The US announced a ceasefire framework between Israel and Lebanon, which includes expanded Lebanese army control and a halt to Hezbollah attacks. Al Jazeera’s Manuel Rapalo explains how Hezbollah’s rejection of the talks leaves enforcement uncertain.
Published On 4 Jun 20264 Jun 2026
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This is the moment the Republican-led US House of Representatives passed a resolution to reign in President Donald Trump’s ability to keep attacking Iran, unless Congress declares war or approves the use of military force. But it’s unlikely to become law as Trump can veto it even if it passes the Senate.
Published On 4 Jun 20264 Jun 2026
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Elon Musk’s rocket company SpaceX is targeting a valuation of nearly $1.77 trillion in its blockbuster initial public offering (IPO), paving the way for the largest stock market debut in history.
In a filing with the US Securities and Exchange Commission on Wednesday, SpaceX said that it plans to sell 555.6 million shares at $135 apiece, raising approximately $75bn.
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The eye-popping valuation would make SpaceX the world’s seventh-largest company by market capitalisation, ahead of Musk’s electric vehicle maker Tesla and social media giant Meta, and just behind Taiwanese chipmaker TSMC.
It would also eclipse energy giant Saudi Aramco’s 2019 debut, which raised $26bn at a valuation of $1.7 trillion.
Musk, who holds a roughly 42 percent stake in SpaceX, is poised to become the world’s first trillionaire upon the company’s debut on the New York-based Nasdaq stock exchange on June 12.
Despite the public listing, Musk will retain effective control of SpaceX with more than 82 percent of voting rights, the result of a dual-class stock structure that grants certain shares 10 votes instead of one.
The Texas-based firm’s decision to set a specific share price ahead of its IPO marks a break from usual practice.
Companies preparing for a public listing usually announce a preliminary price range that can be adjusted based on investor interest.
“The genuine surprise is that SpaceX fixed a price before the investor roadshow began,” Fabien Yip, a market analyst at online trading and investment company IG Group, told Al Jazeera.
“To me, this reflects Musk’s control over the deal terms and his confidence that the book will fill.”
Founded by Musk in 2002, SpaceX is best known for designing and launching rockets, spacecraft and reusable launch vehicles on behalf of NASA and private companies.
The company also provides internet services and artificial intelligence models through its Starlink and xAI divisions.
Musk has outlined lofty ambitions for SpaceX, including to establish a “self-sustaining” city on Mars, “make life multiplanetary,” and “extend the light of consciousness to the stars”.
SpaceX’s listing will be a test of investors’ confidence in Musk’s vision, which has yet to translate into profits at the company.
SpaceX reported a net loss of $4.9bn on revenue of 18.7bn in 2025, followed by a $4.3bn loss in the first quarter of this year.
Jay R Ritter, an emeritus professor at the University of Florida who specialises in IPOs, said the SpaceX IPO differs from Saudi Aramco’s blockbuster listing as the state-owned oil company had a track record of generating large revenues and profits.
“SpaceX, in contrast, has trailing annual revenue of less than $20bn, and is not profitable,” Ritter told Al Jazeera.
“So, one company’s valuation was – and is – based on its demonstrated profitability, while the other company’s valuation is based on potential.”
“With SpaceX, there is a risk that cash flows will be used to send hundreds of thousands of people to Mars, at a loss,” Ritter added.
Despite SpaceX’s lack of profitability, market sentiment is strong, said IG’s Yip, noting that buyers of investment products linked to the listing are pricing the company’s end-of-first-day market capitalisation at $2.2 trillion.
“The Tesla parallel is perhaps worth drawing: It debuted in 2010 as a loss-making company and largely tracked the S&P 500 for years, only breaking away decisively once it turned profitable for the first time in Q1 2013,” Yip said, referring to the benchmark stock index on Wall Street.
“SpaceX investors are making a similar bet on future growth, with the added complexity that SpaceX’s addressable market – rockets, satellite internet, AI – is considerably broader than Tesla’s was at listing.”
Kuwait’s defence ministry has labelled an attack on the country’s international airport as ‘heinous Iranian aggression’. One person was killed and dozens were injured after Iranian drones struck a terminal on Wednesday, causing ‘significant material damage’.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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The administration of US President Donald Trump has proposed new tariffs of up to 12.5 percent on imports from 60 economies after determining they had failed to curb trade in goods made with forced labour, an assertion that was rejected by US trading partners.
The proposal from the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR), issued late on Tuesday, comes from a Section 301 unfair trade practices investigation designed to help rebuild US President Donald Trump’s emergency tariffs, struck down by a US Supreme Court decision in February.
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Despite laws banning them, the products of forced labour are deeply embedded in supply chains across the world. European lawmakers bristle at the accusation that the region is less effective than the US at curbing the trade in such goods, with one describing the US findings as “utterly absurd”. Business leaders said the US move created more confusion for companies.
The USTR proposed 10 percent additional duties on imports from Canada, Ecuador, the European Union, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Argentina, Bangladesh, Cambodia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Malaysia, Taiwan and Britain. The USTR said all had plans or partial schemes in place.
The trade agency said it would impose additional duties of 12.5 percent on the remaining 45 countries that it investigated. These include China, India, Nigeria, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, Australia and New Zealand.
“The failure of our most important trading partners to address the importation of goods made with forced labour is unacceptable,” US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said in a statement. “This creates a dynamic where American workers are forced to compete globally on an unlevel playing field.”
