NEWS

The world claims to regard education as a universal right. Its financial system tells a different story.

⁠New figures released by UNESCO show that 113 countries with a total population of 6.1 billion now spend more on servicing debt than educating their people. In low-income countries, debt payments are nearly four times education expenditure. In 18 of the most heavily indebted countries, governments spend at least five times more on debt than on education.

These are not merely signs of strained public finances. They reveal a stark political hierarchy.

Creditors possess enforceable claims on government revenues. Children possess declarations, development goals and promises. When the two collide, creditors are paid first.

The consequences are visible in overcrowded classrooms, deteriorating school buildings, teacher shortages, unaffordable school fees and children leaving education prematurely. Yet these outcomes are generally described as funding gaps or failures of domestic governance, as though governments had freely decided to neglect their schools.

In reality, many governments are operating inside an international financial order that sharply restricts what they can choose.

The ⁠World Bank reports that developing countries transferred $741bn more to external creditors in principal and interest between 2022 and 2024 than they received in new financing. This was the largest net debt outflow in at least 50 years. In 2024 alone, low and middle-income countries paid a record $415bn in interest.

In other words, the financial flows are frequently moving in the opposite direction from the one suggested by the language of development assistance.

Poorer countries are commonly portrayed as beneficiaries of Western generosity. But vast amounts of public wealth are travelling from debtor countries to bondholders, commercial banks, multilateral institutions and wealthier creditor governments.

Money that could hire teachers, provide school meals or build classrooms is instead leaving the country.

This is particularly perverse because education is not simply another item of government consumption. It is an investment in a society’s future capacities. Cutting it may make debt payments easier today, but it will weaken productivity, public revenues and social resilience tomorrow.

Debt contracts are treated as binding obligations whose breach can trigger credit downgrades, capital flight, lawsuits and exclusion from financial markets. The right to education, by contrast, carries no comparable machinery of enforcement.

No ratings agency downgrades creditors when a country cannot afford enough teachers. No financial penalty is imposed on bondholders when debt service forces children out of school. Markets do not panic when classrooms collapse.

The system disciplines governments for failing creditors, not for failing children.

UNESCO has proposed expanding debt-for-education swaps. Under these arrangements, a creditor cancels or restructures part of a country’s debt in exchange for government investment in agreed educational programmes.

Such initiatives can produce tangible gains. A 2023 agreement with France helped Ivory Coast finance more than 30 schools in underserved areas. A German agreement with Egypt supported school feeding and basic services, while an earlier Spain-Peru programme funded education projects across vulnerable regions.

These programmes are worthwhile. But they are not a solution to the larger debt crisis.

Debt swaps typically cover only a small fraction of what countries owe. They are negotiated selectively, depend on creditor consent and may add new layers of external monitoring to domestic spending. Most importantly, they leave untouched the principle that creditors are entitled to repayment unless they voluntarily concede otherwise.

The question becomes how to persuade creditors to permit a little more education, rather than why the claims of creditors should take priority in the first place.

That question is especially urgent because education aid is also falling. UNESCO projects that international assistance for education could decline by as much as 30 percent between 2023 and 2027.

Debtor countries are therefore being squeezed from both sides: aid is retreating while debt payments continue.

The familiar recommendation that developing countries should mobilise more domestic resources is inadequate. Progressive taxation and reduced corruption matter. But additional revenues will not transform education systems if they are immediately diverted towards debts contracted at high interest rates, or made more expensive by currency depreciation.

Nor can the problem be solved by demanding ever more austerity. Education budgets consist largely of recurring expenditure, especially teachers’ salaries. When governments are instructed to freeze public-sector wage bills, they cannot solve teacher shortages or expand access, however often international institutions proclaim education a priority.

A more serious response would begin with large-scale debt cancellation for countries in distress, automatic suspension of payments during economic and climate emergencies, far cheaper concessional financing and a fair multilateral mechanism for restructuring sovereign debt.

At present, debt negotiations are fragmented among private creditors, bilateral lenders and international institutions. Debtor governments must bargain with powerful financial actors while trying to avoid being punished for seeking relief.

A binding United Nations framework for sovereign debt could establish shared rules, require both borrowers and lenders to act responsibly and prevent holdout creditors from obstructing restructuring. It could also make social rights central to assessments of what a country can genuinely afford to repay.

The world needs to move towards the idea that debt repayment cannot come at any human cost. A debt is not sustainable when paying it requires dismantling the institutions on which a society’s future depends.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Twenty firefighters were taken to hospital after a blaze ripped through an industrial unit and spread to a fertiliser store, triggering a major explosion.

The fire service declared a major incident on Friday, as more than 100 firefighters tackled the flames at Highlands Farm, near the village of Rettendon, Essex.

Three fire engines and two fire service cars were destroyed in the blaze.

Speaking at a media conference on Saturday, Rick Hylton, Essex’s chief fire officer, praised the “remarkable professionalism, courage and commitment” of the fire crews.

Tuberculosis is a leading cause of death in the Philippines, killing an estimated 98 people each day.

The infectious disease is particularly grave in remote communities, where medical services are limited and delayed diagnosis and treatment can be fatal.

But a Filipino doctor is determined to change that with modern innovations.

Dr Heidi Sampang uses drones to fly samples and speed up testing.

The technology can help save lives by expediting the delivery of essential medical supplies in a country with thousands of mountainous islands.

101 East meets the medical teams using drones to fight tuberculosis in the Philippines.

Helicopters played a major role in this year’s Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) sinking exercise (SINKEX), with at least three allied rotorcraft types employing weapons against retired U.S. Navy vessels. U.S. Army AH-64 Apache attack helicopters fired Spike NLOS (Spike Non-Line of Sight) missiles at the guided missile cruiser ex-USS Mobile Bay, a Royal New Zealand Navy SH-2G(I) Seasprite struck the amphibious assault ship ex-USS Peleliu with an AGM-119 Penguin missile, a Royal Australian Navy MH-60R Seahawk launched an AGM-114N Hellfire missile against a target ship, and an Italian Navy SH-101 helicopter launched a Marte anti-ship missile.

Collectively, the engagements underscored how helicopters are emerging as key contributors to distributed maritime strike, complementing fighters, warships, submarines, and land-based missile batteries with precision-guided anti-ship weapons.

The Apache strike, conducted July 11, saw AH-64s assigned to the 16th Combat Aviation Brigade, 7th Infantry Division, Multi-Domain Command–Pacific engage the former Ticonderoga-class cruiser ex-USS Mobile Bay during the live-fire SINKEX. The Army’s previous demonstration of an Apache destroying a much smaller boat with a Spike NLOS was something TWZ was first to report, but employing the weapon against a full-sized cruiser during the world’s premier maritime exercise marks another significant milestone in the service’s expanding maritime mission.

The Apache’s participation in RIMPAC reflects the Army’s steadily growing role in maritime operations across the Indo-Pacific. Long associated with close air support and anti-armor missions, the AH-64 is increasingly being tasked with engaging naval targets. This is something that has also played out in recent combat operations against Iran.

