a Congolese vessel on the Kigoma-Kalemie route in less than a month.

On August 28, the Congolese vessel MV Pacifique caught fire and exploded at the port of Kigoma while loading fuel, according to Radio Okapi.

Six crew members were killed, and a seventh was reported missing, Radio Okapi said, citing port authorities. The vessel operated between Kigoma and Kalemie and was used to transport fuel.

At least 20 people also died when a wooden boat carrying students returning from state exams sank in central DRC in July.

DR Congo beat Equatorial Guinea, while Ivory Coast cruise by Ghana and Cameroon beat Comoros as AFCON qualifiers begin.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo followed up their World Cup exploits ⁠with a 2-0 ⁠home win over Equatorial Guinea on the opening day of the group qualifiers for next year’s Africa Cup of Nations.

Captain Chancel ⁠Mbemba headed home the opening goal in the fourth minute, and Yoane Wissa added a second 18 minutes from time in Kinshasa on Thursday, although ⁠the scoreline might have been more emphatic after they twice struck the woodwork and also had two efforts ruled offside.

It was the first game for the Congolese after advancing through the first phase of the World Cup for the first time ‌and running England close in their last-32 tie in Atlanta in July.

However, there was no opportunity for home supporters to celebrate their achievement as the size of the crowd at the Stade des Martyrs was restricted to 20,000 after sanctions for fan violence that followed defeat by Senegal in World Cup qualification one year ago.

Mauritania and Namibia were also winners ⁠in Thursday’s early games, while Libya netted a last-gasp penalty ⁠to salvage a 2-2 draw at home to Botswana behind closed doors in Tripoli, where the stadium was also banned because of previous supporter violence.

Botswana striker Tumisang Orebonye scored a double ⁠in the first half to put his side on course for a rare away win before Maruwan Alhibeeshi thrashed ⁠home from the edge of the area to ⁠pull one back in the 87th minute.

Botswana substitute Mothusi Cooper gave away a stoppage-time penalty with a clumsy challenge, allowing Ezoo El Mariamy to rescue a draw.

Mauritania won 3-1 over the Central ‌African Republic in Casablanca, Morocco, which included a superb chipped effort over the goalkeeper from Dawda Camara, while Bethuel Muzeu scored the only goal as Namibia ‌edged ‌Congo.

Ivory Coast beat Ghana 2-0 in a derby in Bouake in a Group C encounter.

A stunning strike from Malick Yalcouye opened the scoring from outside the box in the first half, although the Ghana keeper, Lawrence Ati-Zigi, will feel he should have done better at his near post.

Franck Kessie gave the Black Stars stopper no chance as he sent his opponent the wrong way with a side-footed second-half penalty.

Ghana, who failed to qualify for the 2025 edition of AFCON, are left to reflect on a match where they failed to register a shot on target until the 75th minute. They also conceded 61 percent of possession to their hosts.

Cameroon beat Comoros 3-1, while Tunisia were held to a 1-1 draw by Uganda in the pick of the other ties.

Tigray People’s Liberation Front says in a ‘situation of full-blown war’ with Ethiopia’s government.

Ethiopia’s army says it has killed at least 272 fighters from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in a counter-offensive in the country’s northwest Amhara region.

The Ethiopian National Defence Force said on Thursday that another 260 Tigrayan fighters were wounded and several were captured.

“Government forces launched a counter-offensive that inflicted heavy personnel and equipment losses on the TPLF” after the group and its allies attacked several areas of North Wollo, a region of Amhara that borders Tigray, the army said in a statement on Facebook.

The intensification came days after TPLF and six other armed groups from across Ethiopia announced the formation of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival, which committed itself to removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government.

The coalition brought together the newly-formed Amhara Fano National Movement, the Oromo Liberation Army and other movements from the Somali, Afar and Benishangul-Gumuz regional states.

‘Full-blown war’

“We are in the situation of full-blown war now,” TPLF Vice President Amanuel Assefa told AFP news agency on Thursday.

He confirmed that Tigrayan forces were fighting alongside local armed groups in Afar and Amhara.

The alliance marks a striking realignment that had been almost a year in the making, bringing together armed groups with very different histories and grievances against the central government, including forces with histories of conflict among themselves.

In a statement issued as the fighting widened on Wednesday, the alliance said the federal government was attacking its forces on several fronts and presented their response as part of the broader struggle that had brought the coalition together.

Meanwhile, the escalation has disrupted air travel, as Tigrayan forces seized three local airports in the region.

Flights to Lalibela, a UNESCO-listed site in Amhara known for its medieval rock-hewn churches, were suspended on Thursday, according to Reuters news agency.

AFP also received reports of fighting around Lalibela, causing its airport to close. The area has often been targeted by the Fano, a local armed group that is now operating alongside the TPLF.

Wider regional rivalries

TPLF last went ⁠to war with the Ethiopian federal government in 2020, leading to a devastating two-year conflict that ended with a peace deal in 2022.

In his address at the UN General Assembly on Wednesday, Ethiopia’s President Taye Atske-Selassie Amde blamed the escalation on “the forces of destruction and mayhem” and “interference in our internal affairs by adversarial elements”.

He said Ethiopia had exercised “immense restraint” and made progress with its neighbours.

Analysts say the Tigray rebels have support from Eritrea, which fears landlocked Ethiopia is planning to invade its territory to gain access to the Red Sea.

The TPLF’s Assefa told AFP “we have no information about Eritrea’s plan”. Asked if they would request Eritrean intervention, he said: “Not yet.”

Ethiopia’s domestic conflicts are becoming harder to separate from wider rivalries in the Horn of Africa, particularly Addis Ababa’s deteriorating relationship with Eritrea and Sudan’s civil war.

Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has visited Asmara twice since July for talks with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, while Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, reportedly visited Addis Ababa in late August.

Follow updates, build-up, team news and lineups, from our live text commentary stream coverage as Yan Diomande stars.

“They’ve begun an offensive around southern Tigray,” Abdisalam Balema, a member of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front’s (TPLF) central committee, told Al Jazeera by phone from Mekelle, the Tigrayan capital, on Wednesday morning.

“They’re carrying out strikes in many places. We are not sure of the extent of it or whether they will continue, but we will assess it.”

Balema did not know it then, but he was describing the start of a major military escalation.

Fighting intensified across parts of Tigray and later spread to the neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions, pitting federal forces against several armed groups. A day later, Balema told Al Jazeera that the situation had become a “full war”.

The Tigray Army said the federal government had launched a “full-scale offensive” involving infantry, mechanised units and drones, and said its forces had begun counteroffensive operations.

Getachew Reda, a former senior TPLF figure who now advises Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, gave the opposite account of how the fighting began, accusing the TPLF of launching the attack.