The USTR said it would accept public comments on the proposed tariffs and other remedies through July 6, with a public hearing scheduled for July 7.
The announcement comes ahead of the July 24 expiration of a 10 percent temporary tariff imposed by the Trump administration on February 20, the day the Supreme Court struck down Trump’s tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. It also shows how determined the Trump administration is about building a wall of tariffs around the US economy, the world’s largest, despite repeated setbacks in court.
After the loss in the Supreme Court, Trump turned to another law to impose temporary 10 percent tariffs globally. But those stopgap levies expire July 24. And a specialised trade court ruled last month that they, too, were illegal – though the government can continue collecting them while that case works its way through the courts.
The European Commission said the tariffs were unjustified and reiterated its commitment to the trade deal sealed with Washington last year.
Bernd Lange, the chair of the European Parliament’s trade committee, which voted on Tuesday to accept that trade deal, said the new tariffs were expected, but said the results of the US investigation were still “utterly absurd” given a 2024 EU law to ban imports of forced labour products.
“The impression is increasingly emerging that a tariff measure is sought first, and only then is a suitable legal justification found,” he said. However, he added that the key question would be whether the additional tariffs would exceed those agreed between both sides last July.
The US’s largest trading partner, the EU, agreed last July to accept tariffs of 15 percent on a broad range of its exports. In its report, the USTR said the EU anti-forced labour measures only came into force in December 2027 and lacked key elements.
It was unclear whether the proposed tariffs – which the US release described as “additional duties” – would come on top of levies agreed in bilateral deals signed with the US.
Britain said it was in regular talks with the US and was taking action to tackle forced labour. It added that the preferential access to US markets that it had negotiated for UK businesses remained in place.
Mexico said that goods that were compliant under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) would be exempt from the new tariffs.
Taiwan said it was “hopeful and confident” that the final results would reflect agreements already reached, securing relatively preferential treatment.
Beijing, facing 12.5 percent tariffs, said that it opposed all forms of unilateral tariffs and that there was no forced labour in China. India, confronted with the same rate, said it was engaged with Washington on the Section 301 proceedings, noting the proposed tariffs were not final.
“There will be deep concerns in the international business community that the US [forced labour law could] become a global template,” said Andrew Wilson, deputy secretary general of the International Chamber of Commerce.
“Anyone can make a claim, get a shipment impounded and the company has to prove no forced labour in supply chain.”
The USTR said it would exempt from tariffs products including energy, rare earths and some other metals, beef, coffee, certain fruits and vegetables, pharmaceuticals, organic chemicals and aircraft parts.
It also said it was proposing a textile mechanism that would allow for a certain volume of apparel and textile imports to enter the US at a reduced tariff rate, without giving details.
The ICC’s Wilson said the list of exemptions, stretching for more than 76 pages, suggested sensitivities over the potential cost-of-living hit to food and other goods with known forced-labour risks.
“It doesn’t make sense if the object of this is to enhance controls on modern slavery,” he said.
A former US Army combat surgeon who volunteered at Gaza hospital has a Democratic primary in New Jersey. Here’s what you need to know about Adam Hamawy.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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BREAKINGBREAKING,
The shooting ends a 12-hour standoff in the city of Bakersfield between suspect and law enforcement.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
Agents with the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) in the United States have fatally shot a man allegedly holding hostages inside of a building in California.
The shooting ended a 12-hour standoff at an office in Bakersfield that houses a bank branch and school district office.
In a statement, the Bakersfield police said the suspect was killed in “an officer-involved shooting involving Federal Bureau of Investigation personnel”.
It added that “all hostages were located unharmed and received medical evaluation and treatment at the scene”.
Police had originally been called following a bomb threat at the location. Police said the man barricaded himself inside with several people, two of whom were released Tuesday after negotiations with authorities.
Authorities established a wide perimeter around the building, evacuating the nearby City Hall and the police headquarters.
Bakersfield police sergeant Eric Celedon told reporters on Tuesday the department had “every single resource at our disposal out here to bring this to the safest resolution possible”.
Police on Wednesday said the investigation was ongoing and that “significant” law enforcement would remain in the area.
The identity of the suspect was not immediately released and a motive was unclear.
United States President Donald Trump has appointed businessman and federal housing regulator Bill Pulte as acting director of national intelligence (DNI).
Trump made Tuesday’s surprise announcement on social media that Pulte would replace Tulsi Gabbard, the former Hawaii congresswoman who has served as the director of national intelligence until recently.
Trump said Pulte will keep his other positions in addition to taking over from Gabbard, who resigned last month after revealing her husband’s cancer diagnosis.
Pulte, 38, a graduate of Northwestern University, has been director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) since March 2025.
He is heir to his family’s residential development firm – one of the US’s largest homebuilders, PulteGroup, which was founded by his grandfather in the 1950s. He previously founded a private equity firm, Pulte Capital, and is involved in large-scale philanthropic activity.
Pulte is seen as a loyal Trump supporter and has encouraged prosecutions of the president’s perceived political enemies, accusing New York Attorney General Letitia James and California’s US Senator Adam Schiff, both Democrats, and Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, an appointee of Democratic former President Joe Biden, of mortgage fraud.
