Africa

The 2026 Africa France summit in Nairobi marks a significant diplomatic moment in the evolving relationship between Europe and Africa. For the first time, the summit is being held in an African country with no colonial history under France, signaling an intentional shift in symbolism and geopolitical messaging. It is also taking place against a backdrop of deteriorating French influence in parts of West Africa, where countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have sharply reduced engagement with Paris.

The summit reflects a broader attempt to redefine France’s role in Africa under President Emmanuel Macron and to reposition France within a more competitive global environment. At the same time, it highlights Kenya’s growing ambition under President William Ruto to present itself as a continental diplomatic hub and an economic gateway between Africa and global powers.

The convergence of these ambitions has produced a summit agenda focused on innovation, entrepreneurship, climate finance, artificial intelligence, and security cooperation. However, beneath this forward looking framing lies a more complex continuity of historical relationships, economic interests, and strategic recalibration between Africa and Europe.

Macron’s Repositioning of French Africa Policy

The summit reflects the long term evolution of Macron’s Africa strategy, which has sought to move away from traditional post colonial frameworks toward a more diversified and economically oriented engagement model. This approach emphasizes partnerships in innovation, private sector development, and strategic cooperation beyond France’s former colonial sphere.

A central feature of this policy has been an attempt to reduce France’s reliance on its traditional West African alliances while expanding diplomatic and economic ties across the broader African continent. This includes engagement with non Francophone countries and regional institutions, reflecting a recognition that France’s historical influence in West Africa is increasingly contested.

The emphasis on entrepreneurship and innovation, particularly through small business development and technology partnerships, reflects a shift toward a neoliberal development model. This model prioritizes private sector growth, investment facilitation, and startup ecosystems as drivers of economic transformation.

The Nairobi summit continues this trajectory by framing Africa France relations around innovation and growth rather than historical legacy or development aid dependency.

Kenya’s Strategic Diplomatic Positioning

For Kenya, the summit represents an opportunity to consolidate its position as a leading diplomatic and economic actor in Africa. By hosting a major international summit outside the traditional Francophone sphere, Kenya is signaling its ambition to transcend linguistic and colonial regional divisions and present itself as a neutral platform for continental and global engagement.

Under Ruto’s leadership, Kenya has increasingly adopted a development narrative centered on entrepreneurship and economic empowerment. This aligns with the broader summit theme of innovation driven growth and private sector expansion. Kenya’s domestic economic discourse, often framed around the concept of a “hustler economy,” mirrors the emphasis on small business development and market based solutions promoted in France’s external engagement strategy.

The convergence of these narratives allows both countries to present their partnership as forward looking and economically dynamic, rather than historically constrained.

Shared Policy Frameworks and Economic Priorities

A key reason the Nairobi summit bears the imprint of both Macron and Ruto is the overlap in their policy priorities. Both leaders emphasize climate finance, technological innovation, security cooperation, and private sector led development as central pillars of modern governance and international partnership.

This shared framework is particularly visible in discussions around artificial intelligence, climate initiatives, and industrial development. These sectors are presented as areas of mutual benefit, offering opportunities for investment, technological transfer, and economic growth.

However, this alignment is also strategic. It allows both sides to redefine their relationship in terms of future oriented sectors rather than historically sensitive areas such as colonial legacy or aid dependency. By focusing on emerging industries, both France and Kenya seek to establish a partnership narrative that is less politically contentious and more economically aspirational.

Historical Continuities Behind the New Partnership

Despite its modern framing, the France Kenya relationship is rooted in long standing historical interactions dating back to the post independence period. France’s early engagement with Kenya and the wider East African region was partly motivated by its broader strategy to balance British influence in Africa while expanding its own role within European and global institutions.

Kenya, in turn, has historically sought to diversify its international partnerships beyond the Commonwealth framework. Engagement with European economic structures in the early post independence period reflected a desire for greater autonomy in trade and development policy.

The current summit therefore reflects not a break from history, but a continuation of evolving pragmatic cooperation shaped by shifting global power dynamics.

Tensions Beneath Strategic Alignment

Despite the apparent convergence of interests, significant structural tensions remain between France and Kenya in areas such as climate policy, global security, and technological labor markets.

On climate change, both countries acknowledge the urgency of environmental action, but differ in priorities and implementation strategies. Kenya, highly vulnerable to droughts and environmental stress, seeks substantial climate finance and structural adaptation support. France and the broader European Union, however, often balance climate commitments with domestic energy and industrial policy considerations.

Similarly, in the field of artificial intelligence, cooperation masks underlying asymmetries. Much of the data processing and content moderation work that supports global AI systems is conducted in lower wage labor markets, including Kenya. This raises questions about value distribution and economic equity within the emerging digital economy.

In global security, divisions are also evident. Diverging responses to international conflicts, including voting patterns in global institutions, highlight differences in geopolitical alignment between African states and Western partners.

The Geopolitical Logic of the Summit

The Nairobi summit reflects a broader shift in international relations, where traditional post colonial hierarchies are being replaced by more transactional and issue based partnerships. Europe’s search for reliable global partners amid geopolitical uncertainty, combined with Africa’s growing strategic autonomy, is reshaping diplomatic engagement.

For France, Africa represents both an economic opportunity and a strategic necessity in an increasingly multipolar world. For Kenya, engagement with France offers access to investment, technology, and diplomatic visibility within global governance structures.

The summit therefore functions as both a symbolic and practical platform for redefining bilateral relations in a rapidly changing global order.

Analysis

The Nairobi Africa France summit illustrates the transformation of international partnerships from historically anchored relationships into forward looking economic and strategic arrangements. While the rhetoric emphasizes innovation, climate action, and entrepreneurship, the underlying dynamics remain shaped by long standing patterns of influence, economic asymmetry, and geopolitical repositioning.

The convergence between Macron’s and Ruto’s priorities reflects a pragmatic alignment rather than a fully equal partnership. Both sides benefit from framing cooperation in terms of emerging sectors such as artificial intelligence and green development, which carry fewer historical burdens and greater political flexibility.

However, the sustainability of this model depends on whether it can deliver inclusive economic outcomes rather than concentrating benefits among narrow elite and corporate actors. Without broader distribution of gains, the partnership risks reproducing familiar inequalities under a modern technological and developmental narrative.

Ultimately, the summit represents a transitional moment in Africa Europe relations, where historical legacies, contemporary economic interests, and future oriented strategic ambitions intersect in a rapidly evolving global system.

With information from Reuters.

Demonstrators rallied across the Somali capital in support of families displaced by a wave of government-led home demolitions. Opposition figures, who organised the protests, say security forces shot and killed one person while trying to disperse the crowds.

Paris seeks to repair economic and security ties while countering rising anti-French sentiment across Africa.

French President Emmanuel Macron has started a tour of East Africa as Paris seeks to rebuild its influence on the continent after a series of setbacks, especially in its former West African colonies.

Macron began the three-country tour in Egypt on Saturday, which will also take him to Kenya and Ethiopia.