Spike NLOS has emerged as one of the key tools enabling that mission. The Israeli-developed missile provides an operator-in-the-loop datalink that allows course corrections and aimpoint refinement throughout much of the missile’s flight. That capability makes it particularly useful against moving or time-sensitive maritime targets, where target discrimination and battle damage assessment can be especially challenging.

AH-64 fires Spike NLOS during integration tests at the U.S. Army Yuma Proving Ground in 2023:

Spike missile integrated into AH-64 at Yuma Proving Ground

Compared with the AGM-114 Hellfire and AGM-179 Joint Air-to-Ground Missile (JAGM), Spike NLOS dramatically extends the Apache’s reach while retaining the flexibility to engage both land and maritime targets.

According to manufacturer Rafael, the latest version of Spike NLOS has a maximum range of roughly 20 miles, giving it a substantial stand-off advantage over the Hellfire and JAGM. The variants of those weapons currently fielded on U.S. Army Apaches have maximum ranges of less than 10 miles, though they are typically employed at considerably shorter distances in operational use. At the same time, extended-range versions of both missiles have been demonstrated, with Hellfire tested at approximately three times its standard range and JAGM at roughly double its baseline reach.

The Royal Australian Navy’s contribution highlighted another facet of the growing helicopter anti-ship mission. An MH-60R Seahawk embarked in the Arleigh Burke class destroyer USS Wayne E. Meyer conducted a live AGM-114N Hellfire engagement against a target ship. While Hellfire lacks the standoff reach of Spike NLOS and is primarily associated with engaging smaller surface vessels, it remains a highly capable maritime strike weapon and is a standard part of the MH-60R’s surface warfare arsenal.

Imagery released by the New Zealand Defense Force showed a Royal New Zealand Navy SH-2G(I) Seasprite embarked aboard the Anzac class frigate HMNZS Te Mana launching an AGM-119 Penguin anti-ship missile against the decommissioned amphibious assault ship ex-USS Peleliu. According to the NZDF, the missile penetrated the hull before detonating inside the vessel, inflicting significant internal damage and compromising its integrity.

The Italian Navy also revealed that an SH-101 helicopter embarked aboard the multirole combat ship Giovanni delle Bande Nere launched a Marte anti-ship missile during RIMPAC 2026, although it did not specify which target the missile was fired against.

Together, the Apache, Seahawk, Seasprite, and SH-101 illustrated just how diverse helicopter-based maritime strike has become. Although each of the weapons described above is optimized for different targets and mission profiles, all three point toward helicopters assuming an increasingly prominent role in coalition anti-surface warfare operations.

The U.S. Army’s maritime application for Spike NLOS aligns closely with the Army’s Multi-Domain Operations concept, which increasingly envisions aviation units contributing to sea-denial missions alongside their more traditional roles. Apache crews have repeatedly demonstrated maritime strike capabilities during exercises across the Pacific, and RIMPAC provides one of the largest and most complex venues yet to refine those tactics alongside allies and partners.

Beyond the Army’s work with Spike NLOS, the U.S. Marine Corps has been experimenting with arming its AH-1Z Viper attack helicopters with small cruise missiles, dramatically expanding their reach and giving them the ability to strike ships from well beyond the range of traditional helicopter-launched weapons. Above all else, it’s yet another example of the attack helicopter’s changing role in the maritime environment.

Although helicopters featured prominently, they represented just one layer of the larger SINKEX strike package.

Video released this week also showed a U.S. Navy F/A-18F Super Hornet carrying AGM-158C Long Range Anti-Ship Missiles (LRASM), along with live launches from U.S. Army M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) and Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Type 12 coastal defense missile batteries. U.S. Navy P-8 Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft were also seen supporting the event. Based on the imagery that has been published, submarines were also involved in the SINKEX strikes. Full details of which weapons and platforms ultimately sent which retired ships to the bottom remain unclear, and TWZ has asked officials for additional information.

As well as the decommissioned Ticonderoga class guided missile cruiser, the Tarawa class amphibious assault ship ex-USS Peleliu also served as a SINKEX target. As we have discussed previously, the pair represented two very different classes of major warship, providing participants with valuable opportunities to employ and evaluate a wide range of anti-ship capabilities.

Live-fire events like RIMPAC’s SINKEX remain among the most valuable aspects of the exercise, providing opportunities that are difficult to replicate in synthetic training environments. They allow participating forces to observe weapon performance against full-sized ships, refine targeting procedures, and integrate air, sea, and land-based fires while operating within a coalition framework.

RIMPAC 2026 brings together 30 nations, more than 30 surface ships, five submarines, 15 national land forces, over 206 aircraft, and approximately 30,000 personnel operating in and around the Hawaiian Islands from June 24 through July 31. Now in its 30th iteration since beginning in 1971, RIMPAC remains the world’s largest international maritime exercise, designed to improve interoperability while strengthening the partnerships that underpin maritime security and freedom of navigation across the Indo-Pacific.

While long-range anti-ship missiles launched by fighters, warships, submarines, and coastal batteries remain central to modern naval warfare, this year’s RIMPAC SINKEX also demonstrated that helicopters are increasingly indispensable members of the maritime strike team. Whether armed with Spike NLOS, Hellfire, Penguin, or Marte missiles, allied rotorcraft showed they are increasingly expected to contribute directly to the joint force’s anti-ship kill chain. For a region where distributed operations and coalition interoperability are becoming ever more important, that evolution is likely only to accelerate.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Telegram has removed accounts linked to a Hausa-language network that openly sold child sexual abuse material across northern Nigeria, following an inquiry by HumAngle, but the platform has not explained how the network survived repeated suspensions over three months before our investigation was published.

In an email response to HumAngle, a Telegram spokesperson confirmed that moderators had “processed the content reported and removed anything they could identify as breaching our terms.” The platform also provided a formal statement defending its broader moderation record, saying it had removed more than 305,000 groups and channels related to child sexual abuse material in 2026 alone.

“The distribution of CSAM  is explicitly forbidden by Telegram’s terms of service and we use industry-leading moderation techniques to remove it,” the statement read.

The response came hours after HumAngle published an investigation documenting a network of Hausa-language Telegram channels, X accounts, and TikTok profiles selling access to child sexual abuse material through paid VIP groups priced at up to ₦100,000, distributing non-consensual intimate videos of women, and advertising sexual services using photographs stolen from unsuspecting social media users. The investigation, published on July 23, traced two central operators identified through payment records as Fatima Mahmud, who used the name “Teema” or “TeemaTV,” and Khadijah Adamu, who operated under the identities “Khadeeja Deejah,” “Deejah,” “Nanadady,” and “Deharjah.”

Before publication, HumAngle sent Telegram a detailed request for comment, summarising the findings and posing specific questions about the platform’s moderation of Hausa-language content and its capacity to detect coordinated networks of replacement channels. The reply arrived hours after publication.

Alongside the statement to HumAngle, Telegram said it scans all media uploaded to its public platform against a hash database of previously removed Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM), supplemented with datasets from the Internet Watch Foundation and the Indian Cybercrime Coordination Centre. The platform added that it processes CSAM reports from authorities and NGOs around the world.