A federal grand jury refused to indict James in a Justice Department prosecution in December 2025 after Pulte wrote a criminal referral to the Justice Department, accusing her of listing a home she owned in Virginia as her primary residence to secure more favourable loan terms. Officials have also not brought charges against Schiff, who denies the allegations against him.
Trump attempted to fire Cook – an unprecedented move by a president against a US central bank official – over Pulte’s unsubstantiated accusations, but courts allowed her to remain in the role. She, too, denied the allegations. The Supreme Court is expected to rule in the coming weeks in her case.
In response to Pulte’s actions, Senate Democratic Leader Charles Schumer called the newly appointed director of national intelligence a “partisan thug” on Tuesday.
“A guy who can file such baseless, political and outrageous charges against political office holders he doesn’t like can’t be entrusted to protect our national security,” Schumer said.
Pulte’s views on whether the 2020 election was rigged against Trump – a claim many of his appointees have backed despite a lack of any evidence – are not immediately clear. He is understood to have deleted 25,000 social media posts before Trump nominated him to serve as FHFA head in January 2025, Senator Elizabeth Warren, a Democrat, said during his vetting process for the position.
Trump said Pulte will continue as FHFA director and chair of federally supported mortgage banks Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
“William has deep experience managing the most sensitive matters in America, the safety and soundness of the Markets, and over 10 Trillion Dollars at Fannie Mae/Freddie Mac, a substantial increase from where it was just 12 months ago,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.
Pulte, who has no experience in intelligence operations, will oversee 18 intelligence departments including the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the National Security Agency (NSA), which monitors foreign communications and helps defend the US against cyberattacks.
Pulte can serve in the job for up to 210 days without being confirmed by the Senate. That timeframe would allow him to stay in the post through the November midterm elections, in which Trump’s fellow Republicans are seeking to retain control of Congress.
This is significant, as Republican Senator John Thune said Pulte might have trouble winning confirmation in the narrowly divided chamber if Trump decides to nominate him to the post beyond the current temporary appointment.
“If he’s somebody we want in that position permanently, he’s got a lengthy road ahead of him,” Thune was quoted by news agency Semafor as saying.
Pulte’s appointment has drawn scepticism from lawmakers and intelligence officials.
“We don’t need a weaponised DNI. We need professionals there,” Senate Majority Leader Thune told reporters on Tuesday. “I’m trying to get more information about the current state of their thinking about that position. And, again, if he’s somebody they want in that position permanently, he’s got, as you all know, a lengthy road ahead of him.”
“I don’t see any evidence of qualifications for that job,” Republican Senator John Cornyn told reporters. Cornyn, a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, lost a primary election last week to a Trump-backed challenger.
Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton, who chairs the Senate Intelligence Committee, said in response to questions about Pulte’s national security credentials: “I have no observations on the matter.”
Republican Senators Thom Tillis of North Carolina, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Cornyn of Texas, all of whom are leaving the chamber after this year’s elections, joined the chorus against Pulte.
“Doesn’t seem qualified,” Cassidy said.
“When we looked at his background for the current confirmation, I thought most of his experience was in the building industry,” Tillis said. “I didn’t know he had any national security experience.”
Senator Mark Warner, a Democrat from Virginia and the vice chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, said in a statement on Tuesday: “The concern is not only that Mr Pulte lacks the ‘extensive national security experience’ required by statute for the job, which was created after intelligence failures led to the deaths of thousands of Americans on 9/11. It is that he appears to have been selected precisely because the White House believes he will provide the narrative it wants, not the intelligence we need.”
Senator Warren, a Democrat from Massachusetts, said in a written statement on Tuesday that Trump is now “rewarding his lackey – who has no national security experience – with a perch atop our nation’s intelligence community. What could go wrong?”
A revealing global journey into declining birth rates, ageing societies, and their far-reaching impact.
The last 100 years have seen a boom in trade, prosperity and wealth across the world, at unprecedented rates in human history. As a species, we are now more wealthy, healthy, and less likely to be killed in conflict than ever before, despite the many horrors we see in the daily news cycle.
This golden age we live in has run in tandem with an ever-expanding population; in the 1920s, there were only two billion people on the planet. A century later, that number has skyrocketed up to eight billion. Yet the increase of prosperity and people has come at a devastating price – global warming, the melting of the ice caps, an epidemic of plastic pollution and the mass destruction of the planet’s biodiversity are all intrinsically connected to population growth. More recently, however, the trend has been bucking. The watchful eyes of demographers have been drawn to data that reveal a world of ageing societies, plummeting birth rates, and dwindling populations. Surely this must be a good thing for the planet and therefore humanity … right? Armed with a file full of “population bomb” headlines – the explosion will happen mid-century, when humans will peak around 8.5 – 9 billion people, followed by drastic falls – we embark on a worldwide exploration with a very unique purpose. What truths and human stories can we discover behind the red flag statistics? What are the population tipping points of fertility, birth and death rates? And how, among the other culprits of climate change, conflict, global health and over consumption, might they make or break the future of our life on earth?
Episode 1: Baby Doomers
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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Kuwait and Bahrain have condemned an Iranian missile and drone attack, which Tehran says targeted US military facilities in the Gulf. A strike hit Kuwait’s airport, causing at least one death, dozens of injuries and flight suspensions. Tehran says the strikes are retaliation for US attacks on Iran.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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Venezuela holds the largest proven oil reserves on earth. It has lithium. It has agriculture, a coastline three hours away from Miami, and—for the first time in a generation a political window. The reconstruction investment case is real. So is the obstacle for every actor, across every ideology, that wants Venezuelan assets to perform.