He will cohost a summit in English-speaking Kenya on Monday and Tuesday as France seeks to redefine its role in Africa, moving away from its postcolonial role towards closer cooperation.

The summit will bring together African leaders and business executives, with several agreements between French and Kenyan companies set to be signed during the visit to boost economic and commercial cooperation.

The “Africa Forward” summit will be the first in an Anglophone country attended by Macron since he took office in 2017.

The French president will wrap up his tour in Addis Ababa on Wednesday, where he will hold meetings with Ethiopian officials and take part in talks at the African Union headquarters on peace and security in Africa.

The tour is widely seen as a bid by Paris to repair economic and security ties and counter rising anti-French sentiment across parts of Africa.

Africa’s changing balance

France colonised large parts of West and Central Africa, and maintained excessive political and economic influence long after independence.

France, once widely accused of supporting unpopular leaders for strategic gain, is no longer the dominant foreign power it once was in Francophone Africa.

Across the continent, there is a growing push for more equal, win-win partnerships, tighter control over natural resources and broader alliances beyond traditional Western partners.

Sahel turning point

Anti-French sentiment has generally grown alongside political instability, military coups and rising competition from other international powers.

The sharpest rupture has come in the Sahel region, where Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have seen coups followed by rapidly deteriorating relations with France.

French forces were subsequently expelled after years of military operations against armed groups that many local governments and segments of the public viewed as ineffective.

In the vacuum, the region’s military rulers have turned to new security partners, particularly Russia, highlighting France’s declining influence in the region.

Russian influence, including through the Wagner Group and its successor networks, expanded in part by exploiting anti-French sentiment.

Can Macron succeed in reshaping France’s Africa policy?

Macron is seeking to reshape France’s Africa policy, replacing traditional influence with what he calls partnerships.

He is also pushing for deeper cultural and educational cooperation focused on entrepreneurship, climate and youth engagement.

Such efforts are seen as France’s attempt to reinvent its postcolonial relationship with African states and compete with powers like China and Russia.

Paris is, in fact, trying to shift its Africa policy; questions over its influence on the continent, however, persist.

Niger’s military government has banned many local and foreign reporters since seizing power in 2023.

Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned Niger’s suspension of nine French media publications as the military government continues to crack down on journalists.

Niger announced the suspension on Friday, citing “repeated dissemination of content likely to seriously jeopardise public order, national unity, social cohesion, and the stability of the institutions of the Republic”.

The suspended organisations are France 24, RFI (Radio France Internationale), France Afrique Media, LSI Africa, AFP (Agence France-Presse), TV5 Monde, TF1 Info, Jeune Afrique and Mediapart, according to a TV statement from the National Communication Observatory (ONC).

It added that the decision was “immediate” and it included “satellite packages, cable networks, digital platforms, websites and mobile applications”.

RSF described the decision as “abusive”.

“RSF condemns a coordinated strategy to repress press freedom within the AES [Alliance of Sahel States] and calls for the immediate reversal of this abusive decision,” said a statement posted on X, referring to Niger and allies Mali and Burkina Faso, all ruled by military governments.

Niger’s military seized power in July 2023, toppling the democratically elected government of President Mohamed Bazoum and detaining him.

The government has since targeted local and foreign media outlets, particularly those critical of its policies, by issuing bans or suspensions.

RFI and France 24 were suspended a few days after the coup, and the BBC from Britain was suspended in December 2024.

The targeting of French and other foreign media comes as Niger’s military government has largely severed ties with its former colonial power, France, and turned away from Western allies.

In late 2023, Niger asked leaders in Paris to withdraw thousands of troops involved in missions against armed groups operating in Niger, neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso.

The three AES states have since secured defence partnerships with other countries, notably Russia.

All three have regularly denounced France’s “imperialism”, saying they want to assert their “sovereignty”. French media and other foreign outlets have similarly been suspended or banned by the governments in Bamako and Ouagadougou.

Local journalists have also been affected. Two Nigerien journalists, Gazali Abdou, a correspondent for German broadcaster Deutsche Welle, and Hassane Zada, a regional newspaper editor, were released this week after being detained for months.

In 2024, leaders in the capital Niamey strengthened a law that criminalises the digital dissemination of “data likely to disturb public order”.

The United Nations said in November that 13 journalists were arrested in Niger and urged the government to release them. Local media organisations say six journalists are detained for allegedly “undermining national defence” and for “conspiracy against the authority of the state”.

According to AFP, Niger suspended nearly 3,000 local and foreign NGOs in 2025, accusing them of lacking transparency and supporting “terrorists” and armed groups.

Niger dropped 37 places in this year’s RSF World Press Freedom Index and now ranks 120th out of 180 countries. RSF and Amnesty International have repeatedly voiced concerns about the “decline” in press freedom in Niger.

Al-Qaeda-linked fighters have set fire to food trucks as they continue to blockade roads around the capital Bamako, cutting off supply routes. Officials and residents warn the blockade is worsening hunger in parts of the country already facing food shortages.

A passenger from the cruise ship hit with a Hantavirus outbreak has spoken to Al Jazeera from isolation about what took place on board. Three passengers died from respiratory illness on the MV Hondius as it travelled from Argentina to West Africa.

Maryam watched her goats starve and her crops fail. She buried two of her children before she finally gave up hope and sought help from international aid agencies in southern Somalia.

She left her village with her remaining six children, making the long journey along the Jubba River to one of a clutch of makeshift settlements on the outskirts of Kismayo, the capital of Somalia’s Jubbaland state.

Three consecutive seasons of failed rains have doubled Somalia’s malnutrition rate. Maryam, 46, is among more than 300,000 Somalis forced to leave their homes since January alone.

Several international organisations have stopped operations in the Kismayo camp for internally displaced people (IDPs), largely due to aid cuts ordered by United States President Donald Trump last year.

“We are hungry. We need care and help,” said Maryam.

Haunted by the memory of her dead children’s swollen bellies, she says she will not return to her village, which is under the control of the al-Qaeda-linked armed group al-Shabab. Fighters there have started seizing the limited food supplies available.

But the camp is hardly better. In March alone, five children died of malnutrition, its manager says.

Since the early 1990s, Somalia has endured near-constant civil war, armed rebellions, floods and droughts. The war-torn country ranks among the world’s most vulnerable to climate change, which scientists say is leading to more frequent and more intense episodes of extreme weather such as droughts and floods.

Africa, which contributes the least to global warming, bears the brunt.

The recent cuts in foreign aid have not helped. They have had “a huge impact on our work”, said Mohamud Mohamed Hassan, Somalia director for NGO Save the Children.

More than 200 health centres and 400 schools have closed since last year.

Farmers, whose herds and crops have been decimated, describe one of the worst droughts ever recorded in a country where a third of the population already lacked regular meals. Even if the forthcoming rainy season is normal, it will take months for affected populations to recover.

“We cannot afford to actually address all the needs of these people,” said Ali Adan Ali, a Jubbaland official managing the displaced.