Those measures, if applied consistently, should in theory have flagged material within the network HumAngle documented. But the investigation found that administrators avoided posting child sexual abuse material directly on public channels, instead using screen records and screenshots of media catalogues as proof of possession before directing paying customers into private conversations. That structure, common across similar networks documented by investigations in India, Sudan, Malaysia, and Brazil, appears designed to stay one step ahead of hash-matching tools that identify known material rather than advertisements for it.

What was taken down

HumAngle’s own review found that most, although not all, of the accounts and channels documented in the original investigation had been taken down. Fatima Mahmud’s administrator account, @teematv2, was no longer active, along with several of her channels, including @teematv7 and @teematv9, and other successive replacements identified during the monitoring period. 

One channel, @teematv8, remained accessible after the takedowns, however. On X, Fatima’s account also remains active.

Within the wider network, HumAngle also identified accounts tied to Khadijah Adamu, including @Deekano and @realsadiyaharka, as well as channels operating as @arewagidanharka1 and @gidanharkaxx. HumAngle shared these identifiers with Telegram directly, while noting that the ecosystem documented in the original investigation was larger than what could be fully captured during three months of monitoring, and that additional accounts likely remain. At the time of publishing this report, Khadija Adamu remains active.

What the response does not address

Telegram’s statement points to a large-scale, ongoing moderation effort. They sit, however, alongside a specific finding from the original investigation: the network, monitored for three months, rebuilt through replacement accounts faster than individual removals could disrupt it, with no public indication that Telegram’s existing systems had identified it as a coordinated network rather than a series of isolated violations. 

Telegram did not address HumAngle’s questions about what proactive measures exist to detect coordinated replacement networks, the moderation capacity the platform applies to Hausa-language content specifically, whether any of the documented channels had been previously reported before HumAngle’s inquiry, or whether the platform coordinates with Nigerian authorities such as the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) when CSAM-related accounts are removed.

HumAngle’s requests for comment to X and to NAPTIP remain outstanding at the time of publication.

A major incident has been declared by Police Scotland as emergency services continue to tackle a wildfire which has been burning in the Cairngorms National Park for 10 days.

The force said it followed “a significant change in weather conditions” which has increased the risk of fire spreading towards the village of Nethy Bridge.

All Nethy Bridge residents have been evacuated as a precaution to allow emergency services to continue their response.

But a local resident told the BBC the wildfire should have been declared a major incident sooner and the lack of communication from authorities had been “pretty poor”.

The BBC has contacted the Scottish government and Police Scotland for comment.

First Minister John Swinney, who held a meeting of the Scottish government’s resilience room early on Saturday, said additional police resources were being deployed to assist with the Nethy Bridge evacuation.

He urged people to “respect the exclusion zone that’s been put in place”, adding that the change in weather conditions illustrated “the scale and difficulty of the situation that we are managing”.

Smoke from the wildfire can now be seen 59 miles away in Aberdeen following a change in wind direction.

Supt Judy Hill said weather conditions “experienced within the Cairngorms over the last 24 hours have added further complexities to this situation”.

“With evidence suggesting the fire is spreading towards Nethy Bridge, the decision has been taken to declare a major incident and evacuate residents as a precaution.”

She said additional police resources were being deployed to help contact those who need to leave their properties.

After beginning his professional career with Dinamo Zagreb at the age of 16, highly rated Croatian midfielder Alen Halilovic earned a permanent move to Barcelona, where he spent two years before joining Hamburg for a further two seasons.

During his time at the Nou Camp, he played primarily for Barcelona B before spending the 2015–16 season on loan at Sporting Gijon.

After joining Hamburg in 2016, he was loaned out to La Liga side Las Palmas during the 2017–18 campaign.

In 2018, shortly after his 22nd birthday, he signed for AC Milan, the sixth club of his career – while Italy became the fourth different country in which he had played.

The midfielder later had spells with Birmingham City and Reading. He now plays for Fortuna Sittard in the Netherlands.

Russian military bloggers have published what appears to be the first imagery showing the remains of a Ukrainian-operated Ruta Block 1 low-cost cruise missile following an operational strike. The weapon is another addition to an increasingly diverse arsenal that can hold targets even deep inside Russia at risk.

Photos that began circulating on Russian Telegram channels show wreckage consistent with the Dutch-produced Ruta Block 1. While the exact location and target of the strike remain unclear, the images represent the first publicly available evidence that the new long-range weapon has entered combat use.

The recovered debris includes fuselage sections, internal components, and part of the missile’s tailfin assembly. Although the imagery has not been independently verified, the remains appear consistent with the known design characteristics of the Ruta Block 1. The possibility cannot be ruled out entirely that the wreckage represents a previously undisclosed Ukrainian cruise missile design with broadly similar characteristics. Russian military bloggers claimed air defenses intercepted the missile, though that cannot currently be independently verified.

Footage purportedly showing a Ruta Block 1 missile flying toward its target has also appeared.

The Ruta Block 1 is a product of the Netherlands-based Destinus company, founded by the Russian exile Mikhail Kokorich. Earlier reporting indicated that the Block 1 was already being manufactured in the Netherlands and had been delivered to Ukraine since at least 2024.

A lot of people would be very surprised to learn how many of these Ukraine has received since at least 2025.

Also, whether or not you think it was the right call, the Dutch government has been extremely effective at keeping deliveries of these missiles, and especially their… https://t.co/3PESUlzE7U

— Fabian Hoffmann (@FRHoffmann1) July 23, 2026

Last month, then-Ukrainian Minister of Defense Mykhailo Fedorov announced that the Netherlands was paying for approximately 700 cruise missiles for Ukraine — almost certainly referring to the Ruta Block 1 — as part of a wider package worth more than $500 million.

According to the manufacturer, the Ruta Block 1 has a range of more than 300 kilometers (186 miles) and carries a payload of 150 kilograms (330 pounds).

The missile is ground-launched via a booster, then flies to its target at low altitude, using a combination of inertial, satellite, and visual navigation systems, providing resilience also in GPS-contested environments. The weapon is intended to strike high-value fixed targets and features pre-programmed terminal guidance.​

Unlike larger and more expensive cruise missiles, Ruta has been presented as a mass-producible weapon optimized for deep strikes against military infrastructure. The missile is designed around affordability and production scale, enabling Ukraine to conduct sustained long-range precision attacks while reducing reliance on scarce, more exquisite Western-supplied weapons. The Block 1 also comes with the major advantage that its turbojet engine is also manufactured by Destinus, so the company doesn’t rely on the United States for this part.

Engine No. 1000: Destinus reaches industrial-scale turbojet production in Europe

Ukraine has generally remained silent regarding operational use of many of its newest indigenous strike systems until well after they have entered service. Confirmation of the introduction of other long-range weapons often came first from Russian photographs of intercepted missiles or strike aftermath before official acknowledgment from Kyiv.

For Ukraine, the Ruta Block 1 forms part of a broader effort to diversify its expanding arsenal of deep-strike capabilities, alongside long-range drones, indigenous cruise missiles, as well as missile-drone hybrids. As production ramps up, these systems are playing an increasingly important role in sustained attacks against Russian energy infrastructure, as well as command centers, logistics hubs, airbases, ammunition depots, and defense-industrial facilities far behind the front lines. Ukraine is currently ramping up its long-range strikes on all fronts and doing major damage.

