Unity Holidays has summer holidays under £400 across its three holiday parks but they’re giving families an opportunity to stretch their budget that little bit further
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The summer holidays have officially arrived
The school holidays have officially kicked off and if you’re tempted to book a last-minute holiday with the kids then you’re in luck, as there are plenty of late deals to be found.
Unity Holidays is already offering up to 25% off all summer breaks, but that’s not the only saving to be had with the holiday parks firm. For every summer break booked by September 28, 2026, Unity Holidays are offering a £100 food and drink voucher that can be used at any of the venues on site (excluding the grocery stores).
There are three brilliant locations to choose from; Unity Beach in Somerset from £396, Skirlington in Yorkshire from £399, and Seven Lakes from £209. All three have undergone a major £10million transformation just in time for the summer too; we’re talking the likes of new lidos with cabanas, water parks with plenty of fun slides sure to be a hit with the kids, upgrades to bars and venues, and a host of new activities to book including archery and axe throwing.
The parks are dog-friendly too, and there are even new dog agility parks for those who want to let their fluffy friends run off plenty of energy too!
Unity Beach’s brand new lido has already been a hit since opening earlier this month, thanks to its new heated pools (including one specially designed for children), alongside its indoor pool, splash zones and slides.
Former Olympic swimmer Baroness Sharron Davies MBE was at the opening, and said at the time: “At a time when we are seeing the amount of swimming facilities in the country dwindle – we’ve lost 500 since 2010 – to have Unity Holidays investing millions in pools and lidos across the country, and creating jobs for local people, is tremendous.
“They are enabling children to gain water confidence and learn to swim, while giving families a stunning location to enjoy amazing spaces to play and relax. Our seaside towns need this injection of funds, and I was honoured to officially open the lido and water park in Brean while also seeing first-hand how impressive what a modern, 21st-century family holiday park has to offer can be.”
It’s not just Unity that’s got tempting food and drink offers this summer. Haven for example has a number of different deals ranging from ‘Kids eat for £1’ to ‘Two mains for £20’ at its onsite venues (you can see the full list on the Haven website), while Parkdean Resorts recently introduced all-inclusive packages at its holiday parks that include three meals a day, as well as unlimited soft drinks and Costa Coffee.
A message attributed to Iran’s Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei has promised “unforgettable lessons” to Washington during their escalating conflict. But it also homed in on another theme that tempered some of the fire of his warnings against the US, amid eight nights of renewed fighting between the two countries.
Khamenei, who has not been seen or heard from since being made supreme leader in March, said Iranians must uphold “sacred unity” as a fundamental imperative, particularly against the United States.
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His message also stated that it was a duty for the Iranian population and officials to refrain from “division, political disputes, and increases in social differences”. Iran’s enemies, he said, likely referring to the US and Israel, “must not detect any sign of weakness from us”.
The call for national unity comes against the backdrop of events in June, when another Khamenei statement stirred debate and controversy among some of the most hardline supporters of the Islamic Republic regarding the recently signed memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the US.
Khamenei said that although he “held a different view” about the agreement to pause four months of fighting, he approved it after President Masoud Pezeshkian, as chairman of the Supreme National Security Council, accepted responsibility for the deal.
This fired up unyielding supporters of the Islamic Republic who continue to take to city squares and streets at night with backing from armed security forces, angered about the deal.
Critics believe Khamenei was being forced into accepting a bad deal, and hardline clerical lawmaker Mahmoud Nabavian even resorted to reading from classified material on live television in an apparent attempt to derail the arrangement. He was removed from the parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee earlier this month.
Others went as far as accusing officials of treason, and the president and other officials linked to the deal were heckled during the funeral ceremonies for assassinated Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei earlier this month.
The MoU has been suspended by Tehran but was already effectively on the verge of collapse after Iran and the US traded fire over control of the strategic Strait of Hormuz over the past week.
Projection of military and political unity
Since Mojtaba Khamenei’s statement on Saturday, other officials have strived to present a united front between armed forces and the political and diplomatic apparatus, each with their own views on the MoU.
Ali Abdollahi, the head of Iran’s wartime joint command, vowed that the armed forces will heed Khamenei’s directive for “sacred unity and national cohesion”.
But he also warned the US, which he referred to as a “big Satan and criminal enemy”, that it will face a “decisive and destructive response” for its recent attacks on Iran, which has seen bridges, roads, and other civilian infrastructure destroyed.