The escalation disrupted air travel, as Tigrayan forces seized airports in the region and Ethiopian Airlines suspended flights across Tigray. Local reports also said they had captured Abala, a district capital in neighbouring Afar.

Amid the competing accounts of how the escalation began, the immediate question may now be whether Ethiopia has crossed into a wider conflict.

The intensification came days after seven armed movements from across Ethiopia, including the TPLF, announced the formation of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival, which committed itself to removing Abiy’s government.

The coalition has brought together the Amhara Fano National Movement and the Oromo Liberation Army, alongside other movements from Somali, Afar and Benishangul-Gumuz areas.

The alliance marked a striking realignment that had been almost a year in the making, bringing together movements with very different histories and grievances against the central government, including forces with bitter histories of conflict among themselves.

In a statement issued as the fighting widened on Wednesday, the alliance said the federal government was attacking its member forces on several fronts and presented their response as part of the broader struggle that had brought the coalition together.

The regional East African bloc IGAD called for hostilities to cease and direct dialogue to resume, while the United Nations has expressed concern over the formation of the new armed coalition and reports of drone attacks.

About three-quarters of a million people were already internally displaced in Tigray because of the earlier war, according to UN migration data.

Formation of the alliance

The alliance grew out of the political realignment that followed the Pretoria agreement, which ended the two-year Tigray war in November 2022. The deal brought peace between Addis Ababa and the TPLF, but fractured the coalition Abiy had assembled to fight the war.

Neither Eritrea nor Amhara forces, whose troops had fought alongside the federal army, were parties to the final agreement, and both later fell out with the federal government.

In Amhara, tensions over plans to dismantle regional forces helped trigger open conflict between the Ethiopian government and Fano fighters, organised under the Amhara Fano National Movement, in 2023. Relations with Eritrea also deteriorated, first over the Pretoria settlement and later over Abiy’s push for access to the Red Sea through Eritrean ports.

The Pretoria agreement also deepened divisions within the TPLF, between figures such as Reda, who continued to defend the settlement, and a faction led by Debretsion Gebremichael that increasingly rejected the political order it had created.

Pretoria “changed the equation”, Faisal Roble, a regional analyst and member of the East African Parliament, told Al Jazeera. “Abiy alienated all of them at different levels.”

The faction led by Debretsion later seized power in Tigray and repaired relations with former enemies, including Fano fighters in Amhara and Eritrea, upending the alliances that had defined the previous war.

The government’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, told the Reuters news agency after the new coalition was announced that its members had already been collaborating with financial backing from Asmara and that the formal declaration confirmed statements by government officials.

Eritrea has repeatedly denied supporting Ethiopian armed groups.

Reda had dismissed the alliance’s chances of ousting the government shortly after it was announced. “I don’t lose sleep over that,” he told state media this week.

“Now it [the TPLF] goes back to the drawing board, and declares Pretoria dead and starts an alliance with the very people who fell out with the federal government because Pretoria was signed,” he added.

Balema, the senior TPLF official, said the party’s decision to join those former enemies reflected its determination not to find itself isolated if the conflict widened again.

“We’ve been forced to ally with other movements who also face an existential threat from the government,” he told Al Jazeera. “We don’t want a repeat of 2020 when we were encircled and alone.”

Balema acknowledged unresolved disputes within the alliance, including competing claims over western Tigray involving Amhara forces, but said the groups had agreed to address them through dialogue.

“We have a political charter, and our aim is to remove the personalist regime of Abiy Ahmed, establish a transitional government, hold a constitutional dialogue and move to elections,” he added, saying “the alliance is in consensus on this.”

“For now it seems like it will work, but when the deeper issues need to be resolved it will test their different constituencies, who have different expectations,” Mohamed Kheir Omer, a researcher focused on the Horn of Africa, told Al Jazeera.

“But right now it isn’t the urgent issue.”

Beyond northern Ethiopia

The alliance also draws in the Oromo Liberation Army and a faction of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, movements rooted in older demands for autonomy and self-determination among Ethiopia’s Oromo and Somali populations.

Both had fought the TPLF-dominated government that preceded Abiy and are now allied with the TPLF. Taking office in 2018, promising a break with the old order, Abiy sought to bring both into civilian politics.

The Oromo Liberation Front returned from exile, but disagreements over disarmament left part of its armed wing outside the settlement.

Those fighters continued their armed conflict as the Oromo Liberation Army, and subsequent peace talks with the government failed.

Though the OLA ultimately signed the new alliance agreement, its leader, Jaal Marroo, had described it in the preceding days as a “procedural consensus” rather than a substantive settlement on Ethiopia’s political future.

The ONLF stayed out of armed conflict after its own 2018 peace deal, but later fractured. An overseas faction accuses the government of failing to implement the agreement and eroding Somali autonomy, while the leadership inside Ethiopia’s Somali region denies joining the new alliance.

Abdulkadir Hassan Hirmoge, a spokesperson for the faction that joined, told Al Jazeera that it now regards the 2018 agreement as void.

He said joining the alliance did not mean restarting an armed struggle, but backing its programme of removing Abiy and establishing a transitional government.

Regional dimension

Ethiopia’s domestic conflicts are becoming harder to separate from wider rivalries in the Horn, particularly Sudan’s civil war and Addis Ababa’s deteriorating relationship with Eritrea.

Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has visited Asmara twice since July for talks with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, while Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, the commander of Sudan’s rival Rapid Support Forces, reportedly visited Addis Ababa in late August.

Reuters reported in February that thousands of RSF fighters were being trained at a camp in western Ethiopia, while Sudan has accused Ethiopia, and its ally the United Arab Emirates, which also reportedly backs the RSF, of allowing drones to be launched from its territory into Sudan.

The emerging Ethiopian opposition alignment has touched the same regional network.

Several figures associated with groups now in the alliance attended a meeting in Port Sudan in May, publicly presented as a “people-to-people” initiative.

In July, Abiy told lawmakers: “Let alone Eritrea, the TPLF and Sudan, even if others were added, we do not have an iota of fear regarding Ethiopia’s sovereignty.”

Balema, the senior TPLF official, denied that the alliance was receiving military or logistical support from either Eritrea or Sudan, saying its relationships abroad amounted to political contacts rather than foreign backing.

“We didn’t create the current problem with Eritrea; Abiy did with his demands on its ports, and the same with Somalia,” he said.

“In Sudan, he is now supporting the Rapid Support Forces. He has created his own enemies across the region and we are just picking up the pieces.”

Sudan has recently sought to ease tensions with Addis Ababa. Malik Agar, the second in command of its military-aligned government, said last week that “we do not want to get involved in a war with Ethiopia.”

Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo opposition politician, warned that Ethiopia could nevertheless become an “incongruent battlefield” in which wider regional contests increasingly play out.