At a mobile health clinic supported by Save the Children, the only one still operating for multiple camps in the area around Kismayo, a woman named Khadija tried to feed a high-calorie solution to her severely malnourished one-year-old daughter.

She came to the camp after last year’s drought killed her livestock, but here also “we have nothing to eat”, the 45-year-old said.

A hospital in Kismayo is the only facility in the region capable of treating the most severe cases of malnutrition. But it is turning patients away due to a lack of space and staff.

Every bed is occupied by starving babies, some on ventilators with intravenous drips in their fragile arms. Cases have tripled since last year, and things are only getting worse.

The US-Israel war on Iran has increased fuel prices, affecting food and water supplies.

Those in the camp seek work in construction or cleaning jobs in Kismayo or sell firewood, but the options are limited.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has had to steadily reduce its Somalia programme from $2.6bn in 2023 to $852m this year, especially since Washington slashed its donations. So far, only 13 percent of this year’s target has been raised.

“It’s a toxic cocktail of factors … Things are really, really desperate,” Tom Fletcher, head of OCHA, told the AFP news agency in an interview last week.

“Often we’re having to choose which lives to save and which lives not to save.”

For decades, France and all of Europe have been key partners, providing diverse development support for Africa. But the time has indeed changed. With the heightening of geopolitical threats and tensions, France struggles to sustain its presence in Africa, targeting to increase its business profile by leveraging the Anglophone community of potential investors in the forthcoming investment conference in Nairobi, the capital of Kenya, located in East Africa. The France-backed and organized conference marks a distinctive commitment to expanding financing across the continent.

According to authentic reports, Kenya and France will co-host the ‘Africa Forward Summit’ in Nairobi on May 11–12, under the theme ‘Africa-France Partnerships for Innovation and Growth,’ marking the first time this summit is held in an English-speaking African country. President Emmanuel Macron and President William Ruto will lead the summit, focusing on economic partnerships, digital innovation, green industrialization, and global financial reform.

Details of the summit are listed as follows:

Significance: The move signals a shift in France’s Africa strategy beyond Francophone regions. It highlights Kenya’s role as a major diplomatic and regional hub.

Key Topics: Discussions will cover sustainable finance, energy transition, health, agriculture, and AI, aiming for an action-oriented approach to economic growth.

Attendees: Over 30 heads of state and 2,000 CEOs/business leaders from France and Africa are expected to attend.

Structure: The event includes high-level state meetings, a business forum to explore investment, and a sports segment.

Objective: To strengthen the Africa-France partnership and reform global financial architecture to ensure better access to capital and signify a new, balanced economic relationship between the two regions.

French corporate executives are also stepping up their engagement in Africa’s innovation economy, eyeing the wide investment landscape through a new ‘Global Gateway Strategy’ with the EU allocating €300 billion ($340 billion), signaling a deepening of financial ties with Africa. Ready-made funds are a contributing capital to support early- and growth-stage startups, which reflects a broader shift in how European investors view long-term business with Africa today. 

While France indicates a long-term potential driven by demographics, digital adoption, and expanding urban markets, African entrepreneurs are increasingly positioning themselves to take advantage, teaming up for development priorities, innovation expertise, financial support, and France’s investment strengths. What is important here is that the May conference would offer insights into the growing appetite for Link-Up Africa and signal the involvement of French financial institutions and the expected roles in supporting economic diversification across Africa’s emerging markets.

Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera has acknowledged the drastic changes, proposing a shift from an aid-driven relationship, at least, to win-win investments that are more purposeful, describing it as a new level kind of partnership. “We are saying economic integration on the continent should be prioritized as much as we have bilateral agreements with external nations outside the continent,” Chakwera said. “We need also to find mutual ways of facilitating the implementation of development projects, progressive ways of trading, and attractive policy approaches with the involvement of European investors in economic sectors in Africa.” 

President William Ruto and French President Emmanuel Macron both acknowledged the strategic pathway with a focus on unlocking Africa’s development potential, driving sustainable industrialization, and targeting economic growth across Africa. Harnessing the untapped resources and utilizing the huge human resources is France’s priority in consolidating the existing bilateral engagement and collaboration.

In a statement, President Ruto underlined the summit reflects a shared commitment to strengthening bilateral ties and deepening multilateral cooperation to advance global goals. Ruto further described the summit as part of the renewal of relations between France and Africa, emphasizing genuine partnerships and shared progress. The agenda will focus on key areas including reform of the international financial architecture, energy transition, green industrialization, the blue economy and connectivity, artificial intelligence, sustainable agriculture, and health. It will spotlight the role of young entrepreneurs, civil society, and international organizations in shaping solutions to pressing global and regional challenges.

In addition, the European Union countries are increasingly strong economic partners for many African countries. It therefore behooves African leaders and business people to necessarily explore available possibilities and windows that have been opened. The EU has unveiled a €300 billion ($340 billion) alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative—an investment program the bloc claims will create links, not dependencies.

In an official document, it said the European Commission is broadly examining the following:

– Support AfCFTA implementation and the green transition;

– Improve the trade and investment climate between the EU and Africa;

– Reinforce high-level public-private dialogue;

– Enhance long-term dialogue structures between EU and Africa business associations;

– Unlock new business and investment opportunities, including in the areas of manufacturing and agro-processing as well as regional and continental value chain development.

It is further included in the joint communication of the European Commission (EC) entitled “Toward a Comprehensive Strategy with Africa,” which sets forth what the EU plans with Africa. The Joint EU-Africa Strategy takes into cognizance the most common interests, such as climate change, global security, and the achievement of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Just as China, India, and the United States do, so also France and other European countries are exploring emerging opportunities offered by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which provides unique and valuable access to an integrated African market of 1.4 billion people. In practical reality, it aims at creating a continental market for goods and services, with free movement of business people and investments in Africa.

Analysts, however, say deepening economic partnership and investment ties between Europe and Africa could rapidly change the landscape in Africa. But challenges significantly remain, particularly the official state bureaucracy combined with infrastructure and security in the continent. France has currently broadened its scope, moving more toward Anglophone African countries and courting them with trade and investment. According to source EU data 2024, aggregate trade was €355 billion between Europe and Africa.

According to Isabelle Herbert-Collet, a customer insights and market expert, a new approach must factor in what she referred to as “local exchange” in the new relationship. “It’s not only about investment; it is about imagining the right products and services and simply facilitating the intercultural exchange,” she said.

Looking ahead, France intends to capitalize on Africa’s most transformative economic sectors and make strategic moves by collaborating, as mutual partnership remains dynamic and adaptable. Despite growing geopolitical tensions, France’s approach and its long-standing ties still offer an alternative partnership model that many African leaders find very appealing. 

The challenge for the future will be to ensure these ties evolve in ways that serve Africa’s development needs while navigating the increasing complexity of global politics. As Africa is indiscriminately open for business, on May 11-12, African and French heads of state and government meet together to chart a new path for innovation, growth, and mutual cooperation. Kenya will hold this investment summit for France to position Africa as a key partner in innovation and economic development while strengthening bilateral ties with France and advancing further Africa’s collective agenda on the international stage.