The obstacle is not the oil price. It is not the OFAC sanctions framework, which has been substantially liberalized since January 2026. It is not even the absence of functioning institutions, though that is the proximate problem every investor will encounter. The obstacle has a nucleus with name, a title, and an active intelligence apparatus. And his continued presence in power is not merely a moral affront.
This is not a story about mismanagement. Mismanagement leaves a paper trail.
What happened across Venezuela’s infrastructure ministries between 2002 and 2012 lest almost none, deliberately. Over $150 billion in documented railway, housing, and infrastructure contracts were disbursed across that decade. The projects largely do not exist. The documentation largely does not exist. The Tinaco-Anaco railway, a $7.5 billion contract signed with China Railway Engineering Corporation, produced looted campsites and empty concrete columns. The National Railway Plan, budgeted at $150 billion, produced less than one percent of its projected track.
One of the ministers who oversaw that disbursement period of the infrastructure that is so dire, and who preserved an influence only surpassed by Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, today is the Interior Minister of Venezuela. He controls the national intelligence apparatus, the police, and the armed colectivos. He is Diosdado Cabello, your competing General Partner that has acted without impunity. He carries a live indictment from a New York court on narco-trafficking charges. He is sanctioned by the US Treasury. He hosts a television program that airs every Wednesday evening.
By 2011, the beneficial ownership architecture built by Venezuela’s ruling network spanned more than forty trustees across multiple jurisdictions: a parallel private equity structure embedded inside a sovereign state.
The distinction that every institutional investor must internalize is this: a mismanaged State is recoverable. A State whose productive apparatus was deliberately extracted (not ruined by incompetence but hollowed out because extraction was more profitable than production) presents a categorically different investment problem. The destruction was not the side effect of the governance model. It was the point of it. Cabello remains an icon of that governance model.
Conventional private equity rests on a foundational assumption: your counterparty has an interest in the underlying asset performing. Returns depend on it. Exit depends on it. The entire structure of an LP agreement, a term sheet, a co-investment right, all of it assumes a counterparty whose incentive is aligned with asset value.
In Venezuela, the sophisticated actor on the other side of the table for two decades was running a competing structure. One with no limited partners, no fiduciary duty, no quarterly reporting, and a sovereign intelligence apparatus for compliance. That structure had a single mandate: maximum extraction, minimum documentation, zero accountability. It executed that mandate with precision.
By 2011, the beneficial ownership architecture built by Venezuela’s ruling network spanned more than forty trustees across multiple jurisdictions. This is not a warlord’s operation. This is a parallel private equity structure embedded inside a sovereign state.
That sophistication is precisely what makes the residual presence of these networks so consequential for reconstruction capital. They did not disappear with the January 2026 transition. They repositioned. The structures that governed Venezuela’s extraction apparatus are experts at corporate layering: shell companies, nominee directors, off-channel financial instruments designed to distance beneficial owners from the assets they control.
This is the counterparty environment that reconstruction capital is walking into. Not a post-conflict landscape with residual corruption. An active, sophisticated, multi-jurisdictional extraction network that has spent 25 years perfecting its operational security
These are not improvised operations, they are multi-jurisdictional corporate architectures spanning Switzerland, Brazil, Spain, the Caribbean, and more recently Turkey and the Middle East. Each node chosen for its specific regulatory gap or enforcement lag. The $5.2 billion in gold shipped to Switzerland between 2013 and 2016, the Alex Saab procurement network running through Turkey and Cape Verde, the Zapatero indictment revealing consulting structures designed to siphon money from China, Venezuela, and Spain simultaneously these are documented examples of the same operational capability.
These networks retain the best advisors money can pay. Former heads of state, international law firms, financial intermediaries operating across jurisdictions. The Zapatero case is not the exception, it is the template. And they operate with the enforcement discipline of a cartel: strategic asset moves backed by the implicit and sometimes explicit willingness to use coercion when commercial pressure is insufficient. The SDNY indictments against senior regime figures on narco-trafficking charges are not separate from the financial architecture. They are evidence that the same command structure manages both.
This is the counterparty environment that reconstruction capital is walking into. Not a post-conflict landscape with residual corruption. An active, sophisticated, multi-jurisdictional extraction network that has spent 25 years perfecting its operational security, asset acquisitions by “patriotic”expropriations to serve their drug-logistic hubs and is now repositioning for the reconstruction window.
China’s position in Venezuela is widely misread as unconditional support. The reality is more commercially specific. China has over $60 billion in loan-for-oil exposure through CNPC and the China Development Bank. Those loans require one thing: barrels flowing. Barrels require functional production infrastructure. Functional production infrastructure requires institutional stability, contract enforcement, and (critically) a counterparty with an interest in assets performing.
Beijing understands this better than any outside observer because its own institutions have investigated the damage. Xi Jinping’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection placed a CITIC Group vice president under investigation for serious disciplinary violations, the same CITIC that embedded confidentiality clauses in Venezuelan housing contracts barring the Venezuelan government from accessing financial information about its own projects. An Andorran court documented $100 million in bribes paid by CAMC Engineering to Venezuelan officials. China did not need backchannel meetings to understand the corruption. Its own companies were defendants in it.