Destinus is also working on additional members of the Ruta family.

Earlier this year, the company presented the Ruta Block 2, which increases the missile’s range to over 800 kilometers (around 500 miles) and boosts its payload capacity to 250 kilograms (550 pounds).

Ruta B2 Flight Test | European Canister-Compatible Cruise Missile | Destinus

Meanwhile, the Ruta Block 3 will have a range of 2,000 kilometers (around 1,200 miles) with a 550-kilogram payload. Block 3 is expected to enter flight testing in 2027 and is also suitable for air launch.

As well as bolstering the Ukrainian arsenal, the Ruta Block 3 has relevance for European nations looking to build up their long-range conventional strike capabilities.

Ruta B3 and the Future of European Deep Strike

Russia’s extensive use of ground-launched missiles in Ukraine, along with its deployment of long-range weapons in Kaliningrad, has highlighted the deficiencies in Europe’s deep-strike capabilities as NATO seeks to strengthen conventional deterrence against Moscow. The Block 3 could be part of the answer to emerging requirements, including the European Long-Range Strike Approach (ELSA), which involves France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, and which seeks to bring new systems into service in the 2030s.

Destinus is also working to expand its production capacity, including through a joint venture with Rheinmetall that will make use of that company’s manufacturing facilities in Germany.

Overall, the Ruta series is part of a wider trend toward lower-cost, highly producible cruise missiles, something also evidenced in the United States. Examples of these include CoAspire’s Rapidly Adaptable Affordable Cruise Missile-Extended Range (RAACM-ER), which you can read more about here, and the Family of Affordable Mass Missiles-Beyond Adversary’s Reach (FAMM-BAR) effort, which is seeking lower-cost designs with maximum ranges of 1,000 nautical miles or more.

Whether this particular missile reached its intended target or was intercepted remains unknown. What is clear, however, is that we have the strongest evidence to date that the Ruta Block 1 has transitioned from an announced development program into an operational weapon being employed against Russian targets.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

A fertiliser explosion at a farm in Essex triggered a major incident. Dozens of firefighters worked to contain the large industrial fire and protect nearby homes.

When BAE Systems unveiled the first rendering of the United Kingdom’s Combat Air Flying Demonstrator last year, it finally gave us a look at the test aircraft that will spearhead development of the Global Combat Air Program (GCAP), at the center of which is the stealthy Tempest fighter. Now, new images, as well as a scale model, provide more details and a better idea of its scale.

The company has released its clearest official photograph yet of the demonstrator under construction. Seen at the top of this story, it shows the fuselage of the jet being built at the BAE Systems facility in Samlesbury. Meanwhile, the wings and fins are being built at Warton, from where the aircraft is due to fly before the end of 2027.

In aerospace, a demonstrator (or technology demonstrator) is an aircraft built primarily to prove technologies, manufacturing methods, aerodynamic concepts, and systems integration, rather than to become an operational weapon system. As a precursor to a prototype that would more closely represent a final configuration, they are nearly always smaller, simpler designs that leverage off-the-shelf components wherever possible to get them into the air faster and to prove core concepts and/or a package of concepts. The last such known fighter demonstrator in this class built in the United Kingdom was the British Aerospace EAP that first flew in 1986 and proved the concept for the Typhoon that followed it. 

The Combat Air Flying Demonstrator will inform the sixth-generation Tempest fighter, which is being developed for the air forces of the United Kingdom, Italy, and Japan, for service in the 2040s and beyond. Canada also recently joined the program as an observer, and there are reports that Germany might also be considering coming on board.

A model of the Combat Air Flying Demonstrator presented at the Farnborough International Airshow in England earlier this week:

The new scale model confirms that the twin-engine aircraft has outward-canted twin fins and no horizontal tails. Another major difference that we know about relates to the powerplant. The Combat Air Flying Demonstrator will use the same EJ200 turbofans as the Typhoon. The production Tempest will feature an all-new powerplant that is now under development. Nevertheless, officials have said that the demonstrator will have fighter-style handling, despite its size and lack of thrust compared to the Tempest.

Overall, the demonstrator aircraft has some similarities to the F-35 (except the horizontal tails), including forward-swept intakes that are a DSI design and a prominent ‘chine’ on the forward fuselage. The center fuselage section is notably long and broad, something carried over, but to a lesser degree, from Tempest renderings and models.

The inboard leading edge of the wing is slightly cranked, there is some forward sweep on the trailing edge, and the wingtips are severely cropped. The result is something of a modified cropped-delta wing, very different to the lambda wing that appeared on the very first Tempest concept and closer to the large-area delta that appears on later Tempest concepts. As for the demo jet’s tailfins, these are simpler than those on the latest Tempest mockup, being trapezoidal rather than having five ‘sides’.

The canopy also appears to offer limited rearward visibility. The underside of the fuselage almost has area-ruled, hour-glass-like contours.

The factory-floor photograph includes technicians, assembly tooling, work platforms, and production fixtures that immediately provide useful reference points. Even allowing for perspective effects, the demonstrator’s center fuselage appears broad and deep.

Looking down the spine of the aircraft, the width of the centerbody is especially striking. The absence of skin panels exposes a substantial internal space, which accommodates low-observable serpentine intakes, while the distance between the outer mold line on each side further hints at the generous internal volume available inside the aircraft.

Of course, perspective can exaggerate proportions, and this remains a technology demonstrator rather than the final operational GCAP fighter, let alone a Tempest prototype. The aircraft that eventually enters service in the mid-2030s will undoubtedly differ in various respects.

Air Commodore Martin Lowe, the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) program director at the U.K. Ministry of Defense, has stressed this exact reality. He highlights that the Combat Air Flying Demonstrator is not a Tempest prototype, particularly not “in terms of shape or size.” The final configuration of the Tempest has yet to be settled, but it will surely be bigger and more complex than the demonstrator. A new, full-size mockup of the Tempest was also presented at the Farnborough International Airshow in England this week.

While the Combat Air Flying Demonstrator has a definite F-35 ‘look,’ the latest Tempest mockup owes more to the F-22 Raptor. In fact, in at least one recent render, seen below, it appears like a wider, squatter F-22, suggesting an even more generous internal capacity.

As TWZ previously reported, the future combat aircraft is being designed around “really extreme range” and a payload approximately double that of the F-35A. Just in terms of internal and external ordnance, for the F-35A, this equates to more than 18,000 pounds, according to the manufacturer. This would suggest the Tempest’s internal payload will be around 10,000 pounds compared to the F-35A’s 5,000 pounds.

Those requirements point toward a substantially larger aircraft with dramatically greater internal volume than today’s fighters. They also reflect similar concerns that have driven the development of the U.S. Air Force’s Boeing F-47 under the Next Generation Air Dominance (NGAD) initiative.

Range is heavily dictated by fuel load, which the Tempest will carry internally to preserve its stealth qualities. At the same time, carrying significantly more — and larger — internal weapons than current fighters demands larger weapons bays. Sixth-generation aircraft are also expected to require unprecedented electrical power generation and cooling capacity to support advanced sensors, electronic warfare suites, communications systems, onboard computing, and potentially future capabilities such as directed-energy weapons.