Fighters attack ‘Africa’s Alcatraz’, which detains high-value prisoners, and disrupt crucial supply chains to the capital.

In a new wave of attacks in Mali, an al-Qaeda-linked group has stormed a main prison housing fighters from the armed group and set fire to trucks with food supplies heading to the capital Bamako.

Fighters from the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) group stormed the Kenieroba Central Prison, a recently built complex dubbed “Africa’s Alcatraz”, located about 60km (37 miles) southwest of Bamako, Al Jazeera’s Nicolas Haque reported on Wednesday.

The detention centre houses 2,500 prisoners, including at least 72 inmates considered “high value” by the Malian state, Haque said, adding that Malian armed forces were repelling the attack.

Among the prisoners are JNIM fighters and a number of people arrested following large-scale attacks last month by the group’s fighters and Tuareg separatists, the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA).

The fighters attacked several military bases across multiple cities, including areas where senior government officials live, and took control of the northern city of Kidal in a coordinated offensive on April 25 and April 26, which struck at the heart of the West African country’s military government.

One of those attacks killed Malian Defence Minister Sadio Camara and his family in their home in Kati, a garrison town near the capital. On Monday, the leader of the country’s military government, Assimi Goita, took on the role of defence minister. At least 23 others were also killed in the attacks.

Since then, “there has been a wave of arrests of former and current military officers, members of civil society, lawyers, members of the political opposition – all accused of colluding with al-Qaeda fighters,” said Haque, who has been reporting for years on and in Mali. He added that fighters linked to the armed group were also arrested.

Security sources told AFP news agency that opposition figures Mountaga Tall, Youssouf Daba Diawara, and Moussa Djire are among those “abducted”.

According to family members and security sources who spoke to the agency, Tall, a lawyer, was taken on May 2 in Bamako by hooded men on charges of plotting with opposition figures in the Senegalese capital, Dakar, to overthrow the military government. Since his arrest, Tall has been questioned at least once for “attempted destabilisation”.

The security sources said Diawara and Djire were suspected of links with, respectively, the influential imam Mahmoud Dicko and Oumar Mariko, two opposition figures in exile. At least two other civilians who are close to Mariko were also arrested following the attacks, a judicial source told AFP, without giving further details.

The military prosecutor’s office said on May 1 that it had “solid evidence” of the “complicity” of certain military personnel, accusing them of helping with the “planning, coordination and execution” of the attacks.

In a report published on Tuesday, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) said there have also been “gravely concerning reports of extrajudicial killings and abductions, allegedly carried out by members of the security forces” following the attacks.

The violence has set off fighting across Mali’s vast desert north, raising the prospect of significant gains by armed groups that have shown an increasing willingness to strike neighbouring countries.

JNIM has called on Malians to rise up against the government and transition to Islamic law. The group has also pledged to besiege Bamako, and on Friday, it had reportedly set up checkpoints around the city of four million.

Haque said the blockade has the potential to cause a humanitarian disaster.

“These are al-Qaeda fighters that have pointed 12.7mm machine guns on their motorbikes, stopping any outgoing or incoming traffic,” the correspondent said. “We have seen on social media these fighters stopping food trucks trying to enter the area. This blockade is not just affecting people living in Bamako; it’s affecting people throughout Mali.”

On May 3, the mayor of Diafarabe village, in the Mopti region, called on the authorities to act before people started dying of hunger, as the village had run out of food.

Spain has granted permission for a luxury cruise ship hit by a deadly hantavirus outbreak and anchored off the coast of Cape Verde to sail to the Canary Islands.

Spain’s Ministry of Health said in a statement late on Tuesday that the World Health Organization (WHO) had explained that Cape Verde in West Africa was unable to receive the 147 crew and passengers of the MV Hondius.

“The Canary Islands are the closest location with the necessary capabilities,” it said. “Spain has a moral and legal obligation to assist these people, among whom are also several Spanish citizens.”

The ministry said it would receive a medical flight carrying the ship’s doctor, a Dutch national, who it said was gravely ill, following a formal request from the Dutch government.

A Dutch couple and a German national have died of the rare disease, which is usually spread from infected rodents through urine, droppings and saliva, on board the ship in early April. A British national, who was evacuated from the ship, is in intensive care in South Africa, officials said.

Two crew members require urgent medical care, ⁠according to the Dutch-flagged ship’s operator, Oceanwide Expeditions. Another person on board with a suspected case has only reported a mild fever.

Medical evacuations

The Spanish Health Ministry said the MV Hondius will journey on to the Canary Islands once those who need evacuation are taken off the ship.

The Dutch government said earlier on Tuesday that it was preparing to receive the evacuated passengers. Oceanwide Expeditions said the journey to the Canary Islands will take three days of sailing and that the MV Hondius will dock in either Gran Canaria or Tenerife.

When the rest of the crew and passengers arrive in the Canary Islands, they will be examined, treated and repatriated to their respective countries, Spain’s Health Ministry said, in coordination with the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control and the WHO.

All necessary safety measures would be taken, the ministry said, with medical care and transportation provided in special facilities and vehicles to avoid contact with the local population and protect health workers.

According to the WHO, the cruise ship, which set sail from Ushuaia, Argentina, on April 1 for Cape Verde, had 88 passengers and 59 crew members from 23 countries on board.

A WHO official said on Tuesday that she suspected some rare human-to-human transmission had occurred between close contacts on board the ship.

“We do believe that there may ⁠be some human-to-human transmission that’s happening among the really close contacts, the husband and wife, people who have shared cabins,” Maria Van Kerkhove, the director of epidemic and pandemic preparedness and prevention at the WHO, told reporters in Geneva.

Van Kerkhove also sent a direct message to the people on board.

“We just want you to know we are working with the ship’s operators,” she said. “We are working with the countries where you are from. We hear you. We know that you are scared.”

Andes strain

Human-to-human transmission is not common, and the WHO reiterated that ⁠the risk to the wider public was low, adding that it had been told that “there are no rats on board” the ship.

A limited spread among close contacts has been observed in some previous outbreaks of the Andes strain of the virus, which spreads in South America, including Argentina.

Van Kerkhove said the typical incubation period for hantavirus was between one and six weeks, leading the WHO to believe that the Dutch couple, who had been travelling in Argentina before boarding the cruise, “were infected off the ship”.

Other cases may also have been infected while on bird-watching trips to islands where birds and rodents live, the WHO said.

Such trips are part of the cruise.

The Hondius is carrying mostly British, American and Spanish passengers on the luxury cruise, which set off from the southern tip of Argentina in late March.

The cruise visited the Antarctic Peninsula, South Georgia and Tristan da Cunha, some of the remotest islands ‌on the planet.

The voyage was marketed as an Antarctic nature expedition, with berth prices ranging from 14,000 to 22,000 euros ($16,000 to $25,000).