“These things are impossible to control,” he said.

Media reports say US withholds army chief’s visa to pressure him into accepting a 90-day truce in Sudan’s civil war.

Sudanese activists and journalists have criticised the United States over reports that Washington has withheld a visa from army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan before the United Nations General Assembly in an apparent bid to pressure him into accepting a ceasefire proposal.

Activists took to social media on Wednesday to slam the reported move as “political pressure”, arguing that access to the UN should not be used to influence Khartoum’s position on Sudan’s three-year civil war.

Neither the Sudanese government nor the US Department of State has commented on the reports.

General al-Burhan, whose army has been fighting the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) since April 2023, was scheduled to address the General Assembly on Thursday in New York. The army chief has spoken at the assembly twice since the war began.

The conflict has killed tens of thousands of people and caused the world’s largest hunger and displacement crises.

The Reuters news agency, citing Sudanese sources, reported on Tuesday that the US was withholding al-Burhan’s visa and had made its issuance contingent on him agreeing to a 90-day ceasefire proposed by Massad Boulos, US senior adviser for Arab and African affairs.

The AFP news agency, quoting two diplomatic sources, also reported that Washington refused to issue the visa. One source called the move a “clear violation of the UN’s agreement with the US” while another said the visa had been “conditioned” on al-Burhan accepting the three-month truce.

‘Political pressure’

Sudan’s UN ambassador, Al-Harith Idriss Al-Harith, wrote to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to request the UN’s “immediate intervention” with US authorities, according to Reuters.

Stephane Dujarric, a spokesman for Guterres, said the UN chief was “deeply concerned” that the visa had reportedly not been issued. He told the AFP that the UN Secretariat has urged the US, as host country, to ensure visas were issued in accordance with its obligations under the UN Headquarters Agreement and in time for al-Burhan to participate in the General Assembly.

Sudanese activist Mamoun al-Sheikh denounced the US move in a post on Facebook, saying: “Even if the visa is withheld, it will not silence Sudan’s voice.”

Another activist, Sayed Al-Mazaj, described linking the visa to a proposed 90-day ceasefire as “a tool for political pressure”. And in a video posted on X, Sudanese journalist Diaa Al-Din Bilal said barring al-Burhan from New York would not force him to accept the US position and could instead boost his popularity and rally support around him.

Another X user, @Atifazhri, also denounced the US move, noting that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes in Gaza, had been granted a visa.

“The issue is double standards – when visas become instruments of political coercion against a sovereign state while far more serious cases are treated differently. International law and justice cannot be applied selectively,” the user wrote.

US questions al-Burhan’s legitimacy

The State Department issued a statement on Tuesday that did not directly address al-Burhan’s visa but called into question his legitimacy. Its spokesman Tommy Pigott said neither the Sudanese army nor the RSF “nor their respective leaders, represent legitimate, constitutional governance for Sudan”.

He added the US would “seek to raise the cost of continued conflict on all belligerents”.

Sudan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs hit back on Wednesday, calling on the US to engage positively with the country’s government. Any peace initiative, it said, must “be grounded in respect for Sudan’s sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity, and legitimate national institutions”.

“It must also address the root causes of the war’s continuation — foremost among them, negative foreign interference,” the ministry added.

Al-Burhan has been Sudan’s de facto leader since 2019 although the African Union and Western powers withdrew recognition after a 2021 coup that he led with Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, the RSF’s leader, against the civilian leadership.

He has rejected externally imposed ceasefires, arguing that earlier pauses in the fighting benefitted the paramilitary group.

The US has also refused visas to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and some members of Iran’s delegation to the UN.

Magadi, Kenya – For more than a century, soda ash has shaped life in Magadi, a remote town on the shores of Lake Magadi in Kenya’s Kajiado County.

The mineral has brought exports, jobs and business. But for many people living around the lake, that activity has not brought enough opportunities or basic services. The result is a complicated relationship with Tata Chemicals Magadi, the company that has mined soda ash there for generations.

Now that relationship is under strain. The Kenyan government has suspended the company’s mining operations, and President William Ruto has ordered it to leave while a joint technical committee works with the company to resolve outstanding issues.

For Magadi, the dispute is also about what the community and Kenya have gained from a resource extracted there for more than a century.

A century of soda ash

Commercial soda ash production in Magadi dates back to 1911. Tata Chemicals acquired the operation in 2005 and later renamed it Tata Chemicals Magadi Limited.

The company has become one of Kenya’s major soda ash exporters, with much of its production destined for international markets. It has also become part of everyday life in Magadi, providing jobs and supporting services including water, healthcare and education.

But the government says its long history in the area does not exempt Tata from Kenya’s current mining laws.

Mining Cabinet Secretary Hassan Joho told Al Jazeera on September 11 that the regulatory environment changed after the 2010 Constitution and the Mining Act. He said a government-wide compliance audit found that Tata had not applied for a mineral right under the Mining Act and had instead relied on its land concessions.

According to Joho, Tata made its first application for a mineral right on July 26, 2024, after which the government began engaging with the company over compliance.

“Past oversights do not grant immunity from existing laws,” Joho said.

He said the review also identified issues around mineral royalties, community development agreements, local processing, employment of Kenyan citizens, procurement of local goods and services, and outstanding matters with the Kajiado County government.

The government says Kenya should get more value from the resource instead of mainly exporting it as a raw material.

Ruto has made a similar argument, saying communities have not benefitted enough from the mineral extracted from Magadi. During his visit to Kajiado, he said a new investor should establish major glass and chemical manufacturing facilities in the county, creating jobs and keeping more value in Kenya.

Why now?

The government’s decision has raised a question for a company that has operated in Magadi for more than a century: why now?

Joho told Al Jazeera that the answer lies in the government’s decision to carry out comprehensive compliance audits across the mining sector, including legacy concessions.

The ministry suspended Tata’s operations in July, citing regulatory concerns. Since then, the company and the government have been negotiating over how to resolve the outstanding issues.

Tata disputes the suggestion that it has ignored regulatory requirements.

In a statement to Al Jazeera, the company said its subsidiary submitted a comprehensive response to the ministry on August 11 regarding the issues raised in the July 28 suspension notice. Tata said the submission included information on its compliance with applicable regulations and that it was waiting for further direction from the ministry.

The company said it respected the authority of the Kenyan government and remained committed to constructive engagement with concerned agencies and regulators.

The economic stakes are significant. The Standard has previously reported that Tata’s Magadi operation contributes substantially to Kenya’s economy and that the company has argued that a shutdown would affect exports, foreign exchange and employment.

The operation supports hundreds of workers directly, while thousands more people in Magadi depend on the wider economy around it.