Previous renderings gave us an idea of the shape of Britain’s future stealth fighter demonstrator. However, the new model and photos from the production line provide useful new detail of the Combat Air Flying Demonstrator, including a better appreciation of its scale. Ultimately, once the Tempest appears, it will likely be an even bigger and more impressive aircraft.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

President Donald Trump has ordered signs to be placed outside the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, to caution visitors about exhibits his administration views as “inaccurate”.

The order directs the Department of Interior to issue the warnings, and also to direct people about where they can find “accurate information regarding America’s history”.

The Trump administration has often accused the Smithsonian Institution, the world’s largest research museum, as well as other academic organisations of harbouring an anti-American bias.

The Smithsonian did not immediately respond to the BBC’s request for comment.

The order on Friday – titled Restoring Trust in the Smithsonian Institution – accuses museum leadership of not doing enough to celebrate America’s founders on the country’s 250th anniversary of independence, which took place on 4 July.

It says the museum’s leadership team “views American history as a ‘prime tool’ to advance ideas of social justice and the radical transformation of our society”.

An accompanying White House statement, external also accused the museum of veering “toward extreme political activism, rooted in Marxism, to divide, dispirit, and discourage Americans”.

Democrats who oversee the Smithsonian condemned the order.

“This EO is a clear political overreach, driven by an ideological agenda to rewrite American history,” congresswoman Melanie Stansbury, ranking member of the House Administration Committee, wrote on X.

“Our Smithsonian institutions do not belong to the President, but to the American people and so does our nation’s history.”

The executive order comes just days after Smithsonian director Anthea Hartig was grilled by Republican lawmakers in two congressional hearings, where the museum was accused of being “infected by a woke ideology that seeped into public displays, educational materials and planning documents”.

Earlier this month, the White House Domestic Policy Council released a scathing report, claiming that the museum “erases our heritage”.

Trump has set out to radically reshape American culture, which he says has been contaminated by “woke” left-wing ideology.

He has signed several orders that are intended to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion programmes from the federal government – some of which led to legal challenges.

In March, he issued a separate order against the Smithsonian, directing it to “eliminate improper, divisive, or anti-American ideology”.

The Smithsonian is largely funded by the federal government. Its museums offer free entry to some 15 to 30 million visitors each year. It operates 21 museums in Washington, Virginia and New York.

They include the National Museum of American History, the National Portrait Gallery, the American Art Museum, the National Zoo and more than a dozen others.

In south-west France, authorities have evacuated around 200,000 people after wildfires ripped through the Gironde and Landes regions.

In the early hours of Saturday, four towns near Bordeaux were evacuated “as a precaution”.

The towns were Saint-Médard-en-Jalles, Saint-Jean d’Illac, Martignas-sur-Jalles, and Saint-Aubin de Médoc, which Le Monde reported had a total population of 58,400 residents.

The Gironde blaze, described by local prefect Sophie Brocas as an “XXL fire”, has burned through more than 19,000 hectares (46,000 acres) of forest and destroyed about 80 homes.

Officials evacuated the entire Cap Ferret peninsula on the south-west coast, with hundreds escaping by boat after flames swept through the popular tourist destination.

The area has a year-round population of just under 8,000 people, but numbers can increase 10 fold during the summer holiday season.

Fire and rescue chief Marc Vermeulen said conditions were more severe than during the devastating fires that hit the region in 2022, with drought enabling the blaze to continue spreading through the night.

“We have never seen a convective fire of this magnitude,” France’s Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez told French broadcaster TF1, adding that around 50 firefighters had been injured.

He said the blaze was “self-sustaining” and changing direction, with the fire moving east towards Bordeaux on Friday evening.

“We are going to reorganise our response so we can fight it from the ground and prevent it from advancing toward Bordeaux,” he said.

EU accuses US tech giant of favouring its own services in search results, as Trump lashes out against bloc.

United States President Donald Trump has threatened the European Union with steep tariffs and a new trade investigation, saying that the bloc “will pay a very big price” after Brussels fined Google $1bn over antitrust violations.

Trump called penalties against Google and other US tech firms “highly unethical”, saying on Friday that the US “is not a ‘PIGGYBANK’ for Europe”.

“This illegal and highly discriminatory practice started at these high levels during the first year of the Sleepy Joe Biden Administration, but it’s not going to continue during the Trump Administration,” he wrote in a social media post.

The European Commission had imposed the fine on Thursday, ruling that Google had breached the bloc’s Digital Markets Act by favouring its own services in search results and restricting app developers from directing users elsewhere.

The penalty adds renewed strain to US-EU relations at a moment when trade tensions between Washington and Brussels had appeared to ease.

Regulators said Google gave preferential placement to its own shopping, travel and other services over rival offerings, and blocked app developers from steering customers towards deals outside its Play Store.

The EU Commission split the penalty roughly in half between the two breaches, giving Google 60 days to change its practices or face periodic fines of up to 5 percent of its average daily turnover.

Teresa Ribera, the commission’s executive vice president overseeing competition policy, on Thursday called the action “decisive yet balanced”, arguing that products should succeed on merit rather than ownership.

Kent Walker, a Google executive, described the ruling as “product degradation” driven by a small number of complainants, insisting that regulation should improve products rather than weaken them.

The EU has fined Google repeatedly since 2017, including a $4.5bn penalty over its Android operating system, upheld on appeal this month, and a $3.4bn fine last year targeting its advertising business.

The latest penalty also reignites friction with Washington.

Jamieson Greer, the US trade representative, warned this week that Brussels’s approach towards American tech firms risks unravelling a trade deal struck in Turnberry, Scotland, last year that capped US tariffs on European goods.

EU officials have pushed back, insisting they answer to their own laws rather than outside pressure.

Trump threatened to launch a probe under Section 301, a US tool for probing unfair trade practices, but the move could take months to produce results, though tariffs could follow far sooner.

Austrian lawyer Volker Turk set to become first UN rights chief to complete two four-year terms since post was created.

Volkur Turk, the outspoken United Nations human rights chief who has been a vocal critic of Israel’s actions in Gaza and across the wider region, has won a vote to serve a second term in his role.

UN member states voted 144-10, with 13 abstentions, on Friday to keep Turk in his post as UN human rights chief. His term was set to expire on October 11, but he will now serve for an additional four years.

If he finishes his second term, he will be the first UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to do so since the post was created in 1993. The United States, Israel, Russia, North Korea and six others opposed his re-election.

Turk said he was “deeply grateful” to be re-elected.

“Human rights are the antidote to today’s turbulence and defeatism. I will give my all for the rights of everyone, everywhere,” he wrote in a social media post.

The rights chief has angered many in Israel by criticising the country’s genocidal war on Gaza, its attacks on Lebanon, and the “shameful” lack of accountability for rights abuses in the occupied Palestinian territory.

A lawyer by training, Turk has spent almost his career working in the UN, including posts in the UNHCR, the UN’s dedicated body for refugees.

He has repeatedly urged Israel to comply with international humanitarian law, and said the state is accountable for any violations of human rights that it commits.