The first stricken passenger, the Dutch man, died on April 11. His body remained on board until April 24, when it “was disembarked on St Helena, with his wife accompanying the repatriation”, Oceanwide Expeditions said.

His wife had gastrointestinal symptoms when she was disembarked, and deteriorated during a flight to Johannesburg. She died upon arrival at the emergency department on ‌April ‌26, the WHO said, adding that contact tracing was under way for passengers on the flight.

South African authorities have confirmed that the British patient, who is being treated in a Johannesburg hospital, tested positive for the hantavirus.

HARARE, Zimbabwe — Zambia is accusing the United States of tying a $2-billion deal for critical health assistance to access to the southern African nation’s rich mineral assets, and calling the outgoing U.S. ambassador’s allegations of corruption “mischievous” and “undiplomatic.”

The comments by Zambia’s foreign affairs minister, Mulambo Haimbe, on Monday brought into the open simmering tensions over President Trump’s “America First” strategy, which is reshaping aid to Africa into transactional agreements.

Some African leaders and health experts have criticized the new U.S. stance and its demands for sensitive health data in exchange for badly needed support for health systems strained by the Trump administration’s dismantling of foreign aid. Some say they would not receive access to health innovations like vaccines in return.

The U.S. is also seeking to challenge China, a dominant player in Zambia and much of Africa, whose minerals are critical to the green energy transition, including inputs for solar panels, electric vehicle batteries and energy storage systems.

Zambia says talks stalled over data-sharing demands

In a statement, Haimbe described the accusations of Zambian graft and negotiation inertia by outgoing U.S. ambassador Michael Gonzales as “mischievous” and “deeply regrettable, undiplomatic and inconsistent with the spirit of mutual respect.”

Haimbe also accused the U.S. of tying access to critical minerals to the conclusion of the health deal, which Gonzales earlier dismissed as “alarmist allegations” that he called “disgusting” and “absolutely and patently false.”

Negotiations have continued for months to conclude the deal, one of dozens the Trump administration is pursuing in some of the world’s most aid-dependent countries.

Gonzales in late April said Zambian leaders had “abdicated their responsibilities, letting the United States pay for healthcare while officials diverted government funds to their own pockets.” He said Zambian authorities had “ignored” U.S. overtures to conclude a new deal.

But Haimbe said negotiations had stalled over “unacceptable” data-sharing demands “in violation of our citizens’ right to privacy” and “the insistence on preferential treatment of U.S companies over Zambia’s critical minerals.”

Zambia “takes the view, first and foremost, that Zambians must have a say on how her critical minerals are used, and second that no one strategic partner is to be treated preferentially to others,” he said.

The U.S. Embassy did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

U.S. says its approach aims to reduce donor dependency

The U.S. approach replaces decades of engagement anchored in the now-dismantled United States Agency for International Development and the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, or PEPFAR.

In their place, U.S. officials are negotiating country-by-country agreements that recast aid as a transaction, tying funding to conditions including commercial provisions, domestic financing commitments, disease surveillance, pathogen sharing and even religion.

Since late last year, the U.S. has signed agreements with about 30 countries, many in Africa. Washington says the approach is meant to reduce donor dependency, promote local ownership and safeguard American interests, including against an aggressive China that dominates trade in Africa but contributes less aid.

There has been pushback.

Ghana last week said it had rejected a proposed deal over provisions granting broad access to sensitive health data without safeguards. Zimbabwe walked away from a $367-million package over similar concerns. In Kenya, a $2.5- billion agreement signed in December has been put on hold after a court challenge arguing it violates data protection laws.

In Lesotho, draft U.S. proposals sought 25 years of access to health data and biological samples before local officials secured a shorter five-year deal.

Health experts say data would largely flow one way

Critics say the data-sharing demands tilt toward U.S. interests and warn the information-sharing would largely go in just one direction: toward Washington.

The new agreements aim to ensure the flow of disease surveillance data and biological samples, but through bilateral channels, after the U.S withdrew from the World Health Organization in January, said Asia Russell, executive director of advocacy group Health GAP.

Countries currently report disease outbreaks primarily through the WHO, which coordinates responses and is negotiating new frameworks on pathogen-sharing and equitable access to vaccines.

The U.S., now outside those talks, is pursuing direct access instead.

“[The U.S. wants] to understand what’s actually happening,” said Jen Kates, a senior vice president at the Washington-based nonprofit KFF. “But they are trying to do it in a very different way.”

Health advocates say this risks creating a parallel global health system. In Zimbabwe, a government spokesperson in February said the government terminated negotiations because the U.S. was not offering a “corresponding guarantee of access to any medical innovations — such as vaccines, diagnostics or treatments — that might result from that shared data.”

“That raises serious concerns about who benefits,” said Atilla Kisla of the Southern Africa Litigation Center.

Advocates point to the harsh experience of the COVID-19 pandemic, when African countries contributed data and samples but were largely last in line for vaccines.

Experts warn against health as a ‘bargaining chip’

The agreements with the U.S. are drawing criticism for closed-door negotiations and limited public scrutiny.

“Secrecy is at the center of this. That puts accountability for results at risk,” said Health GAP’s Russell. “It’s impossible to evaluate these deals properly without seeing the full terms. Part of what made PEPFAR successful was transparency. Now that’s been taken away.”

The deals also come with tighter financial conditions. Many include reduced funding compared to previous levels of U.S. assistance, while requiring countries to increase domestic health spending, with aid at risk if targets are not met.

“These are going to be very heavy lifts,” said KFF’s Kates. “Countries are already under strain.”

Critics say some agreements also advance U.S. commercial and political interests, blurring the line between aid and transactional diplomacy.

“When health becomes a bargaining chip, everyone becomes less safe,” Russell warned.

Mutsaka and Imray write for the Associated Press. Keketso Phakela in Maseru, Lesotho, contributed to this report.

Sudan has recalled its ambassador to Addis Ababa, accusing Ethiopia of being behind attacks on Khartoum’s airport. International Crisis Group’s Alan Boswell says the escalation risks making the countries’ internal challenges worse.

The leader of Mali’s military government, Assimi Goita, has taken on the role of defence minister following the killing of the previous minister in last week’s uprising by rebel groups.

State television channel ORTM reported on Monday that Goita was taking on the post following the death of Sadio Camara in large-scale attacks by an al-Qaeda-linked group working with Tuareg separatists.

The report noted the presidential decree that Assimi Goita will remain president while also taking on the new role

General Oumar Diarra, who was military chief of staff, has been appointed as delegate minister to the defence ministry.

Car bomb blast

During the assault on strongholds of the military government, more than a week ago, Camara was killed by a car bomb blast at his residence. The rebel armed groups were able to capture the key northern town of Kidal in the largest attack in the West African country in nearly 15 years.

The fighting killed at least 23 people, with the United Nations children’s agency UNICEF reporting that civilians and children were among the dead and injured.

Mali has been beset by security crises since at least 2012. Al-Qaeda-linked Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) controls large areas of rural territory, especially in the north and central regions, and has active cells around the capital. Similarly, the ISIL (ISIS) affiliate in Sahel Province (ISSP) controls areas in northeastern Menaka city.