A community caught between dependence and frustration

For residents, the debate is not simply about whether Tata should stay or go. It is about what they have received from a company that has been at the centre of Magadi’s economy for generations, and what they could lose if it leaves.

Nkanoi Matipei, a Magadi resident, said locals want more jobs at different levels, more corporate social responsibility projects and access to land under Tata that they say is currently idle and used for grazing.

Another resident, Esther Nganoni, strongly opposed the idea of removing Tata.

“Tata Chemicals Company has been our lifeline,” Nganoni told Al Jazeera, pointing to bursaries, water and health services provided by the company.

She questioned what a replacement investor would offer the community and said residents must be consulted before any decision is made.

Cosmas Karera Kiratu, who previously served as the subcounty children officer for Kajiado West, told Al Jazeera that Magadi faces serious challenges, including poverty, water shortages, long distances to schools, inadequate infrastructure and teachers, child labour, teenage pregnancy, female genital mutilation and child marriage.

He said some schools are about 15km (9 miles) apart, while water remains particularly difficult to access.

According to Karera, the only clean water available through a piped system is supplied to Tata Chemicals from Ngurumani, about 40km (25 miles) away.

Residents depend heavily on Tata water bowsers, which he said do not reach all communities and often provide insufficient water for both domestic and livestock use.

“The local community was very dependent on Tata company in terms of water, health services, school bursary and schools upgrading,” Karera said.

He warned that an abrupt end to Tata’s operations could have serious consequences if alternative services are not put in place.

The technical committee and what happens next

That uncertainty is now at the centre of the government’s negotiations with Tata.

Joho said the ministry’s suspension was intended to give the company an opportunity to address the identified compliance issues. After Tata committed to remedy the outstanding matters, he said, a joint technical committee was established to guide the process.

Joho said the committee is dealing with the formation and gazettement of Community Development Agreement Committees, local processing facilities, outstanding mineral royalties, employment of Kenyan citizens, procurement of local goods and services and unresolved matters with the Kajiado County government.

He said discussions were progressing.

“Deliberations within the joint technical committee remain progressive, with a clear focus on achieving full statutory compliance under the Mining Act and securing socioeconomic returns for the extractive sector, the local community, and the nation at large,” Joho told Al Jazeera.

The Standard reported that the committee is also considering mineral beneficiation and in-country value addition, outstanding community benefits and royalties, unresolved land matters, the possibility of opening the area to multiple mineral extraction companies and outstanding issues involving Kajiado County.

For Kajiado Governor Joseph Ole Lenku, the county government must have a seat at the table.

“We want to thank the president for his firm stand and directives on Tata Chemicals Magadi. I have been vindicated,” Lenku told Al Jazeera.

He said county participation in negotiations was non-negotiable and identified payment of accrued land rates as the county government’s “irreducible minimum”.

He also said the grievances of Magadi residents had been known and repeated for years.

What does the future hold for Magadi?

The government has made clear that if a new investor eventually comes in, it wants more than the export of soda ash. It wants processing, manufacturing, jobs and a larger share of the economic value to remain in Kenya.

But residents are asking what happens to the services and livelihoods that currently depend on Tata.

For Matipei, keeping Tata does not mean accepting the status quo. She wants more jobs, greater community investment and access to land that residents say remains underused.

For Nganoni, removing Tata without a clear alternative could put the community at risk. She argues that residents must be involved in deciding what comes next.

Lenku wants the county government’s interests addressed, while Joho says the government’s objective is to bring the operation fully within Kenya’s mining laws and ensure that the country and local community receive greater socioeconomic benefits.

Tata says it is waiting for the government’s response to its August submission and remains committed to resolving the outstanding issues through engagement.

For Matipei, however, the question is what the community has gained from an industry that has shaped Magadi for generations.

“Over the years, the company’s assistance to the local community has been trickling, sustaining us but denying us economic freedom,” Matipei told Al Jazeera.

Who: Ivory Coast vs Ghana
What: CAF Africa Cup of Nations qualifier
Where: Stade de Bouake, in Bouake, Ivory Coast
When: Thursday, September 24, at 7pm (19:00 GMT)
How to follow: Al Jazeera Sport will have live build-up from 16:00 GMT before our text commentary stream.

The qualification process for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations kicks off with a match befitting the final itself as Ivory Coast play Ghana.

Both nations are packed with high-profile players and are led by names that have managed at the highest levels of the game.

Al Jazeera takes a look at the mouth-watering opener on the path to the finals in Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania.

Who else is in Ivory Coast and Ghana’s AFCON qualifying group?

The Gambia and Somalia complete Group C of the Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers.

In the next round of matches in the group, Ghana will entertain The Gambia on Tuesday, while Ivory Coast will travel to Somalia.

What are the expectations on Ivory Coast’s AFCON campaign?

Despite their round-of-32 exit in the FIFA World Cup 2026 at the hands of Norway, Ivory Coast’s task ahead is quite clear: win AFCON 2027.

The Elephants are led by Herve Renard, who is taking charge of the West African giants for the second time and replaced Emerse Fae following the World Cup.

The Frenchman previously managed Ivory Coast from 2014 to 2015, leading them to the AFCON title before joining French Ligue 1 club Lille immediately after the final.

Renard is a two-time AFCON winner, having also led Zambia to their historic win in 2012. The 57-year-old has also managed Morocco, Tunisia – in a last-minute call-up at World Cup 2026 – and Saudi Arabia, who he famously led to victory against Argentina in their group-stage match at Qatar 2022.

Who are the star names in the Ivory Coast side?

Although not blessed with the superstar-level talents like Didier Drogba from their 2015 victory, Ivory Coast are still a force to be reckoned with.

Yan Diomande is the shining light of African football following his $161m move to Spanish giants Real Madrid from RB Leipzig in Germany.

Former Barcelona midfielder, now with Atalanta in Italy’s Serie A, Franck Kessie is arguably the next biggest name in the current side.

Former Arsenal forward, Nicolas Pepe is resurrecting his career at Villarreal in Spain after a failed $92m transfer to the Gunners from French club Lille.

Ibrahim Sangare has been a standout performer in the English Premier League with Nottingham Forest, while Amad Diallo of Manchester United is the starlet of Ivory Coast football.

What is Ivory Coast’s AFCON record?

The Elephants are three-time AFCON winners and beat Ghana on penalties in the 1992 final for their first continental crown.

Renard’s 2015 victory also saw Ghana defeated, and once again it was by penalties.

Their most recent win came at the 2023 edition when they defeated Nigeria 2-1 on home soil.

What are the expectations on Ghana’s AFCON campaign?

Ghana, like Ivory Coast, were also eliminated at the round of 32 at the World Cup 2026 as they lost 1-0 to Colombia.