The European Union’s delegation at the UN welcomed Turk’s reappointment, saying it looks forward to working with his office to “promote and protect human rights worldwide”.

US and Israeli criticism

Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had criticised Turk’s record, saying that under his leadership the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has “erased the atrocities of October 7, misused funds, and betrayed UN neutrality in favor of corrupt political radicalism”.

Israel has been accused by leading rights groups and UN experts of rampant rights abuses, including carrying out a genocide in Gaza.

Jeff Bartos, the US representative for UN Management and Reform, said that the UN human rights system has been losing credibility for decades, that Turk “led it to its deathbed” as Friday’s vote “kicked the bucket”.

The US has been Israel’s top ally and weapons provider.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres faced criticism for how he managed the vote on Turk’s second term.

Guterres, whose term expires in December, sent letters to regional groups at the UN earlier this month informing them of his intention to reappoint Turk, and held the vote just weeks later.

The US Department of State called the rushed vote “another example of the UN’s inherent corruption and incompetence”, saying Turk “turned a blind eye to real atrocities and instead pursued a radical ideological agenda.”

The delay, filed in court on Friday, can cost Paramount $1.7bn in fees if the deal is not closed by next June.

Paramount Skydance has agreed to pause its $110bn acquisition of Warner Bros Discovery until after a federal judge rules on states’ challenge to the deal, according to court papers.

The delay, filed in court on Friday, could cost Paramount Skydance about $7m a day in fees it agreed to pay Warner Bros shareholders if the merger does not close by September 30.

“We look forward to proving our case at trial,” Paramount’s spokesperson said.

Twelve states, led by California, sued on July 13, arguing the deal would “extinguish competition” in Hollywood and lead to fewer choices for consumers, particularly moviegoers and cable customers. Paramount has called the states’ claims meritless and pledged to “vigorously defend” its merger.

“Halting this merger while our case proceeds is a critical victory in our efforts to uphold the law and protect the film and television industries,” said New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is suing to block the deal.

Friday’s move arrives just days after US District Judge Araceli Martinez-Olguin granted a temporary restraining order requested by the states to freeze the transaction for several weeks.

The companies agreed to pause the deal until five days after the judge rules on the merits of the case, or June 1, 2027, whichever comes first. Paramount could owe as much as $1.7bn in ticking fees to Warner Bros shareholders if the deal is delayed until then.

Similar merger challenges have taken an average of eight months for a judge to rule, a review of recent cases by the Reuters news agency has found.

There have also been concerns over a media stranglehold as the merger would have brought CNN, currently owned by Warner Bros, under the umbrella of Paramount. The latter already owns CBS, which has seen a fair amount of turmoil amid allegations of bias in favour of US President Donald Trump under the leadership of CEO David Ellison, whose father, tech billionaire Larry Ellison, is a Trump ally.

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s caption reads:

U.S. Soldiers assigned to 14th Brigade Engineer Battalion, 2-2 Stryker Brigade Combat Team, 7th Infantry Division enter a cave to conduct Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear (CBRN) operations during Rotation 25-11 at the National Training Center, Fort Irwin, Calif., Sep. 16, 2025. Rotations at the National Training Center ensure Army Brigade Combat Teams remain versatile, responsive, and consistently available for current and future contingencies. (U.S. Army photo by Cpl. Jeffrey Garland, Operations Group, National Training Center)

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• If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you. 
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• So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on. 
• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

Sam Dimond, owner of event production company Spotlight Sound, said he had lost his livelihood in the fire. The headquarters of his business was based on the industrial site.

He said: “It’s gone, basically. Lots and lots of people have lost their livelihoods. We’ve got customers to serve, we’ve got employees that have a job, and at the minute they don’t have a place of work to go back to.”

Locals reported hearing the explosion on Friday afternoon.

Adrian Walker, 46, from Ashingdon, said: “The ground shook, buildings shook, windows rattled, birds flew off – and I am 15 miles away.

“I’ve never heard anything like it. At first, I thought it was the MoD in Shoeburyness trying out some new ordnance, but it was heard and felt for miles around.”

From the ongoing conflict with Iran, to the Ukraine war and hotspots around the world, aerial drones have proven to be extremely dangerous and effective weapons and a mad rush is on to counter them. It is a technology race that makes headlines on a near daily basis. However, a similar but far quieter and less visible threat is emerging below the waves and now the U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) is looking to do more about it.

Faced with a growing threat from uncrewed underwater vehicles (UUVs), the USCG is seeking technology not just to detect these weapons, but to defeat them. Ports and other maritime facilities are vulnerable to this kind of attack vector, and our adversaries surely know it. The effort is being led by the Coast Guard Futures Development and Integration (FD&I) Directorate, which oversees research, modeling and simulation, technology forecasting, and field experimentation. It is part of the service’s role to protect U.S. maritime assets and comes as adversary militaries and non-state actors alike, are developing a wide array of UUVs for surveillance, strike and sabotage.

“UUVs are increasingly used in both public and military maritime operations due to their versatility, stealth, and ability to operate in challenging environments,” the Coast Guard noted in its request for solutions (RFS) posted Friday on the government’s online contracting portal. “However, the proliferation of UUV technology has introduced new threats to maritime security. Malicious actors can employ UUVs for a range of activities, including intelligence gathering, surveillance, smuggling, sabotage of critical infrastructure, and kinetic strikes. The covert nature and advanced navigation capabilities of modern UUVs make them difficult to detect, track, and mitigate using traditional maritime interdiction tactics.”

The most vivid example of this threat took place in December, when Ukraine claimed it used a UUV to strike an Improved Kilo class diesel-electric submarine, in the Black Sea naval stronghold of Novorossiysk. Ukraine’s state security service (SBU) told us at the time they used its Sub Sea Baby UUV to navigate through the harbor and hit the submarine.

It remains unclear how much damage the submarine sustained. However, the incident showed Ukraine was able to slip a UUV into a heavily defended harbor, in daylight, and detonate its warhead next to a prized Russian submarine worth, hundreds of millions of dollars.

The following satellite image showed a view of the submarine after the UUV hit.

Here is a video of the attack:

In an earlier example of these vehicles being used as a weapon, the U.S. Navy found itself having to fire on a threatening Houthi UUV in February 2024, according to U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM).

“Between the hours of 3:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. (Sanaa time), Feb. 17, CENTCOM successfully conducted five self-defense strikes against three mobile anti-ship cruise missiles, one unmanned underwater vessel (UUV), and one unmanned surface vessel (USV) in Iranian-backed Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen,” the command stated on X at the time. “This is the first observed Houthi employment of a UUV since attacks began on Oct. 23, [2023].”

Feb. 17 Summary of Red Sea activities

TAMPA, Fla. – Between the hours of 3:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m. (Sanaa time), Feb. 17, CENTCOM successfully conducted five self-defense strikes against three mobile anti-ship cruise missiles, one unmanned underwater vessel (UUV), and one unmanned… https://t.co/TwR9RUmMMu

— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) February 18, 2024

Hamas used UUVs even before that in an attempt to attack Israeli naval assets in 2021, according to the Times of Israel.