President Pezeshkian thanked the supreme leader’s “wise” message and highlighted the part where he urged “trust” in the heads of government, parliament and judiciary.
“Adherence to the means of sacred unity and refraining from division and discord is the key to victory at this historic juncture,” he wrote on X.
Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the parliament speaker who has faced harsh criticism from hardliners as chief negotiator in talks with the Americans, said following Khamenei’s directive is critical to Iran’s success.
“We must regard obedience to this religious and national decree of the supreme leader of the revolution as an important part of our historical role in national resistance and governance of the country,” he also tweeted in Persian on Sunday.
These messages appeared aimed at foreign audiences, coming shortly after senior US officials, anonymously briefing media in Washington, tried to blame the Hormuz escalation on an “errant” hardline faction inside Iran seeking to obstruct negotiations.
The state-linked Khorasan newspaper published an editorial on Sunday saying that Khamenei’s latest statement carried the message that “criticism is accepted, but never accusations” against officials.
“To those who claim to be revolutionaries, the supreme leader’s message was an ultimatum for you: Stop telling lies about the authorities,” the article read.
Iran’s military and political officials did not directly address the claim earlier this month, but released more statements proclaiming a unified view on how to address the conflict and regarding control of the Strait of Hormuz.
Speaking during an interview released on Sunday, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi continued to back a negotiated end to the war, which has seen Iran’s civilian infrastructure systematically targeted in US air strikes over the past week.
“If we had reached the [April] ceasefire 10 days earlier, we still had Larijani, Khatib, Asaluyeh and Foolad Mobarakeh,” the chief diplomat said in reference to assassinated security chief Ali Larijani, intelligence minister Esmail Khatib, and the country’s heavily bombed petrochemical facilities and steel plants.
But as tit-for-tat strikes continue between the two sides, there is no sign of both parties returning to the negotiating table.
The government says the law will help forge a shared national identity.
Beijing’s new ethnic unity law has taken effect. It strengthens Mandarin’s position as the primary language of education, official business and public spaces across China.
The government says the law’s provisions on social cohesion and preventing separatism benefit everyone.
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But activists abroad say it will further erode the rights of groups such as Uighurs and Tibetans. They are also warning against a clause that states China can take action against those who violate the law outside of the country.
Taiwan has echoed this criticism. Its government warns the law could be used to target people there who are critical of Beijing.
Presenter: Mohammed Jamjoom
Guests:
Einar Tangen – Senior fellow, Centre for International Governance Innovation
Zumretay Arkin – Vice president, World Uyghur Congress
William Yang – Senior analyst for Northeast Asia, International Crisis Group
MANAMA, Bahrain — U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Thursday that relations between the United States and its gulf Arab partners are rock solid, despite fears by some of them that they might be left out of discussions aimed at ending the war with Iran.
Rubio used a three-day, three-nation trip to the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Bahrain this week to try to convince all the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council that the Trump administration does indeed have their backs in negotiations to end the war President Trump and Israel launched on Feb. 28.
That conflict sharply curtailed the region’s oil exports and saw several gulf countries take direct retaliatory Iranian missile and drone hits.
“They’ve shared with us some very concrete concerns, ideas,” Rubio said in Bahrain, the last stop on the trip. “And when I say concern, the biggest concern is that they really just want to be informed every step along the way as we enter these negotiations at both the technical and political levels.
“We want them to be involved and we want the views of all these countries to be reflected,” he said. “We don’t want to and will not be making any decisions or commitments that in any way undermines the prosperity, stability or security of our gulf partners.”
Although the U.S. and the gulf council members — Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates — eventually released a joint statement after the meeting that extolled areas of agreement about the end goals of the Iran deal, there were small signs of potential discontent.
The joint statement said the two sides “stressed the need to maintain momentum and unity as negotiations proceed toward a more permanent end to hostilities and the shared objective of preventing Iran from ever developing or otherwise acquiring a nuclear weapon.”
They also expressed opposition to any attempt by Iran to impose tolls or fees, or assert control over the Strait of Hormuz. They welcomed an Omani initiative to create a safe lane to evacuate stranded sailors from the waterway and stressed that any economic benefit Iran might realize “is conditional and reversible, contingent on Iran’s compliance” with the temporary agreement and a final deal.
The joint statement painted a rosy picture, yet the council secretary, Gen. Jasem Mohamed Albudaiwi, suggested in a statement that doubts remain.