The Black Stars also lost their final group stage match to Croatia, but achieved a respectable 0-0 draw with eventual semifinalists England, while beating Panama to secure their progress to the knockouts.

Led by former Real Madrid manager Carlos Queiroz, Ghana will also have their sights set on the final of AFCON 2027.

Queiroz, who rose to prominence as assistant to Alex Ferguson at Manchester United, has the record of Iran’s longest-serving manager with a run between 2011 and 2019. The Portuguese also returned to manage the side at Qatar 2022.

Alongside his two-year stint as Real manager, the 73-year-old has also managed South Africa, Egypt, Colombia, Qatar and his native Portugal.

With his wealth of experience, the West Africans will hope to rise from a nation that failed to reach the last AFCON – finishing bottom of their qualifying group – to winners of the 2027 edition.

Who are the star names in the Ghana side?

Where Ivory Coast have more strength across the board, Ghana have a longer list of star attractions.

Manchester City forward Antoine Semenyo is undoubtedly Ghana’s key player, but is ably assisted in attack by Mohammed Kudus, who made his name in the English Premier League with West Ham before a big-money move to Tottenham.

Jordan Ayew is a long-established spearhead of attacks in European football, as well as for Ghana, for whom he remains the national team captain.

Former Arsenal midfielder Thomas Partey is still a pivotal player for his new club Villarreal, while Athletic Bilbao’s Inaki Williams remains one of the hottest talents in La Liga, with a host of top clubs across Europe vying for his signature.

What is Ghana’s AFCON record?

Ghana are four-time winners of AFCON, but have not lifted the trophy since 1982.

Alongside their 1992 and 2015 defeats by Ivory Coast, they lost the 2010 edition to Egypt.

What happened the last time Ivory Coast played Ghana?

The last meeting between the sides came in a friendly in 2021 and, much like the 2015 AFCON final, it ended in a 0-0 draw.

The previous competitive meeting between the sides saw Ivory Coast win 3-1 in their round-of-16 match at AFCON 2010.

Head-to-head

This will be the 38th meeting between the border-sharing nations, with Ghana winning 15 of the encounters and Ivory Coast winning 10.

Ivory Coast team news

Diallo is the prominent absentee from the match for Ivory Coast as the forward recovers from injury.

Evann Guessand and Omar Diakite are notable omissions from Renard’s 25-man squad selection.

Ivory Coast predicted starting lineup

Fofana; Doue, Koussounou, O Diomande, Konan; Kessie, Sangare, Inao; Pepe, Bonny, Y Diomande

Ghana team news

Injuries have stripped the Ghana squad of a number of their leading names, including their captain Ayew.

The losses of Semenyo and Kudus are even greater blows, the latter having missed the 2026 World Cup with a hamstring injury.

Ghana predicted starting lineup

Asare; Oppong, Adjetey, Opoku, Mensah; Yirenkyi, Sibo, Donkor; Issahaku, Thomas-Asante, Nuamah

Two days after seven Ethiopian armed groups announced the formation of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival and pledged to remove Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, a senior official of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was asked whether the statement amounted to a declaration of war.

He hesitated, then answered with a question of his own.

“We are at war now, aren’t we?”

He was speaking to Kjetil Tronvoll, professor of peace and conflict studies at Oslo New University College, who told Al Jazeera that the answer captured what the new rebel alliance had changed.

It has not created a single, coherent military force capable of marching on Addis Ababa. It has brought several of Ethiopia’s separate conflicts into the same political framework and, potentially, into the same military calculation.

The question now is how much further that can spread and whether seven movements with different enemies, territorial claims and histories can actually fight as one.

On Tuesday, drones struck two schools in Alamata, in southern Tigray, and the town’s mayor said 14 civilians were killed and 22 wounded. The account could not be independently verified, and the federal government did not immediately comment.

By Wednesday, Tigrayan forces had seized Alula Aba Nega International Airport in Mekelle, AFP reported, citing an airport employee and a Western embassy security source. The airport employee said staff had been told there were no flights.

The alliance, whose founding statement Fano commander Zemene Kassie read on Tigrai TV on Sunday, brings together the Amhara Fano National Movement, the TPLF and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), along with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front, the Benishangul Peoples’ Liberation Movement and the Gumuz Peoples’ Democratic Movement.

It promises a transitional administration once Abiy is gone.

Abiy’s spokesperson, Billene Seyoum, told Reuters that the members had been collaborating for some time with Eritrean financial backing, an accusation Asmara has repeatedly denied.

The war that never really ended

The TPLF dominated Ethiopia for 27 years, until Abiy took power in 2018 and pushed it to the margins.

In November 2020, the federal army, backed by Eritrean troops and Amhara forces, went to war with it. The conflict became one of the deadliest in Ethiopia’s modern history. African Union mediator Olusegun Obasanjo believes that about 600,000 people died, though estimates of the toll have varied.

That war ended in November 2022 with an agreement signed in Pretoria, South Africa.

It was a permanent cessation of hostilities. It silenced the guns and set terms for Tigray’s disarmament, but left critical questions for later, above all Western Tigray, the fertile territory claimed by both sides and administered by Amhara forces since the war.

Only Addis Ababa and the TPLF signed. Neither Eritrea nor the Amhara forces had a seat.

Jawar Mohammed, the Oromo politician who was once an ally of Abiy and later spent time in prison, told Al Jazeera that shutting them out gave them every reason to wreck the deal.

The new alliance brings together forces that were excluded from the Pretoria negotiations with one of the agreement’s signatories.

The quiet it created ended in May, when the TPLF restored the legislative council that existed before the war and installed its chairman, Debretsion Gebremichael, as regional president, effectively setting up a rival political authority to the interim administration established under the Pretoria agreement. The TPLF accused the federal government of failing to honour its side of the deal.

Federal and Tigrayan forces then clashed at Shererina, near the Sudanese border, on August 1. Heavy artillery and drones were used in the fighting, and hundreds of Tigrayans, including wounded fighters, fled into Sudan.

Then came the drones.

On August 20, two drones struck homes in Mekelle, wounding 13 people, according to the TPLF. Al Jazeera could not independently verify the account.

On September 20, a drone destroyed a truck carrying 41 tonnes of food aid near Adi Daero, according to the TPLF. Addis Ababa has acknowledged none of the reported strikes.

“We signed the Pretoria Agreement, but the regime used the agreement to kill the people of Tigray systematically,” the TPLF’s spokesperson, Michael Asgedom, told Al Jazeera.

Two scripts

Asgedom tells it two ways.

The alliance “was created to bring peace and democracy to Ethiopia”, he said.

He also said it would build a new order “over the ruins of Abiy Ahmed’s system” and that this was “the right time to eradicate the regime”.

If war comes, he said, “it will be for survival.”

One script is for diplomats, the other for fighters.