“While the small autonomous underwater drone was still close to the shore, an Israeli Navy vessel destroyed the device, and an IDF aircraft attacked the operatives that launched it in order to thwart the threat,” the military said, according to the outlet.

“Hamas has for years been believed to be developing autonomous submarines,” Times of Israel added. “The Israeli Navy believes that the models in the terror group’s arsenals are guided by GPS and capable of carrying some 30 kilograms (66 pounds) of explosives. Such weapons could be directed against targets both out at sea and along Israel’s coastline.”

The threat from these systems has come a long way. America’s near-peer adversaries are far more advanced in this regard and weapons that can travel great distances undersea, operating on their own, offer a distinct asymmetric advantage. As with Pearl Harbor, it is far more convenient to strike ships in port than to hunt them at sea. China, notably, has invested heavily in uncrewed underwater vehicles for years.

“There are effective technologies with the capability to detect and track UUVs, but few tested and fielded defeat/mitigation systems,” the Coast Guard said in the RFS. 

There are really two areas where these technologies land, in general. Providing early warning and tracking of UUVs over larger areas and coastal and harbor defense, the inner layer where UUVs are arguably most dangerous.

For the U.S., persistent and broad area undersea surveillance coverage has historically been provided by large networks of static hydrophones that are extremely costly to establish, operate, and maintain. They were also designed to detect large submarines, not far smaller UUVs. The U.S. Navy’s Cold War Sound Surveillance System (SOSUS) network is perhaps the best-known example of such a system. Portions of SOSUS do remain in service, but are now used more for scientific research than watching for foreign submarines. SOSUS has been largely supplanted operationally by a mix of fixed sensor arrays, surface ships towing sonar, and processing stations ashore known collectively as the Integrated Undersea Surveillance System (IUSS).

Last year, TWZ highlighted one of many alternatives being developed by industry, Anduril’s readily deployable undersea surveillance system called Seabed Sentry. It uses networks of small and relatively low-cost modular sensor nodes to detect and track undersea threats. You can read more about that system and how it operates in our story here.

Anduril, working with Ultra Maritime’s Sea Spear deployable sonar system, demonstrated the latest iteration of this system during the Navy’s recent Lanternfish exercise, which “brought together the U.S. Navy, United Kingdom Ministry of Defense explosive ordnance disposal units, Royal Australian Navy UUV Operators and defense industry professionals to build seamless interoperability,” according to the U.S. Navy.

The inner layer of defense benefits from ongoing development and evolution, from sensors for detecting divers and objects to marine mammals that can do the same. Still, UUVs offer unique new challenge to contend with.

Last month, Naval Surface Warfare Center (NSWC) Panama City and Unmanned Undersea Vehicle Group (UUVGRU) One “executed a multi-national harbor protection demonstration to show how the advancement of technology plays a crucial role in protecting the Navy’s assets during exercise Baltic Operations (BALTOPS) 2026,” NSWC said.

The demonstration “showcased three emerging technologies including an expeditionary air curtain, an artificial kelp UUV net, and sea water neutralization charges which are designed to counter UUV threats,” the release added.

“The expeditionary air curtain is a rapidly deployable underwater system that is used to protect mission-critical assets below the waterline. The air curtain defends against UUV threats and can be used at Naval bases and military installations as well as ports and harbors by aerating the water to affect the UUV’s depth sensors, acoustic sensors, buoyancy and propulsion.”

“We are testing the air curtain to see how it disrupts and hinders UUV sensors. It is a quick, expeditionary solution because it can be deployed easily,” said Javi Handal, a Senior Electrical Engineer with NSWC Panama City.

He did not provide further details about these systems.

Regardless, the Coast Guard is looking to industry for other options.

“Defeat technologies are an essential piece in the kill chain, as detection is only the first step to stopping the threat,” its RFS explains. “The development and deployment of effective C-UUV defeat solutions will enhance maritime domain dominance (MDD), port security, and critical infrastructure protection, enabling reliable response actions to neutralize UUV-based threats.”

The Coast Guard said it is specifically interested in “solutions that have been tested and demonstrated to be effective in operational settings, with a Technology Readiness Level (TRL) of 5 or higher.”

The Pentagon describes TRL 5 as systems where the “basic technological components are integrated with reasonably realistic supporting elements so it can be tested in a simulated environment. Examples include ‘high fidelity’ laboratory integration of components.”

The requested technologies should be capable of supporting Ports, Waterways & Coastal Security operations, “addressing the unique challenges posed by UUVs in these environments,” the Coast Guard added.

“We are looking for systems that can provide reliable performance in real-world conditions, including but not limited to sensor platforms, kinetic solutions, and integrated response solutions,” the RFS notes. “Respondents are encouraged to submit information on products or systems that are currently available for procurement, have undergone field testing, and are suitable for deployment in port, harbor, and waterway security scenarios. Defeat solutions should be scalable and adaptable for compatibility with existing detection systems and/or various configurations for different ports.”

The Coast Guard is limiting its search to “only systems with an effector or with direct mitigating capabilities, or with detection, tracking, identifying, and mitigating capabilities. Submissions that do not include defeat capabilities will not be considered at this time.”

Interested parties have two weeks to submit their proposals. We reached out to the Coast Guard to find out more details about timelines and budgets and will update this story with any pertinent information provided.

As Ukraine proved last year, the threat from UUVs is real and growing, giving adversaries hard-to-detect and difficult-to-defeat autonomous weapons that can be launched from great distances and potentially operated in concert. The Coast Guard request is the latest example of the U.S. government’s increasing effort to get after this emerging threat.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

An agreement to ramp up production of the B-21 Raider was indeed structured to at least open the door to orders for more of the bombers, according to prime contractor Northrop Grumman. When the deal was announced back in February, the U.S. Air Force described it as a tool primarily intended to simply help accelerate fielding of the B-21. The service also said that long-stated plans for a fleet of 100 aircraft remained unchanged. Since then, it has separately confirmed that it is reassessing the objective Raider fleet size.

Northrop Grumman CEO Kathy Warden was asked about the prospect of orders for more than 100 B-21s during a quarterly earnings call earlier this week.

“The agreement we reached with the Air Force does allow them to consider accelerating production into a larger program of record, and we are working with them in that analysis,” Warden said. “They are undertaking it now. I expect that by year-end they will come to a conclusion on that, and we’ll certainly keep you updated.”

The deal, as it was announced earlier this year, centers on a 25 percent boost in annual B-21 production capacity. Raider production rate details have been and remain classified, but past reports have said that Northrop Grumman is understood to be able to churn out up to eight of the bombers a year.

As noted, emphasis was placed at the time on production acceleration to support fielding of the first operational B-21s next year. Any possibility of a larger total fleet size was downplayed.

U.S. officials have increasingly voiced support for a fleet of more than 100 B-21s for years now. Just in April, Secretary Pete Hegseth told members of the Senate Armed Services Committee that he saw a need for “a lot more” B-21s. However, the Air Force has repeatedly said there has been no change in the official acquisition plan.

The first sign of actual change being on the horizon came in May. That month, Air Force Lt. Gen. David Tabor, Deputy Chief of Staff for Plans and Programs, made clear that the planned Raider fleet size, or so-called program of record, was at least under formal review at a hearing before the House Armed Services Committee.