At the same time also in the north, armed Tuareg separatists of the Liberation Front for Azawad (FLA) group are fighting for an independent nation called Azawad. They are battling Mali’s military and allied Russian mercenaries who have been deployed since 2021.

Together with the JNIM, they control Kidal, but also want Gao, the largest city in the north, as well as Menaka and Timbuktu, to complete the self-declared state of Azawad.

Those groups sometimes work together: they operate in the same areas and draw from the same pool of fighters from aggrieved communities. In the latest widespread attacks, the JNIM worked with the FLA against the army.

Goita’s military government took power after coups in 2020 and 2021, pledging to restore security, but has struggled to achieve that.t It has cut ties with its former colonial ruler, France, and expelled French forces and United Nations peacekeeping missions.

Last July, military authorities granted coup leader Goita a five-year presidential mandate, which can be renewed “as many times as necessary” without an election.

The previous month, Russia’s Wagner Group, which had been aiding Malian forces against armed groups since 2021, said it would complete its mission. It has now become the Africa Corps, an organisation under the direct control of the Russian defence ministry.

In the wake of last month’s attacks, the rebels announced a blockade of the capital Bamako in retaliation for “the population’s support of the army”. However, that blockade has only partially been effective, according to an AFP correspondent in the city.

Three of six passengers who fell ill from suspected rodent-transmitted virus have died, and one is in intensive care, the WHO says.

Three people have died on a cruise ship in the Atlantic, with at least one confirmed to have suffered from hantavirus, a rare disease transmitted to humans from rodents.

Health authorities are now investigating a suspected outbreak of the virus on the MV Hondius, which is sailing from Ushuaia in Argentina to Cape Verde.

In a statement on Sunday, the World Health Organization said that one case had been confirmed and at least five other passengers were suspected of being infected.

“Of the six affected individuals, three have died, and one is currently in intensive care in South Africa,” WHO said in a statement.

“Detailed investigations are ongoing, including further laboratory testing and epidemiological investigations. Medical care and support are being provided to passengers and crew. Sequencing of the virus is also ongoing.”

WHO added that it was “facilitating coordination” between countries to evacuate the two other passengers showing symptoms of the infection.

Hantavirus, a rare disease transmitted to humans through the droppings or urine of infected rodents, can be fatal in severe cases and cause hemorrhagic fever.

Infected couple among casualties

South Africa’s National Department of Health said earlier on Sunday that there had been an outbreak of a “severe acute respiratory illness”, which had killed at least two people, and that a third person was in intensive care in Johannesburg, according to the AFP news agency.

The ministry’s spokesperson, Foster Mohale, confirmed that the patient being treated in Johannesburg tested positive for hantavirus.

A 70-year-old was the first to develop symptoms. He died on the ship, with his body now being held on the island of Saint Helena, a British territory in the South Atlantic, the spokesman said.

The patient’s 69-year-old wife also fell sick and was evacuated to South Africa, where she died in a Johannesburg hospital, he added.

Mohale told AFP that authorities have not confirmed the nationalities of the deceased. But the person in intensive care was reported by AFP to be a 69-year-old Briton.

Who actually gets to go to the World Cup? With US President Donald Trump’s strict immigration policies, some fans may never make it past the American border. Because while teams qualify on merit, passports don’t. Al Jazeera’s Samantha Johnson explains.

There’s only one place in the world where you can see four countries at once, thanks to a bridge that has been carefully created to connect two countries while avoiding two others

There are some rather impressive, architecturally brilliant bridges dotted across the world. But there’s one that might be the most striking of all, as it allows visitors to see four countries at once.

The Kazungula Bridge might not be the most beautifully designed structure in the world, but its elaborate positioning over the Zambezi River is situated in one of the most bizarre locations in the world. The 3,028ft (923m) long and 60.7ft (18.5m) wide bridge serves as a major route through Africa, connecting Zambia and Botswana.

It consists of a two-car lane, a single railway track, and pedestrian walkways on either side, and was opened in May 2021. But what’s fascinating about this bridge is that while it connects Zambia and Botswana, there are two other countries on either side, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

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It was designed to accommodate complex border crossings between two countries, while being a stone’s throw from two others. This means that those using the bridge, which spans across the world’s second-shortest border, can see Botswana, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe simultaneously.

However, there’s more to this unusual geographical mastermind.

Maps show that this area is the world’s only quadripoint, meaning it’s the only place where four countries meet. This is known as the Kazungula Quadripoint, with Botswana, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe all meeting in the middle of the Zambezi River.

Many countries border two or three nations, but it’s incredibly unusual to have four countries connected. Instead, there is a North American quadripoint in the USA where the states of Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah meet, as well as a sub-national quadripoint in Canada where the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, the Northwest Territories, and Nunavut meet.

While the Kazungula Bridge that passes the four connected countries has been widely known as the world’s only quadripoint, some believe this isn’t the case at all. Big Think reported that if the map of where the four countries connect is examined closely, the “point disappears”, and instead, the “quadripoint turns into two tripoints”.

The western point is claimed to be where Botswana and Zambia meet Namibia, while the eastern point is where the three countries meet Zimbabwe. Yet its confusion is valid, and remains relatively unconfirmed, with claims that the points are separated by more than a mere 443 feet (135m).

Regardless of its argued status as the world’s only quadripoint, it remains starkly impressive that visitors can see four countries at once. And it still remains as the only place in the entire world where you can witness such a marvel.

One traveller who got the chance to use the remarkable structure wrote on TripAdvisor: “This is a bridge that connects Botswana and Zambia via the mighty Rivers, Chobe River and Zambezi River, and this is the point where four countries meet at one point, right in the middle of the Bridge. A very breathtaking view and good sunsets on the bridge, it’s a good place to be and take pictures.”

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

The attack, the second in a week, follows months of relative calm in the city after government forces regained control last year.

A drone strike carried out by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has killed five civilians in Khartoum, according to an NGO.

The attack, which Emergency Lawyers, an independent legal group supporting victims of human rights violations in Sudan, reported on Saturday, is the second to take place in the capital within a week. It follows months of relative calm in the city after government forces regained control last year.

The NGO said it holds the RSF fully responsible for the strike, accusing the group of breaching international humanitarian law.

Emergency Lawyers said the incident forms part of an ongoing pattern of attacks on civilians. Nearly 700 civilians were killed in drone strikes in the first three months of this year, according to UN figures.

‘Completely free’

On Tuesday, a drone struck a hospital in the Jebel Awliya area, around 40 kilometres (25 miles) south of central Khartoum, a security source and eyewitnesses told the AFP news agency. It was the first such attack in the area in months.

The Sudanese army, which now enjoys a solid grip in the north and east, launched a rapid counteroffensive last year that pushed the paramilitary forces out of the capital.

Following intense fighting around the capital last year, Sudan’s military government declared the Khartoum region “completely free” of RSF.