Tronvoll calls it constructive ambiguity, a phrase that fits the alliance.

That the alliance claims to speak for seven peoples can delegitimise Abiy abroad and raise the price of any settlement, whether or not it fires a shot.

The first test is Eritrea, the neighbour whose name appears nowhere in the founding statement.

Over the past two years, Eritrea has reconciled with the TPLF, the enemy its troops helped to crush in 2020, as Abiy began demanding access to the Red Sea, which Asmara interpreted as a claim on its coast.

Jawar argues that Eritrea’s minimum aim is to keep any conflict on the Ethiopian side of the border.

The International Crisis Group has similarly assessed that Eritrea wants to establish a buffer zone on its southern border.

Asgedom has denied any Eritrean military presence in Tigray, but left the door ajar.

“If Eritrea can take action because of a potential danger to its survival, it is the Eritreans who should answer that question.”

Tronvoll says Eritrean troops are in Tigray now, a claim Al Jazeera could not independently verify. Magnus Taylor, deputy director of the International Crisis Group’s Horn of Africa project, told Al Jazeera that he was more cautious.

“This is substantially a domestic Ethiopian phenomenon,” he said.

Seven commands, one war?

The second test is whether seven commands can fight as one.

Zemene chairs the alliance, but the founding statement names no commander for a joint campaign.

If the line ever advances on Addis Ababa, Tronvoll asks, whose soldiers go first?

“If it is a Tigrayan general commanding Amharas to be sacrificed first to save the Tigrayan soldiers, that will split it immediately.”

Western Tigray is not mentioned in the statement either.

Taylor says the Fano are themselves divided over it: Commanders in Gojjam and Wollo can contemplate an alliance with Tigray, while those nearer the disputed land cannot.

“All these groups have their own different beef with the federal government,” Taylor said, and much of it dates from Abiy’s first year.

In 2018, Abiy invited exiled rebels home, and the OLA and the ONLF returned from Asmara.

But the OLA broke away to keep fighting, and talks with it in Tanzania collapsed in 2023.

The ONLF then split in 2025 after its then-chairman called for a return to armed struggle amid a dispute over a Chinese natural-gas concession in the Somali region.

The Amharan Fano rebelled against the government in 2023 after Abiy ordered the regional special forces to be folded into the federal army, a move many Amhara believed was tantamount to disarmament.

In June, Abiy’s Prosperity Party won 438 of 486 contested parliamentary seats. Voting did not take place in Tigray and was disrupted by insecurity in parts of Amhara and Oromia.

But their grievances are not only with Abiy’s government.

Referring to the news of the alliance, Jawar said he had “not seen anything as unpopular among the Oromos”, after years of accusations that Fano fighters have killed Oromo civilians in Wollega.

The OLA calls its participation a “procedural consensus” and has demanded that Fano disown a faction in Wollega that it says the government armed.

“There is no shared political objective,” Jawar said. “They don’t even have a shared tactical objective.”

And Tronvoll goes further: “If the members ever reached the palace, immediately a new war will start between them.”

The people being asked to fight

Then, there are the people being asked to fight.

Tigrayans are being mobilised alongside forces they remember from four years ago, when, in Tronvoll’s characterisation, “both the Eritreans and the Fano Amharas were perpetrating genocide on them.”

Friends in Tigray have told Tronvoll of coercive recruitment. He estimates that tens of thousands have left the region in advance of a possible war and the draft.

“People are voting with their feet,” he said. “They are on their knees already. So what are the alternatives for them than to fight?”

Beyond the border

Abiy, for now, appears unmoved.

“As long as they don’t threaten the palace at Arat Kilo, he can live with that,” Tronvoll said. “I don’t think he skips lunch because of this.”

Taylor struggles for a word.

“Is it a headache? Is it an irritant? Is it a blow? It’s a combination of those things.”

In his assessment, the TPLF, which lost most of its heavy weapons in 2022, has come off worse in recent clashes against federal air power. The likelier course, he says, is a slow deterioration, with southern Tigray the flashpoint.

Jawar views Abiy’s approach as containment: Keep flights into Tigray running so that those who want to leave can do so, and let a war that few want sour public opinion.

With Tigrayan forces having seized Mekelle’s airport, that exit has closed.

Tom Gardner, author of The Abiy Project, said, “For months Abiy’s strategy has been to maintain a low-level conflict largely conducted via drones, proxies, and siege tactics. This could be the moment that strategy breaks down and a full-scale war erupts.”

The regional dimension is becoming harder to separate from the conflict inside Ethiopia.

The International Crisis Group says several thousand Tigrayans, mostly from Western Tigray/Welkait, have fought alongside the Sudanese army against the Rapid Support Forces.

Khartoum has also accused Addis Ababa of allowing drones to strike Sudan from Ethiopian soil, which Ethiopia denies.

Eritrea has aligned itself with Sudan’s army and established ties with Egypt, an opponent of Addis Ababa in the dispute surrounding Nile water resources.

The International Crisis Group has described Egypt as a close wartime ally of the Sudanese army.

Those alignments do not necessarily make the new Ethiopian alliance a regional military bloc. But they make it harder to treat Ethiopia’s conflicts as entirely domestic.

In Mekelle, the calculation is narrower.

“It is better to live than to die,” Asgedom said, “and the regime doesn’t allow us to live.”

A journalist in Mekelle, who spoke to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, said people had lived for months in a state of no-war-no-peace, and many now wanted it decided either way.

The alliance offers a path to war without making clear what that war would cost.

“We need peace,” residents told the journalist in Mekelle, after months without salaries or medicine.

In the city, there is an old belief that an unexpectedly windy and sunny day foretells fighting. Tuesday was both.

The qualifiers for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations begin on Thursday, with 48 countries competing to earn spots in Africa’s biggest football tournament.

Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda will cohost AFCON 2027, as the competition returns to East Africa for the first time in 51 years.

Divided into 12 groups, the teams will be involved in a six-round qualifying process that runs to March next year.

Here’s everything to know about AFCON 2027:

Which teams are in the AFCON 2027 qualifiers?

The draw for the AFCON 2027 qualifiers took place in Cairo, Egypt, in May.

The 48 teams competing in the qualifiers are as follows:

• Group A: Morocco, Gabon, Niger, Lesotho
• Group B: Egypt, Angola, Malawi, South Sudan
• Group C: Ivory Coast, Ghana, The Gambia, Somalia
• Group D: South Africa, Guinea, Kenya, Eritrea
• Group E: Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Sierra Leone, Zimbabwe
• Group F: Burkina Faso, Benin, Mauritania, Central African Republic
• Group G: Cameroon, Comoros, Namibia, Congo
• Group H: Tunisia, Uganda, Libya, Botswana
• Group I: Algeria, Zambia, Togo, Burundi
• Group J: Senegal, Mozambique, Sudan, Ethiopia
• Group K: Mali, Cape Verde, Rwanda, Liberia
• Group L: Nigeria, Madagascar, Tanzania, Guinea-Bissau

What are the top AFCON 2027 qualifying matches?