China also enforces its own code of conduct internally. The CCP’s anti-corruption apparatus, operating through the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, has a long reach, including over state enterprise executives who participated in overseas schemes that damaged China’s institutional reputation. Chinese firms implicated in Venezuelan bribery networks in Andorra for payments to PDVSA lobbyists related to Venezuela’s electricity system did not operate without consequence within their own system. Beijing does not publicize these accountability mechanisms, but they exist. The party does not tolerate reputational exposure that undermines its economic diplomacy, regardless of the geography.
Every dollar that disappears into the extraction apparatus is a dollar that does not produce the barrel that services the Chinese loans.
The Trump-Xi summit concluded in Beijing on May 15, 2026, the same day Lamargas exploded on Lake Maracaibo, a facility operated by China Concord Resources Corp under a PDVSA joint venture contract. At the moment, the US and Chinese governments are navigating toward economic stabilization and a framework for managed competition, building on their South Korea thaw. That G2 stabilization has direct implications for Venezuela: a China that is repositioning toward US capital markets, Boeing purchases, and agricultural commitments is a China with diminishing strategic incentive to backstop a Venezuelan network that embarrasses it commercially.
The Chevron model—US-anchored, internationally governed, with Chinese off-take embedded through structured contracts—is precisely the kind of framework that serves Beijing’s debt recovery needs without requiring it to defend the indefensible.
A ministry based in a kleptocracy whose financial architecture is premised on assets not performing for the state is structurally incompatible with Chinese debt recovery. Beijing is not sentimental about this. It is calculating.
China’s $50-60 billion in loan-for-oil exposure to Venezuela requires one thing above all else: barrels flowing. Barrels require functional production infrastructure. Functional production infrastructure requires institutional stability, contract enforcement, and a counterparty whose economic interest is aligned with assets performing. When the ministry overseeing oil production is the same apparatus that systematically extracted value from every sector it touched, railways that produced concrete columns and nothing else, housing programs with $76 billion in unaccounted deficits, power plants that were paid for and never built, you can see that the problem for Beijing is not political. Every dollar that disappears into the extraction apparatus is a dollar that does not produce the barrel that services the loans.
China tried to correct this internally before abandoning the effort. In 2018, Margaret Myers at the Inter-American Dialogue pointed out that Beijing “tried over the past couple of years to guide decision-making in Caracas by providing advice or by tying loans to production capacity projects in the oil sector, in order to try to help Venezuela right itself economically. That has not proven successful.”
By 2016, China stopped issuing new loans entirely. That is not a diplomatic signal. That is a credit committee decision. The same kind of decision any institutional lender makes when the counterparty’s governance structure has made repayment structurally unlikely.
Brazil’s relationship to Venezuela’s reconstruction is complicated by a paper trail that runs through the largest corruption scandal in Latin American history. Odebrecht paid the highest figure of any country outside Brazil itself. Venezuela’s own former prosecutor general, Luisa Ortega Díaz, formally linked those payments to senior Socialist Party figures including Diosdado Cabello after being removed from office and forced to flee the country. The investigation was halted by Venezuela’s highest court. The Swiss banking system was asked to provide a list of Venezuelan recipients. Neither process was allowed to reach its conclusion.
In Brazil, the Odebrecht network reached the highest levels of political life. Federal prosecutors investigated Lula for allegedly lobbying foreign governments on Odebrecht’s behalf after leaving the presidency, and for his role in directing state development bank BNDES financing toward Odebrecht projects abroad. The contracts that linked Odebrecht to Venezuela were not arm’s-length commercial transactions. They were, by Odebrecht’s own admission in its US Department of Justice plea agreement, instruments of a coordinated bribery architecture that spanned twelve countries and operated through a dedicated internal division (the Division of Structured Operations) whose sole purpose was managing political payments.
What does not yet exist is the decision—by US institutional capital—to arrive with a governance structure that the extraction network cannot penetrate.
Brazil has significant commercial interests in Venezuela’s reconstruction, across energy, agriculture, and infrastructure. Those interests are legitimate and Brazilian private capital is a natural reconstruction partner. The complication is not Brazil. It is the specific political-commercial network that governed Brazil’s prior engagement with Venezuela. Odebrecht did not select its Venezuelan counterparties through competitive markets. Contracts were directed through political relationships — between heads of state, with BNDES as the financing instrument, and with the Odebrecht Division of Structured Operations managing the payments in between.
Political networks have institutional memory. The preferred partners that flow through certain diplomatic channels into Venezuela’s reconstruction window carry relationships forged in that prior architecture. A governance framework serious about reconstruction cannot simply exclude Odebrecht, the legal entity. It must screen for the network that Odebrecht served. That screening is structural, not political. It is the difference between Brazilian capital that competes on merit and Brazilian capital that arrives pre-selected by the same diplomatic infrastructure that enabled the extraction.
One Venezuelan asset survived twenty-six years of chavismo with its value intact. One. CITGO Petroleum, incorporated in Delaware, governed under US fiduciary law, with its governance architecture anchored entirely outside Venezuelan legal jurisdiction. It survived not because of political protection but because of structural protection. US law held when every Venezuelan institution around it failed. That is not a coincidence. It is the blueprint.