Since then, the RSF has largely concentrated on expanding its control in its stronghold in the western Darfur region and pushing into neighbouring areas, capturing valuable oil-producing assets.

Violence has also spread to southeastern Blue Nile state near the border with Ethiopia, raising fears of a more prolonged and fragmented conflict.

The RSF carried out a series of drone strikes on Khartoum last year, largely targeting military sites, power stations and water infrastructure.

In recent months, however, the capital has seen relative calm. More than 1.8 million displaced residents have returned, and the airport has resumed domestic flights. That said, much of the city remains without electricity or basic services.

The conflict between the Sudanese government and the RSF – a former ally – began in April 2023. Since then, around 14 million people have been displaced and two-thirds of the population are in urgent need of humanitarian support, according to the United Nations.

Piracy concerns are rising off the coast of Somalia with the government unable to patrol the vast coastline. Al Jazeera’s Mohammed Hamza says desperate fishermen are taking advantage of the opening to head out and try to make a different kind of catch.

Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and Tuareg separatists continue their attacks against Mali’s military government.

Al-Qaeda-linked rebel fighters have reportedly set up checkpoints around Mali’s capital, Bamako, and seized the town of Tessalit in the north.

Reuters reported on Friday that Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) has called on Malians to rise up to “bring down the junta”, and adopt Islamic law.

The latest developments come days after a series of attacks by JNIM and Tuareg separatists from the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA) resulted in the killing of the country’s defence minister, Sadio Camara.

Videos shared on social media by local accounts on Friday show armed fighters inside the Amachach base in Tessalit, with several military vehicles seen driving around.

Video verified by Reuters shows fighters driving through the town and raising the FLA flag.

Media outlets close to the Azawad armed movement, which seeks the independence of northern Mali, said the scenes show fighters in control of the base following the withdrawal of elements of the army and Russia’s African Corps, according to their description.

Russia is the principal foreign backer of Mali’s military-run government.

JNIM said on Thursday that it had captured the base of Hombori in central Mali and taken over two checkpoints near Bamako, after earlier threatening to completely besiege the city.

Russia’s African Corps said in a statement that the JNIM statement about the abandonment of the Hombori base was “not true”.

It said that its helicopters delivered ammunition and other items to Malian military personnel at a base in Hombori on Thursday, “after which soldiers of the Malian Armed Forces injured in battles with terrorists were evacuated”.

It noted that JNIM and AFL “continue to regroup, conduct reconnaissance of the bases of the units of the African Corps of the Russian Armed Forces and the Malian Army, and propaganda work is actively underway aimed at reducing the morale of the Malian Army”.

Al Jazeera’s Nicolas Haque, reporting from Dakar in Senegal, reports that the absence of a response from the Malian military to the rebel advances is surprising, and that four major military camps in the north of the country are now in the hands of armed groups.

“That’s a big development,” Haque said. “It seems that Malian forces are not even putting up a fight up north.”

Mali’s military leaders seized power in coups in 2020 and 2021, with a brief period of civilian rule in between. Official authorities are yet to issue a statement on the latest reports at the time of writing.

It is the only place in the world where you can see four countries at once — and it’s fast becoming a must-visit travel destination

Holidaymakers are adding a rather unusual spot to their bucket lists. The Kazungula Bridge, which spans the Zambezi River and links Zambia and Botswana, is the only location on Earth where four countries can be seen simultaneously.

While Botswana and Zambia are connected by the 923-metre structure, both Namibia and Zimbabwe sit just metres away on the opposite bank. From the bridge and nearby vantage points, visitors can witness multiple international frontiers within seconds, making this an extraordinary and essential stop for anyone exploring these nations.

The bridge, which opened in 2021, replaced a slow and rather unreliable ferry crossing, making access far simpler for tourists and locals alike.

Now, thanks to the bridge and swifter border procedures, visitors can arrange multi-country trips with considerably more ease.

Dr Mohanjeet Brar, seasoned travel expert and MD at African safari camp operator Gamewatchers Safaris, points out that while this spot may provide a one-of-a-kind experience, it’s crucial to bear in mind that you’ll be crossing at least one frontier, and therefore adequate preparation is essential.

He said: “This is exactly the kind of experience that sounds easy on paper but can quickly become complicated without proper planning.

“You’re dealing with multiple border crossings, visa requirements, and varying wait times – all within a relatively small geographic area.

“The key is to treat it less like a spontaneous stop and more like a structured itinerary.

“With the right preparation, it can be one of the most rewarding travel experiences in Africa.”

This convenient crossing makes it straightforward to combine several unmissable destinations into a single trip, such as Chobe National Park in Botswana alongside Victoria Falls in Zimbabwe or Zambia.

For those seeking something a little closer to home, where you can set foot in multiple countries at once, Europe offers plenty of options.

These include Drielandenpunt, where Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands converge, or Trojmedzie, where the borders of Poland, Slovakia, and Czechia all meet.

On March 11, the Thai cargo ship Mayuree Naree was struck by two projectiles while crossing the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important waterways located between Iran and Oman. A fire broke out in the engine room, and while 20 sailors were rescued, three remained trapped inside the stricken vessel. Their remains were found weeks later when a specialised rescue team boarded the vessel, which had run aground on the shores of Iran’s Qeshm island.

At about the same time, a “shadow fleet” of tankers continued to navigate the very same waters safely. Operating with fake flags, disabled signals and unspecified destinations, this covert armada survived because it operates outside the traditional rules of maritime trade.

Iran threatened to block “enemy” ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz – a crucial chokepoint for a fifth of the world’s oil – in the wake of the United States-Israeli war launched on February 28. Soon, navigation through the strait was disrupted amid fears of attacks.

Following a temporary ceasefire on April 8, the United States imposed a full naval blockade on Iranian ports on April 13. Theoretically, traffic through the strait should have come to a complete halt.

However, tracking data reveals a remarkably different reality.

An exclusive Al Jazeera open-source investigation tracked 202 voyages made by 185 vessels through the strait between March 1 and April 15, navigating both under fire and across blockade lines.

The numbers behind the shadows

To understand how the strait operated under extreme pressure, Al Jazeera’s Digital Investigative Unit monitored the waterway daily, cross-referencing vessel International Maritime Organization (IMO) numbers with international sanction lists from the US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), the European Union, the United Kingdom and the United Nations. An IMO number is a unique seven-digit figure assigned to commercial ships.

Of the tracked voyages, 77 (38.5 percent) were directly or indirectly linked to Iran. Notably, 61 of the ships transiting the strait were explicitly listed on international sanctions lists.

The investigation divided the conflict into three distinct phases to map the fleet’s behaviour:

• Phase 1: Open War (March 1 – April 6): 126 ships crossed the strait, peaking at 30 vessels on March 1. Among these, 46 were linked to Iran.
• Phase 2: The Truce (April 7 – 13): 49 ships crossed during this fragile pause. More than 40 percent of these vessels were tied to Iran, including the US-sanctioned, Iranian-flagged Roshak, which successfully exited the Gulf.
• Phase 3: The US Blockade (April 13 – 15): Despite the explicit naval blockade, 25 ships crossed the strait.