He said it was emphasized during the meeting that any future understandings or arrangements must incorporate the requirements of the gulf council countries to safeguard their interests and ensure “their security and stability.” His statement, released by the group, hinted that the gulf council members felt snubbed in the earlier talks.
“Such arrangements must be based on the principles of international law, respect for state sovereignty, good neighborliness, and non-interference in internal affairs, thereby contributing to the consolidation of regional security and stability,” he said.
Before Rubio spoke to the group, the meeting host, Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, said that although the memorandum of understanding is welcome, many questions remain outstanding.
“While this progress is encouraging, it is critically important that Iran fully adheres to its obligations,” including under the memorandum, he said.
He said that means preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, preserving freedom of navigation, ending all missile and drone attacks, halting support for proxy groups and abandoning attempts to interfere with Iran’s neighbors.
Former US President Barack Obama opened his presidential centre in Chicago, using the occasion to call for unity, urging Americans to reject division and invest in the next generation.
But on the streets of L.A. over the last week, something very different has happened.
Fans from a kaleidoscope of cultural backgrounds have come together to act out the kind of world — and city — they want to live in.
On the shuttle bus from downtown to Inglewood on Monday, there were scores of people with Farsi-emblazoned shirts and crowds of grinning Kiwis as one would expect for the Iran-versus-New Zealand showdown that evening. However, there were also clusters of striped blue Argentina T-shirts, plenty of Team USA jerseys, and a loud group of fans chanting “Viva Mexico” from the back of the bus.
The mood was joyful before Monday’s match among fans of Iran’s national team. The players, because of restrictions by the Trump administration, have had to commute to the games from Tijuana.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Similar scenes played out on the Metro K Line as World Cup-goers from all over traded stories of how they scored tickets, tips for navigating L.A.’s transit system, and wistful memories of tournaments past.
“This festival is about unity and bringing the whole world together; there are 48 nations and everybody is having a good time,” said Ardy Salem, an Iranian American dentist who traveled from the Bay Area to attend the game, as he surveyed the crowd outside SoFi Stadium on Monday with unabashed glee.
“Just for a moment,” he said, “we get to leave all the politics behind.”
David Leon, 32, of Watts was grinning from ear to ear as he stood outside the stadium entrance in his forest-green Mexico jersey, despite the fact that he initially didn’t support having the World Cup in Los Angeles.
“I thought it was going to be a big issue for a bunch of different people to come here,” Leon said.
Fans of New Zealand show their support as they perform the haka, a traditional Maori dance and chant, at Monday’s match.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Leon worried that people from other countries would be turned off by American politics and fearful about traveling to the U.S.
“It really does bring people together from all these different ethnicities,” Leon said, looking at the lines of people waiting to get into the stadium. “I’ve seen Colombians, I’ve seen Mexicans, people from New Zealand, people from Iran, Germans, Spaniards.”
And for his own community of Mexican Americans, he said the matches had brought a much-needed infusion of joy. This time last year, Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids were roiling Los Angeles, instilling fear throughout immigrant households.
Fans of Mexico are on hand at Monday’s match at SoFi Stadium. Before the World Cup, there were widespread fears of ICE presence at the games.
(Kelvin Kuo/Los Angeles Times)
Just last month, about 2,000 SoFi Stadium workers threatened to strike if they didn’t receive assurance that immigration agents would be kept out of the venue during the World Cup.
Leon said he was definitely worried that ICE would take advantage of crowds gathering for the matches to perform further immigration enforcement.
But, so far, that has not been the case. Instead, many people in his hometown of Watts have been consumed with “World Cup fever,” calling out of work to attend watch parties at local bars and walking down the streets with eyes glued to a livestream of a game on a phone, he said.
While joy was the overriding mood among soccer fans gathered in Inglewood on Monday, the day was not entirely free of tension or pangs of grief for the people who were missing out on the fun.
James Carling, 63, of Ventura said it pains him to know that many fans from countries such as Iran, Haiti and Senegal are unable to attend the matches because of the Trump administration’s travel restrictions.
“Let’s face it, our government hasn’t made it easy for people to visit us, which is a shame,” he said outside the stadium. “There were people from countries whose teams made it [to the World Cup] who were not allowed to come and, sorry, that’s wrong.”