Venezuela sits very close to Miami. Capital will flow in. The question is whether it arrives with a governance structure equal to the threat, or whether it arrives the way it always has in captured states: trusting counterparties who already demonstrated, at extraordinary scale, that trust was the wrong instrument.
The SDNY indicted the man who sits in the Interior Ministry. The US Treasury sanctioned him. He is still in the building. Turkish construction conglomerates, Asian commodity traders, and European energy juniors are already positioning—without FCPA compliance costs, without fiduciary obligations, without LP reporting requirements. They will move faster. They will price lower. This is what happened in Iraq after 2003. It is what happened in Libya.
The architecture to do this differently exists. Human capital exists in the diaspora: eight million Venezuelans left and within them there are over a million that hold verifiable credentials embedded in US and European institutions, carrying the technical and legal knowledge to rebuild what was taken. The OFAC licensing framework exists. The proof of concept exists in CITGO’s survival. What does not yet exist is the decision—by US institutional capital—to arrive with a governance structure that the extraction network cannot penetrate. That decision is the only thing standing between reconstruction and a second extraction with better letterhead.
Cape Verde’s national football team has arrived in the US ahead to take part in their first ever FIFA World Cup. Players filmed themselves dancing in the aisle of the plane and were cheered on the tarmac.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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Messi works on ‘specific exercises’ as he recovers from muscle fatigue in his left hamstring before the World Cup.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
Lionel Messi has trained on his own during Argentina’s first practice session at their base camp in the United States, where the squad has assembled this week for their World Cup preparations.
The defending World Cup champions held their first pretournament training in Kansas City, Missouri, on Monday.
The Inter Miami captain has been dealing with muscle fatigue in his left hamstring since May 24 but is expected to be ready for Argentina’s opener against Algeria on June 16 in Kansas City.
Messi, 38, joined Argentina at their training base and worked on “specific exercises” along with several teammates who are also dealing with fitness concerns.
“The players who are suffering from niggles and injuries continue to work with the physiotherapy team on specific exercises on the pitch and are making good progress,” Argentina’s Football Association said.
Argentina, ranked number three in the world, will play their final tune-up match against Iceland on June 9 in Auburn, Alabama.
Messi, the two-time MLS MVP and eight-time Ballon d’Or winner, is competing in his record sixth World Cup. The midfielder is Argentina’s all-time leader in caps (198) and goals (116) since making his debut with the national team in 2005.
Rebecca Bennett has won a high-stakes Democratic Party primary in the US state of New Jersey, setting up a contest against Republican Tom Kean Jr, backed by President Donald Trump, for one of the most competitive seats in the upcoming midterm elections.
Bennett, a former US Navy helicopter pilot, defeated three Democratic rivals in New Jersey’s 7th Congressional District, securing about 47.2 percent of the vote, according to projected results on Tuesday.
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Her nearest competitor, Tina Shah, received 20.2 percent.
Kean and Bennett will now square off in November for a seat that has changed party hands twice within the past eight years and ranks as a key target for Democrats hoping to capture the House of Representatives.
Independent analysts rate the contest as a toss-up.
The race has attracted heightened attention because of Kean’s prolonged absence from Congress.
The Republican incumbent has missed more than 100 House votes since early March due to an undisclosed illness.
Despite his absence, Kean ran unopposed in the Republican primary with Trump’s backing.
Kean said on Tuesday that he remained focused on his recovery and expected to return to in-person work within weeks.
Hours before polls closed, Kean released a statement promising greater transparency about his health while suggesting his return to in-person work could take longer than previously anticipated.
On May 21, he said he expected to be back within “a couple of weeks”.
“Right now, I am focused on my recovery and, under the advice of healthcare professionals, I will transition from virtual to in-person work within a matter of weeks,” Kean had said.
At an election night gathering in Somerville, New Jersey, Bennett sharply criticised Kean’s record and absence from Washington.
“You are failing us, and you do not deserve to represent us in Washington,” she told supporters, calling the congressman a “coward”.
Bennett built her campaign around her military service and economic issues, arguing that higher grocery and gasoline prices during the US-Israel war on Iran, combined with Trump’s tariffs, were squeezing working families.
Democrats have increasingly focused on the conflict’s economic impact, with higher energy costs contributing to inflation and broader cost-of-living pressures across the country.
The 7th Congressional District, which includes suburban communities, farm towns and Trump’s golf club in Bedminster, has emerged as one of New Jersey’s key battlegrounds.
The seat has changed hands repeatedly in recent election cycles, with Democrat Tom Malinowski defeating Republican Leonard Lance in 2018 before Kean unseated Malinowski in 2022.
Bennett’s victory over Tina Shah, Brian Varela and Michael Roth now sets up a high-stakes general election contest in a district both parties consider crucial to their House ambitions.
Kean, 57, is the scion of a storied New Jersey political family.
His father, Thomas Kean, served two terms as governor and later chaired the 9/11 Commission, a panel set up in 2002 to investigate the circumstances surrounding the September 11, 2001, attacks in the US. He is also a descendant of William Livingston, New Jersey’s first governor.
The Republican congressman will also enter the race with the backing of Trump, who reiterated his support on the eve of the primary, despite Kean’s prolonged absence from Washington.
“Tom Kean has my Complete and Total Endorsement for Re-Election,” Trump wrote on social media, adding: “HE WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!”
Voters in the district have ousted incumbents in recent midterm elections, making the race one of the most competitive House contests in New Jersey.