Breaking the blockade

When the US blockade took effect, the shadow fleet adapted immediately.

The Iranian cargo ship “13448” successfully broke the blockade. Because it is a smaller vessel operating in coastal waters, it lacks an official IMO number, allowing it to evade traditional sanction-monitoring tools. The vessel departed Iran’s Al Hamriya port and reached Karachi, Pakistan.

Similarly, the Panama-flagged Manali broke the blockade, crossing on April 14 and penetrating the cordon again on April 17 en route to Mumbai, India.

The investigation uncovered widespread manipulation of Automatic Identification System (AIS) trackers. Vessels such as the US-sanctioned Flora, Genoa and Skywave deliberately disabled or jammed their signals to hide their identities and destinations.

Fake flags and shell companies

To obscure ultimate ownership, the shadow fleet heavily relies on a complex web of “false flags” and shell companies. The investigation identified 16 ships operating under fake flags, including registries from landlocked nations like Botswana and San Marino, as well as others from Madagascar, Guinea, Haiti and Comoros.

The operational network managing these ships spans the globe. Operating firms were primarily based in Iran (15.7 percent), China (13 percent), Greece (more than 11 percent) and the United Arab Emirates (9.7 percent). Notably, the operators of nearly 19 percent of the observed vessels remain unknown.

The toll of a parallel system

Despite the intense military pressure, energy carriers dominated the traffic, with 68 ships (36.2 percent) transporting crude oil, petroleum products and gas. Ten of these tankers were directly linked to Iran. Non-oil trade also persisted, with 57 bulk and general cargo ships crossing during the open war phase, 41 of which were tied to Tehran.

Before the war, at least 100 ships crossed the Strait of Hormuz daily. Today, a staggering 20,000 sailors are trapped on 2,000 ships across the Gulf – a crisis the International Maritime Organization described as unprecedented since World War II.

A shadow Iranian fleet, meanwhile, has been navigating seamlessly as part of a parallel maritime system born from 47 years of US sanctions on Tehran. Washington slapped sanctions on Tehran following the 1979 Islamic revolution that toppled the pro-Washington ruler Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The two countries have had no diplomatic ties since 1980.

In international politics, the platforms a country sits on often matter as much as what it says. For decades, Somalia was largely the subject of global security discussions, rarely a decisive participant in them. Today, that reality is changing in ways that carry symbolic weight and practical consequences.

Somalia’s recent election to the African Union Peace and Security Council (AU PSC), alongside its membership in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), marks a turning point in its diplomatic trajectory. For quite some time, Somalia was merely being discussed in the world’s most influential security forums. It is now shaping the agenda on the table.

This shift reflects more than a procedural achievement. It signals the maturity of Somalia’s diplomatic and security institutions, and the steady rebuilding of its international credibility after decades of conflict and state fragility.

For much of the past three decades, decisions affecting Somalia’s security were often made in rooms where Somali voices were either absent or marginal. External actors debated intervention strategies, sanctions regimes, peacekeeping mandates, and humanitarian responses, while Somalia struggled with internal instability.

This membership in the UNSC and AU PSC changes that dynamic fundamentally. These bodies are not symbolic; they make binding decisions, adopt resolutions, authorise peacekeeping operations, and shape international legal frameworks. For Somalia, this may seem something simple, but its impact is profound. Somalia is now part of the process that determines policies affecting its own security and development.

That participation strengthens state-building in several ways. It reinforces institutional capacity within Somalia’s foreign policy apparatus, promotes transparency and accountability through engagement with multilateral norms, and aligns Somalia more closely with international legal and diplomatic standards.

Somalia is transitioning from being a recipient of international decisions to becoming a contributor to them. Somalia’s role on these councils also carries representational significance beyond its own borders.

As a member of the UNSC and AU PSC, Somalia now occupies a rare diplomatic position. It simultaneously represents the interests of the African continent, the Arab and Muslim world, and the least developed countries (LDCs). The concerns of these categories of states have often been overshadowed by the priorities of more powerful nations. Somalia now stands for them.

Somalia’s own first experience in rebuilding institutions after conflict, managing complex security transitions, and balancing sovereignty with international cooperation enables it to advocate not only for itself, but also for broader principles: Inclusive peace processes, sustainable development approaches to security, and equitable participation in global decision-making.

Peace in the world, peace at home

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s 2022 political manifesto, “Somalia at peace with itself, and at peace with the world”, is increasingly reflected in these recent memberships. This vision is proving effective, as Somalia’s participation in global peace decision-making demonstrates a growing alignment between its external engagements and internal stabilisation efforts.

The seats at the UNSC and AU PSC will directly reinforce Somalia’s state-building process. Active involvement in shaping international peace also reflects and supports the way peace and security agendas are being handled domestically.

A defining moment in 2026

The year 2026 represents a rare convergence of opportunity. Somalia’s simultaneous presence at the AU PSC and UNSC provides a diplomatic platform unmatched in its recent history. This dual role should enable it to act as a bridge between regional and global security frameworks. It can ensure that Somalia’s security priorities are reflected in the AU decision, and forwardly, that African priorities are reflected in global resolutions. It can also translate international commitments into regional actions that qualify for alignment with local contexts.

This not only affects diplomacy and policy discussions but offers an opportunity to advocate for real change that directly affects the daily lives of Somalis. Such issues may include counterterrorism, stabilisation support, humanitarian access, development financing, climate security, and mechanisms for inclusive politics. By shaping the content and direction of relevant resolutions, Somalia can help align international commitments more closely with national priorities.

A future shaped by participation

With greater influence comes greater responsibility. Membership in these councils demands consistency and adherence to international norms. Somalia is now ready to navigate these complex diplomatic landscapes, balancing national interests with collective global security obligations. And it is now capable of maintaining credibility through constructive engagement, principled positions, and reliable partnerships.

With Somalia now seemingly committed to momentum on these fronts, its growing international stance will become self-reinforcing. Each diplomatic success will strengthen national institutions, which in turn will enhance future influence.

Somalia’s presence at the highest levels of global and regional security governance marks a significant milestone in its long journey towards recovery and stability. It reflects years of diplomatic effort, institutional rebuilding, and gradual restoration of international trust. It also signals a future in which Somalia is increasingly defined not by crisis, but by stability.

For a country that once stood on the margins of global decision-making, this transformation is both historic and hopeful. It signals a shift from isolation to engagement, from being acted upon to helping shape outcomes.

For young Somali generations who grew up hearing that Somalia could not advance, these diplomatic achievements offer a different narrative. They inspire pride, restore confidence, and help rebuild trust in the nation’s future.

That challenge lies ahead. But after a period of turmoil, Somalia is well positioned to meet it, not as a passive observer, but as an active shaper of its own destiny. This is also part of the broader Somalia policy on defence diplomacy, founded on global collaboration and mutual interdependency.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.