From the first two rounds:

• Ivory Coast vs Ghana – Thursday, September 24 at 19:00 GMT
• Nigeria vs Madagascar – Friday, September 25 at 16:00 GMT
• Morocco vs Gabon – Friday, September 25 at 19:00 GMT
• Egypt vs Angola – Friday, September 25 at 19:00 GMT
• Algeria vs Zambia – Friday, September 25 at 19:00 GMT
• Senegal vs Mozambique – Friday, September 25 at 19:00 GMT
• South Africa vs Guinea – Saturday, September 26 at 16:00 GMT

What is the schedule for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers?

The six rounds of AFCON 2027 qualifying will be held across these FIFA international windows:

• Rounds 1 and 2: September 21-October 6, 2026
• Rounds 3 and 4: November 9-17, 2026
• Rounds 5 and 6: March 22-30, 2027

How many teams can qualify for the Africa Cup of Nations?

In total, 24 teams qualify for AFCON 2027.

The general rule is that the top two teams in each group will advance to the finals.

However, in groups containing Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania – who have automatically qualified as cohosts – only the highest-ranked team outside the respective host country will go through.

The qualifiers will be played in a home and away format, with each team playing six matches.

When and where is AFCON 2027?

The 36th edition of AFCON will be held in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, bringing the tournament back to East Africa after five decades.

The tournament will run from June 19 to July 17, 2027, at 10 venues across the countries.

The stadiums are in the Tanzanian cities of Dar-es-Salaam, Arusha, Zanzibar, the Kenyan capital Nairobi, and Hoima, Kampala and Lira in Uganda.

Who won the last AFCON?

Senegal defeated Morocco 1-0 in the latest AFCON final on January 18, as Pape Gueye’s extra-time goal in a chaotic contest guided them to their second continental title.

But in March, the Confederation of African Football (CAF) made the extraordinary move to strip Senegal of their crown and award it to Morocco.

The controversial decision came after a review of an incident at the end of normal time in the final, which saw most of the Senegalese team temporarily leave the field to protest an added-time penalty awarded to Morocco, which was missed after a lengthy delay.

Senegal have appealed against CAF’s decision, and the appeal will be heard by the Court of Arbitration for Sport on October 8.

Salah, Diaz and Lookman: The top players in AFCON 2027 qualifiers

Two-time African Footballer of the Year Mohamed Salah, who now plays club football for Trabzonspor in the Turkish Super Lig, stars in record seven-time African champions Egypt’s squad.

Fans should also watch out for Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz and teen midfield sensation Ayyoub Bouaddi in the Morocco squad, led by new coach Mohamed Ouahbi, as well as Ademola Lookman and Samuel Chukwueze in the Nigerian side.

Elsewhere, Ghana are strengthened by the return of their attacking midfielder Mohammed Kudus, who missed the FIFA World Cup 2026 during a seven-month injury absence, while Senegal’s midfield features several talents such as Ibrahim Mbaye and Iliman Ndiaye.

Will Mane and Hakimi play in the AFCON qualifiers?

Morocco will be without their key player and captain Achraf Hakimi for the opening two matches as he serves a two-match suspension, alongside Ismael Saibari, who is banned for three games, for unsporting behaviour during the shambolic AFCON final in January.

Senegal will be without Sadio Mane, two-time African Footballer of the Year, as the Al-Nassr player sits out the match against Mozambique with what newly-appointed coach Patrick Vieira described as a “physical issue”.

Which other key players will miss the AFCON qualifiers?

Nigeria’s star striker Victor Osimhen will miss the opening qualifiers against Madagascar and Guinea-Bissau as he continues his recovery from a muscle problem. One of Africa’s finest forwards, Osimhen picked up the injury while playing for his Turkish club Galatasaray.

Naby Keita is among the several established names excluded from the Guinea squad, while Tunisia’s Hannibal Mejbri and Ivory Coast’s Amad Diallo are both out with injuries.

Gabon will be without former captain and all-time top scorer Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang, who quit international duty, saying he felt “humiliated” by his exclusion and subsequent reinstatement after the AFCON in Morocco in January.

Many other players also called time on their international careers this year. This includes Riyad Mahrez, who guided Algeria to the AFCON 2019 title; Edouard Mendy, Senegal’s first-choice goalkeeper during their AFCON 2021 triumph; and Ghana’s Spanish-born forward Inaki Williams.

How to watch and follow AFCON 2027 qualifying matches?

Fans can catch all the action from the AFCON 2027 qualifiers on the following broadcasters or streaming platforms:

• North Africa and Middle East: beIN SPORTS
• Sub-Saharan Africa: SuperSport
• East Africa: Azam TV, TBC Tanzania, KBC Kenya
• South Africa: SABC Sport
• Francophone Africa: Canal+

The complete list of global broadcasters is here.

Al Jazeera Sport will also bring you live coverage of select matches.

Armed men open fire at a house party in a Durban township, killing a pregnant woman and 10 others.

At least 11 people, including a pregnant woman, have been killed after armed men stormed a house in a township in the South African city of Durban.

The attack took place late on Tuesday, according to Thamsanqa Ntuli, the premier of KwaZulu-Natal province, of which Durban is the main city. Assailants entered the home shortly before 11pm (21:00 GMT) while the victims were gathered at a house party.

Two people survived the attack, Ntuli said, adding the motive behind the killings was not immediately clear.

“The incident has left the community in profound shock and grief,” he said.

Local broadcaster eNCA reported that the attackers forced everyone into a single room before opening fire. They also set fire to a car belonging to one of the victims.

“It’s shocking and sad. These are guys I grew up with. I can’t believe it. It’s like a movie,” a resident told the broadcaster.

“I’ve been staying here all my life, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” he added.

According to a police statement cited by eNCA, preliminary investigations indicated that some of those killed were on South Africa’s Crime Intelligence radar over suspected illegal activities, though the statement did not elaborate further.

“Although the motive for the shooting has not yet been confirmed, a feud between rival groupings cannot be ruled out,” the police said.

South Africa has one of the world’s highest murder rates, with an average of about 60 people killed daily in a population of roughly 62 million.

In March, soldiers were deployed alongside national police to violent hotspots to tackle rampant crime, an issue President Cyril Ramaphosa has described as one of the country’s biggest threats.

President’s move clears hurdles to long delayed election and raises concern he can now wield unchecked power.

South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir has dissolved the country’s transitional unity government and appointed a caretaker administration as the country prepares for its first-ever national elections.