Elsewhere in New Jersey, Analilia Mejia won the Democratic nomination in the 11th Congressional District, while LaMonica McIver secured the Democratic nomination in the 10th Congressional District.
Mexico and Canada have backed extending the USMCA trade agreement for another 16 years as negotiations over its future continue. The proposal comes amid an ongoing trade dispute with the United States.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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The US military says it carried out ‘self-defence’ strikes on Iran’s Qeshm Island after Iran earlier launched missiles and drones at US bases in Kuwait and Bahrain. Despite the exchange, the US says the US-Iran ceasefire remains in effect.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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US President Donald Trump reportedly lashed out at Israeli PM Netanyahu during a phone call over Israel’s threat to strike Beirut’s suburbs.
Published On 3 Jun 20263 Jun 2026
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In January 2024, the publication Axios reported that the United States president at the time, Joe Biden, was “running out of patience” with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza had been raging for months by that point, and Biden was facing public backlash over US support for the conflict.
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The assault would continue for the rest of Biden’s term and bleed into the first 10 months of Donald Trump‘s second presidency.
Since then, media outlets have continued to publish anonymous accounts of rifts and “frustrating” calls between Trump and the Israeli prime minister. But US support for its Middle East ally has never wavered.
Another anonymously sourced report about a furious, expletive-laden call between US and Israeli leaders came out this week, and it spread rapidly across international media.
Axios reported on Monday that Trump called Netanyahu “f***ing crazy” and berated him over Israel’s escalation in Lebanon.
Around the same time, an Israeli attack killed six people, including two children, in the southern Lebanese town of al-Marwaniyah.
Experts say that despite leaks of feuds and harsh words between US leaders and Netanyahu, policies are ultimately what matters, and they have changed very little.
Ryan Costello, the policy director at the National Iranian American Council Action (NIAC), said political observers have grown to “mock” reports of closed-door anger from US presidents against Netanyahu.
“What’s really important is what actually happens in practice,” Costello told Al Jazeera.
Though there are reports of Trump giving Netanyahu a dressing-down, Isabelle Hayslip, an advocacy manager at the US-based rights group DAWN, said that US policy remains aligned with Israeli interests.
“Single-source reporting of Trump as a strongman who picks up the phone and yells at Netanyahu for undermining US policy is contradicted by the actual policy outcomes where Netanyahu gets exactly what he wants,” Hayslip told Al Jazeera.
“Trump has no final say over Israeli actions. Like his predecessors, the president has proved completely unable to prioritise American interests, instead catering to Israel’s expansionist whims.”
The latest report comes as Trump faces increasing pressure from his Democratic rivals and segments of his base over his handling of the war on Iran, which he launched jointly with Netanyahu on February 28.
The conflict, which saw Iran close the Strait of Hormuz, has sent gasoline prices soaring in the US and fuelled inflation.
Critics have accused Trump of allowing Israel to drag the US into a war that does not advance Washington’s priorities.
With negotiations to end the war stagnating, Israel’s escalation in Lebanon and its threat to bomb Beirut risks derailing the fragile truce that came into effect in April.
Iranian officials have suggested that they cut off contact with the US over the Israeli attacks in Lebanon.
Before the Axios report, Trump announced he had spoken to Netanyahu and an unidentified Hezbollah representative, and both sides agreed that “all shooting will stop”.
But Netanyahu was quick to assert that the Israeli military “will continue to operate as planned in southern Lebanon”, where it is deepening its invasion and turning entire towns into rubble.
Advocates say Israeli atrocities in Lebanon and across the region could not have happened without US backing.
Since the start of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza in October 2023, the US has provided Israel with nearly $25bn in military aid, helped fend off retaliatory Iranian attacks against the country and vetoed several ceasefire resolutions at the United Nations Security Council.
Nonetheless, anonymous accounts that the US president is angry at Netanyahu have become a regular feature in the media.
Such reports are attributed to US officials, but it is unclear how leaks with a similar message on the same topic have continued across two administrations from different political parties.
Publicly, aides of both Biden and Trump have largely refrained from criticising Israel.
Trump has regularly praised the Israeli prime minister, arguing on more than one occasion that Israel would have ceased to exist without Netanyahu’s leadership.
In December, the US president also called the Israeli prime minister a “hero” during a meeting in Florida.
“We’re with you, and we’ll continue to be with you,” Trump told Netanyahu.
Two weeks earlier, Axios reported that the White House had “scolded” Netanyahu over Israel’s ceasefire violations in Gaza.
“The White House message to Netanyahu was: ‘If you want to ruin your reputation and show that you don’t abide by agreements, be our guest, but we won’t allow you to ruin President Trump’s reputation after he brokered the deal in Gaza,” the publication quoted a US official as saying.
Few people know the exact content of high-level calls at the White House. Sometimes, top officials, including members of the National Security Council, sit in on conversations between the president and world leaders after briefings.
Negar Mortazavi, a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy, a research nonprofit, said the leak about the tense call between Trump and Netanyahu may be aimed at making Trump look tough on Israel to quell outrage over the war.
“It could be sort of a way of moderating the anger or the blame at the US for continuing this unpopular, illegal, unnecessary war,” Mortazavi told Al Jazeera.
She added that the message it sends is, “Look, we’re very angry at Israel. We yell at them. We call them names.”
But Mortazavi stressed that policy is more important than rhetoric: “Does that change the facts on the ground?”