The shadow of the U.S. war with Iran and the anger many Iranian Americans feel over Iran’s current government were also present in Inglewood on Monday. Outside the stadium, some Iranian soccer fans had heated encounters with protesters who felt that supporting the Iranian national team was synonymous with supporting an oppressive regime.
Yet the atmosphere among the Iranians attending Monday night’s game was one of cathartic celebration, where for a few hours they could set aside geopolitical tensions and unite over the simple love of soccer.
In the stadium parking lot, David Arias, a Mexican American resident of Inglewood, gave a fist bump to Kam Pirouz, an Iranian fan who had traveled from Washington, D.C., to see the game.
Mexico and Iran are “homies right now,” Arias said, referencing the fact that the Iranian players are commuting to the Los Angeles games from Tijuana because of restrictions placed on them by the Trump administration.
Fans watch the World Cup group stage match between Iran and New Zealand at SoFi Stadium on Monday.
(Ronaldo Bolanos/Los Angeles Times)
Although Arias did not have tickets to the match, he said he could not resist the chance to meet people from all over the world. So he decided to take his local barbershop to the parking lot outside the stadium and offer free haircuts to fans.
With an hour to go before Monday night’s game, all three seats at his pop-up shop were occupied; Pirouz, the Iranian fan, was getting a fresh fade while seated next to a Mormon missionary from Utah and an Egyptian fan.
“It’s the World Cup, man, the entire world comes together, and it’s beautiful,” Pirouz said mid-haircut. “Best sport in the world.”
Times staff writer Seamus Bozeman contributed to this report.
The ongoing Iran conflict is expected to dominate discussions at the BRICS foreign ministers meeting in New Delhi, placing pressure on the expanded bloc to find common ground on one of the world’s most divisive geopolitical crises.
The two day meeting brings together foreign ministers and representatives from BRICS member states, including Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, and the United Arab Emirates.
India, which holds the BRICS chairmanship for 2026, faces the difficult task of balancing competing interests within the group while attempting to secure a joint statement.
Iran Pushes for Stronger BRICS Position
Iran has urged BRICS members to condemn the actions of the United States and Israel in the Gulf conflict through a unified statement.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi is expected to participate in the meeting as Tehran seeks diplomatic support from emerging economies and Global South nations.
The conflict has become a major test of BRICS cohesion because member states hold differing positions on the war and regional security issues.
Divisions Emerge Within the Bloc
The sharpest disagreements are reportedly between Iran and the United Arab Emirates, which are aligned on opposing sides of the regional conflict.
Tensions have increased following reports of military strikes involving Gulf states and Iran, complicating efforts to draft a consensus statement acceptable to all members.
Indian officials previously acknowledged the difficulty of forging unity within BRICS because some member states are directly involved in the conflict.
Despite the divisions, India remains hopeful that ministers can still agree on a joint declaration after negotiations during the meeting.
Russia and China Maintain Key Roles
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov is expected to attend the gathering, reinforcing Moscow’s active role within BRICS diplomacy.
China, however, will not send Foreign Minister Wang Yi because of scheduling conflicts linked to U.S. President Donald Trump visiting Beijing this week.
Instead, China will be represented by Ambassador Xu Feihong.
Beijing has largely maintained a neutral public position on the Iran conflict while preserving close ties with both Iran and Gulf Arab states.
Energy Prices Add Economic Pressure
The war’s impact on global energy markets has become a major concern for BRICS economies, many of which are heavily dependent on imported oil and vulnerable to rising inflation.
Several BRICS nations, including India, have introduced emergency economic measures to shield consumers and industries from soaring fuel costs caused by the conflict.
The economic fallout is likely to strengthen calls within BRICS for diplomatic solutions and greater coordination among emerging economies.
India Attempts Diplomatic Balancing
India is seeking to use the BRICS platform to strengthen its leadership role among developing nations while avoiding direct alignment with any side in the conflict.
Analysts say New Delhi’s challenge lies in preserving BRICS unity despite deep geopolitical differences among member states.
Former Indian diplomat Manjeev Singh Puri described the participation of nearly all BRICS foreign ministers as a positive sign for dialogue and coalition building among emerging economies.
Analysis
The BRICS meeting in New Delhi highlights the growing difficulty of maintaining unity within an expanded bloc that now includes countries with competing regional interests and conflicting geopolitical priorities.
The Iran conflict has exposed the limits of BRICS as a coordinated political platform. While the group shares common interests in promoting a multipolar world order and strengthening the Global South, its members remain divided on security issues and regional conflicts.