The decree on Tuesday ended a power-sharing arrangement set up under a 2018 peace deal that halted years of civil war, and raised concerns that Kiir could now wield unchecked power.

The decree, read out by the national broadcaster, said all vice-presidents, ministers and local administrators have been removed and that the national and state assemblies have been dissolved.

The judiciary and security institutions remain in place, while Kiir will stay in office “during the election period until the next elected president assumes office”, it said.

The decree came a day after the parliament approved changes to the National Elections Act that allowed Kiir to stay in power during the election period, while removing all vice presidents, who were appointed under the 2018 peace deal.

The changes mean that South Sudan can move towards elections scheduled for December 22, without first completing a permanent constitution or census – two processes that were previously tied to the transition.

The main opposition alliance has rejected the changes.

Elections were initially expected in 2022 but have been postponed twice.

Tasks still outstanding under the 2018 peace deal include drafting a permanent constitution, registering voters and unifying the armed forces loyal to rival parties.

That agreement followed five years of civil war that killed about 400,000 people and displaced millions, according to the United Nations.

Amnesty International, a prominent rights group, called Kiir’s decree a “decisive step” towards the country’s first-ever elections. But Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International’s regional director for East and Southern Africa, urged the authorities to “ensure that a conducive environment exists for people to vote and stand in elections”.

Analysts meanwhile warned that the changes offered Kiir unfettered control.

“Kiir will be the only person in power, without vice-presidents, without the executive, without the parliament,” Michael Wani, a lawyer and former member of the constitution drafting committee, told the AFP news agency.

Independent analyst Machot Amuom told AFP there was a lot of “ambiguity” in the legal changes. “The new law gives the president full powers … He can decide even not to go for elections for another year or another two years,” Amuom told AFP.

Last week, Kiir also replaced the head of the elections commission without giving a reason. South Sudan Broadcasting Corporation (SSBC) said the new chief, Gabriel Bol Deng Majok, had been given a “fresh mandate” to oversee preparations for the polls.

The preparations come as Kiir’s longtime rival Riek Machar, who leads the opposition Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-in-Opposition (SPLM-IO), remains under house arrest. He is on trial on charges including treason and murder, which he denies.

The transition is also taking place under tight security.

AFP reported checkpoints and road closures around the government complex in the capital, Juba, while security personnel were ordered to remain on heightened alert for three days.

Despite decades of peace deals and ceasefires, armed groups in Ethiopia have continued to battle each other, as well as the military. Now, some of these former rivals have formed an alliance to push out the government in Addis Ababa.

They warn Ethiopia is on the brink of disintegration, and blame Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Abiy says the country can defend itself, but Ethiopians fear they could be on the verge of another civil war.

So, could these former rivals, with deep political and ideological divides, achieve their common objective?

Presenter:

Rob Matheson

Guests:

Samuel Getachew – Political commentator who specialises in Ethiopian affairs

Ngala Chome – Horn of Africa analyst

Kjetil Tronvoll – Professor of peace and conflict studies at Oslo New University College

Sudan’s collective memory has long carried stories of famine-induced tragedies. Now, as war pushes the country deeper into a catastrophic food crisis, historians and humanitarian activists fear that some of those horrors are being repeated.

The ongoing war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, which erupted in April 2023, has plunged the country into one of its worst modern food crises, with conditions deteriorating sharply since 2024.

Sudan has endured severe famines before, often triggered or made worse by drought and other environmental shocks. However, the current hunger crisis, which has triggered famines in Sudan in 2024 and 2025, has been brought on by a man-made factor: war.

Past starvation

One of the earliest recorded major food crises in what is now Sudan occurred in 1684, during the Funj Sultanate. The crisis, which lasted several years, brought severe grain shortages across central Sudan. Historical accounts describe people driven to desperation, and in some cases forced to eat dog meat. The hunger triggered mass displacement, as well as a deadly smallpox outbreak.

Similar climate-driven crises were recorded in 1750 and again between 1835 and 1838 during a period of Ottoman-Egyptian rule, exacerbated by severe drought and low water levels in the River Nile.

The famine most deeply embedded in Sudanese popular memory occurred between 1888 and 1889, during the rule of Khalifa Abdullahi al-Taashi.

Drought, locust infestations and conflict combined to cause widespread hunger and death. Some historical estimates put the death toll at more than one million people, although precise figures from the period are difficult to establish. The crisis was reported to have been so severe that some families shut themselves inside their homes to die rather than going out to beg for food.

Sudan experienced more periods of food shortages during the 20th century. Droughts and poor harvests during the colonial period of the first half of the century forced the authorities at times to import grain from abroad.

Then, in 1984, during the rule of President Jaafar Nimeiri, a devastating drought hit western Sudan, including Darfur and Kordofan, where there were widespread crop and livestock losses, displacing hundreds of thousands of people from rural areas to the capital, Khartoum.

Man-made catastrophe

Unlike many of those historical crises, the current famine is distinctly man-made.

War has disrupted agricultural production and trade, forced farmers to leave their land, and made it difficult to move food and humanitarian aid across the country.

Abdullah al-Tijani, a social historian and humanitarian activist, noted the unprecedented scale of the current disaster.

“Most previous famines were often confined to specific regions, as happened in 1984, or areas in southern Sudan before its secession in [2011], while the capital and major cities continued to have the necessities of life and services,” al-Tijani told Al Jazeera.

This time, he said, hunger and the collapse of basic services have spread across the entire country.

“A comprehensive food crisis has struck the heart of major urban and agricultural centres in the states of Khartoum, Gezira, Sennar, Darfur, and Kordofan, causing millions of citizens to be displaced inside and outside the country,” al-Tijani added.

He pointed to what he described as the “systematic destruction of infrastructure, disruption of large agricultural projects, and targeting of markets, bakeries, and crops, along with disrupting the banking system and communication networks, which isolated entire regions”.

Al-Tijani also cited the “restrictions on humanitarian access and delays in granting transit permits for relief workers”. He accused the warring parties of using control over food supplies as a tool of war, while warning that international funding has fallen short of the size of the crisis.

Lost agricultural potential

The scale of the crisis is stark because of Sudan’s agricultural potential. The country has immense resources, including roughly 200 million acres (81 million hectares) of arable land, abundant water from the Nile, and extensive livestock resources, but Sudan’s potential as a global breadbasket remains unfulfilled.

Mohammed Abdul Rahman, an economic researcher, explained that the current food security crisis reflects a clear development gap, and a longstanding weakness in Sudan’s agricultural sector compounded by war.

“Wars and armed conflicts are among the most influential factors on food production,” Abdul Rahman said, “along with the displacement of farmers from their lands, the absence of political stability and agricultural policies, weak funding and government guarantees, and reliance on traditional farming methods.”