“We’re in the process of sharpening our pencils, really getting down to exactly what that [revised program of record] is,” Tabor said at that time, according to Air & Space Forces Magazine. “I think here in the next year, by the time we get to the ’28 [Fiscal Year 2028] budget, we’ll be able to give you a better answer, much more precise answer, and show you our homework.”

The Pentagon’s annual proposed budget for the upcoming fiscal year is typically released sometime in the spring. During the earnings call this week, Northrop Grumman CEO Warden indicated that the final decision on a new B-21 fleet size target is actually expected to come months before then, which makes sense in the context of the lengthy budget planning process.

What that new B-21 fleet number might be remains to be seen, and it is not clear whether it will even be publicly disclosed. In February, an Air Force official told TWZ that any revised figure is expected to be classified. Cost, schedule, and other details about the Raider program continue to be shrouded in heavy secrecy even as the aircraft has moved into increasingly public testing ahead of its planned fielding next year.

In terms of overall progress, the Air Force and members of Congress have repeatedly described the B-21 as a model acquisition effort that has been able to stay within cost and schedule targets despite at least a few hurdles during development.

On “B-21, there’s been good execution throughout the years,” John Greene, Northrop Grumman’s CFO, also said on the earnings call this week. “So, that’s been an enabler to ensure the overall program profitability remains on a direction that’s headed north.”

Air Force officials have also been open about their excitement for what the B-21 will bring operationally, as well as the added capacity that will come from having even 100 of these bombers. The B-21 is notably smaller than the B-2, but it will offer extreme range and other substantially improved capabilities compared to its predecessor. There are also only 19 B-2s still in service, and those aircraft, though highly capable, are very much a ‘silver bullet’ force.

B-21 Takeoff and Landing

The Raiders will replace the Air Force’s aging B-1B swing-wing bombers, as well. There is no clear replacement plan for the B-52 bomber yet, with those aircraft set to continue flying through at least 2050. To ensure their relevance for decades to come, the B-52s are in the process of receiving an extensive array of upgrades, including new engines and radars, but there have been delays. How those efforts continue to unfold might also have implications for the B-21 even though the two aircraft fill very different roles.

By all indications, the B-21 remains on track to begin fielding next year. The Air Force just recently made an announcement about the operational crew complement for the bombers, which will be two pilots. You can read more about this decision and its significance here.

It will still be some time before the B-21 force reaches a true operational capability even after initial fielding begins. Raider deliveries are also set to continue for years, especially if the total planned fleet rises well above 100 aircraft.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Omani delegation in Iran to discuss managing traffic in the strait, which has become the main focus of the US conflict.

A delegation from Oman has arrived in Iran to discuss options for managing shipping traffic in the Strait of Hormuz, as the United States and Iran continue attacks.

The Omani diplomats arrived in Tehran late on Friday for talks with Iranian officials on mechanisms governing navigation through the strait, Iran’s state-run IRNA news agency reported.

Control over the strait has become the main focus of hostilities between the US and Iran, with the global economy exposed to rising energy prices due to the closure of the strategically important waterway, through which around 20 percent of oil and gas exports were shipped before the outbreak of the conflict.

IRNA said the delegation’s visit was part of ongoing consultations between Iran and Oman. Iran’s Foreign Ministry said that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi held a phone call with his Omani counterpart, Badr Albusaidi.

No details regarding the ideas being discussed were released. However, Tehran has maintained throughout the war that it is open to managing the critical waterway in coordination with Oman.

The US and Gulf states have rejected such a setup. However, Oman holds a strategic position at the entrance and exit to the strait and has historically played a mediating role in regional disputes, maintaining diplomatic ties with both Gulf states and Iran.

“Vital waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz, must remain open and accessible for navigation, free from any measures that would impede freedom of navigation and international trade flows,” Albusaidi posted on X.

Meanwhile, the US and Iran exchanged air strikes for the 14th day in a row, despite efforts to rekindle diplomacy aimed at persuading both to implement the Memorandum of Understanding. It achieved a pause in fighting last month but collapsed, largely due to differences over what was agreed regarding freedom of navigation in the strait.

The crisis has only deepened since Houthi rebels in Yemen declared a naval blockade against Saudi Arabia on Monday, opening a new front.

On Friday, Iran’s military claimed further attacks on US bases across the region, which have been the main target for its fire during the hostilities.

Attacks were reported on bases in Kuwait, Bahrain and Jordan, while a drone crash near Iraq’s Erbil International Airport forced the temporary suspension of flights.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said they targeted US tech giant Amazon’s data centre in Bahrain for “providing intelligence support for the American child-killing army”.

The Houthis have also reportedly continued to target Saudi tankers in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as the strategic Bab al-Mandeb Strait. However, a Houthi spokesman denied the group has shut down the waterway.

The US Central Command said it had concluded air strikes on Iran. Iranian media reported four people were injured in blasts in several cities, including Khorramabad, Jask, Ahvaz and Bandar Abbas, as well as Qeshm Island.

Iran’s Health Ministry said at least 55 people have been killed in recent US attacks and nearly 650 injured.

The incident adds to concern that Moscow’s war on Ukraine risks spilling over to entangle neighbouring NATO states.

A Romanian fighter jet has shot down a drone, suspected to be Russian, that breached the country’s airspace.

The incident on Friday marked the first time the Eastern European country has intercepted an intruding aircraft since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, President Nicusor Dan noted.

However, concern that Moscow’s war on Ukraine risks entangling neighbouring NATO states is on the rise. Romania is one of several alliance members to confront repeated stray drones recently, as Russia and Ukraine launch hundreds of drones daily.

Dan reported that a Romanian F-16 jet shot down the drone after it entered the country’s airspace, adding that the fighter had shot over an uninhabited area.

A Romanian military source told the Reuters news agency that Russia was the suspected point of origin, given the pattern of previous incursions in the region.

Romania’s Ministry of National Defence said a radar first detected the drone about 20km (12 miles) east of the Black Sea port of Sulina, before it crossed into national airspace on a path through Braila, Fetesti and Buzau county.

Two Italian Eurofighter Typhoon jets, deployed to Romania under NATO’s air policing mission, were joined by two Romanian F-16s. One F-16 engaged the target with an air-to-air missile, downing it over unpopulated ground near the village of Padina. No casualties or injuries were reported.

Romania, an EU and NATO member sharing a border with Ukraine, has recorded dozens of drone incursions since the war began. This incident marked the first successful interception.

In late May, a drone struck an apartment building in the city of Galati, injuring two people – the first time such a strike hit a populated area in a NATO country.

NATO and European Union officials condemned the incident. The European Commission said it showed Russia’s war had “crossed yet another line”.

A month later, a Ukrainian sea drone exploded at the port of Constanta. Kyiv said that it had launched the vessel, which had been knocked off course by Russian jamming.

The Baltic states have also reported repeated airspace violations in recent months, incursions that contributed to the collapse of Latvia’s government in May.

NATO chief Mark Rutte has said Moscow’s “reckless behaviour is a danger to us all”. United States ambassador to NATO, Matthew Whitaker, has pledged the alliance will “defend every inch” of its territory.