India’s role as chair becomes especially sensitive because it must balance relations with Iran, Gulf Arab states, Russia, China, and Western powers simultaneously.
The absence of a strong unified Chinese diplomatic presence may also reduce the likelihood of a major breakthrough or coordinated BRICS response.
At the same time, the meeting demonstrates that BRICS is evolving beyond an economic grouping into a broader geopolitical forum where emerging powers increasingly debate global security and diplomatic issues.
Whether the bloc can produce a joint statement on the Iran war may become an important indicator of its future credibility and effectiveness as an alternative voice in global governance.
The withdrawal of the United Arab Emirates to abandon OPEC is far more than just a change in policy, but represents a change in the paradigm of worldwide energy governance. In a region that, already, has been influenced in oil market operations by geopolitical frictions, climate changes, and alliances, the UAE action begs an immediate question: is the era of shared oil control becoming one of autonomy of choice?
OPEC had been a mainstay of oil prices globally. Through the coordination of production quotas, the member states were trying to control supply and manipulate prices. Nevertheless, the emergence of non OPEC producers, especially the United States of America with its own shale revolution and the increasing influence of Russia could have calories undermined the power of OPEC. Responding, the organization became OPEC+, a more wide-ranging alliance that tried to reassert itself by coordinating more.
But with this change, new fault lines were also presented. OPEC+ is not a close bloc, but an adaptable arrangement anchored on overlapping, and indeed competing, interests. Its success largely relies on the collaboration of key actors such as the Saudi Arabia and Russia countries having different geopolitical interests. Such delicate equilibrium has rendered the sustainability of cohesion even more of a challenge.
It is here that the withdrawal of the UAE is noteworthy. Abu Dhabi has been rethinking its economic and strategic priorities. Although oil is still significant, UAE has been spending on renewable energy, international financial and logistics as well as technology. It has a long term vision of diversification and global competitiveness rather than oil dependency.
These goals might not have been consistent with staying within OPEC quota system. Designed to stabilize the prices, production limits may limit the capacity of a country to operate at capacity or flexibly respond to market opportunities. Like any exit, the UAE will have more flexibility in its output policy, which will enable it to harmonize the national economic objectives with energy policy.
This is indicative of a larger conflict over collective discipline and national sovereignty. The success of OPEC has been pegged on compliance with quotas by its members. But when the economic priorities move apart, they are more difficult to maintain. The UAE motion indicates that in some cases the advantages of independence can now surpass the benefits of action.
This is reflected in this concept of OPEC 2.0. The basic model is also more fluid and pragmatic compared to its predecessor, which was more or less a cohesive cartel. It is based on momentary agreements, but not the institutional unity. Although this flexibility maybe handy when dealing with a crisis in the short term, it also casts an element of stability in the long term.
Should other producers start to emulate the UAE, the effects may be far reaching. A disintegrated system can have difficulties in controlling supply even more resulting into a greater price volatility. The global markets would, in that case, not be fueled by coordinated policy but rather competition among the producers.
Simultaneously, the move that the UAE made should not be construed as a total denial of collaboration. Energy diplomacy is not going away but changing. Nations can move towards selective and form partnerships depending on similar interests as opposed to unbreakable unions. This would result in a more energetic yet unpredictable energy environment.
The decision is also representative of a larger trend in the Middle East geopolitically. States in the Gulf are claiming to be more independent economically and in the foreign policy. They havebbeen diversifying collaborations, looking into new spheres, and establishing themselves as international centres of commerce and innovation. Energy policy is evolving merely as a part of a broader strategic approach.
To people worldwide, the ramification is ambivalent. In the short run, on the one hand, a decrease in coordination among the producers may result in instability in the market and price variations. Conversely, over competition can lead to efficiency and speed up investment in alternative power sources. This might promote the movement of the world towards non fossil fuels in the long run.
Finally, the UAE withdrawal is a turning point. It highlights a transition into the flexible interestdriven strategies including strict institutional structures. There is a growing challenge of a more complicated and multipolar reality to the classical structure of oil governance with its emphasis on unity and joint control. The future of the global energy could probably not be characterized by one powerful protagonist, but a system of changing alliances and strategic choices. The adaptability in this new order can become important than unity. The UAE has decided to take that direction and their move might potentially determine the next chapter of energy politics across the world.