For his part, Costello argued that the leak was likely directed at Iran.
“I see this one primarily as a signal to the Iranians that Trump is serious, and he wants to insulate what’s happening in Lebanon and Israel’s attacks from the Iran negotiations,” Costello said.
“It remains to be seen the extent to which that excoriation has actually led to a change in Israel’s policies, and I think there is a strong incentive for continued defiance from Netanyahu.”
Axios, meanwhile, has defended its coverage.
“We stand by our reporting, which by the way noted ‘Trump and Netanyahu have had several tense calls in the past but have still coordinated closely on Iran and other issues,’” Jake Wilkins, a spokesperson for the publication, told Al Jazeera in an email.
Mortazavi warned that all sides of the war on Iran are trying to influence public perceptions of the conflict.
She pointed to recent reports that Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian had resigned, a rumour that was promptly denied by his office.
“This is a very hybrid war. It’s a war on the battlefield. It’s an intelligence war. It’s a war of narratives,” Mortazavi told Al Jazeera. “And then there’s also an information war, which includes disinformation, half-truths and strategic leaks.”
The administration of United States President Donald Trump has proposed a new 25 percent tariff on imports from Brazil amid allegations of unfair trading practices.
US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer announced the new punitive tariffs late on Monday, stemming from issues including digital trade and illegal deforestation.
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The new tariffs would be imposed under Section 301 of US trade policy — a statute that gives the US government broad authority to impose trade sanctions based on violations of trade agreements, as well as what it deems “unfair” trade practices under the Trade Act of 1974.
Greer said there has been an investigation that began in July. The practices under investigation were related to issues such as illegal deforestation, ethanol market access, and anticorruption enforcement, among other key issues, according to the summary released by the US Department of Commerce on Tuesday.
In the 107-page document, the US government said that trade practices between the two nations “are unreasonable and burden or restrict US commerce”, and pointed to agreements that Brazil has with Mexico and India.
“Brazil’s trade arrangements with Mexico and India also create incentives to offshore US production by creating a financial advantage to exporting to Brazil from these countries, as opposed to exporting from the United States,” the document says.
There is a comment period for the general public to weigh in on the proposed tariffs, which begins on Thursday. The written comment period ends on July 1, and there will be a public hearing in Washington on July 6.
Beef, coffee, rare earths, other metals, energy, and aircraft parts are among the products that would be exempt from the tariffs.
On CNBC, Greer said that it would release more findings on unfair trade practices in the next several weeks in order to address what Greer called a “giant” trade deficit.
However, the data shows that the US maintains a trade surplus with Brazil. In March, Brazil bought more goods, worth $3.3bn, from the US than it exported at $2.9bn, representing a $420m trade surplus.
Other countries under investigation include China and Vietnam.
The new tariff would partially replace a tariff of 50 percent on many Brazilian goods imposed last year by Trump, with 40 percent serving as a punishment for Brazil’s prosecution of former President Jair Bolsonaro, a Trump ally.
The White House also recently dropped tariffs on select aluminium, copper, and steel imports, which include agricultural equipment such as harvesters. Those tariffs will drop from 25 percent to 15 percent. The tariffs expire in December 2027.
The new tariffs come after the Supreme Court, in February, struck down the use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), which the White House used to impose its sweeping global tariffs.
“They are the first of many new tariffs to replace the IEPPA national security tariffs. The period of public comment will allow for potential modest tweaks and exemptions. Ultimately, it will add to some inflation pressure compared to the last few months but not compared to a year earlier,” Rachel Ziemba, a senior adjunct fellow at the Center for a New American Security, told Al Jazeera.
The changes come despite President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s visit to Washington last month, as relations have deteriorated in recent months.
The US State Department has also designated two of Brazil’s criminal gangs as “terrorist organisations”, a move that supported Senator Flavio Bolsonaro’s position, Lula’s main rival in October’s election, and over the objections of Brazilian officials.
“I expressly asked President Trump not to tariff our companies,” Bolsonaro wrote on X on Tuesday. “Tariffs are not the solution.”
The White House did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.
The countdown to the FIFA World Cup 2026 has entered the single-figure mark, with the tournament getting under way in nine days in Mexico City.
The biggest edition of the World Cup, with 48 nations and 104 games, will be hosted by three countries for the first time, as the United States and Canada share the honours with Mexico.
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All 48 teams heading to the tournament have released their final 26-man squads, marking possible final appearances for greats like Lionel Messi and Cristiano Ronaldo.
Young stars looking to dethrone the icons, including Spain’s Lamine Yamal and Brazil’s Endrick, will look to make their mark in their first appearance at the global event.
Here are all 48 World Cup squads for the FIFA World Cup 2026:
Goalkeepers: Oussama Benbot, Melvin Masstil, Luca Zidane
Defenders: Achraf Abada, Rayan Ait Nouri, Zinedine Belaid, Rafik Belghali, Ramy Bensebaini, Samir Chergui, Jaouen Hadjam, Aissa Mandi, Mohamed Amine Tougai
Midfielders: Houssem Aouar, Nabil Bentaleb, Hicham Boudaoui, Fares Chaibi, Ibrahim Maza, Yassine Titraoui, Ramiz Zerrouki
Forwards: Mohamed Amine Amoura, Nadir Benbouali, Adil Boulbina, Fares Ghedjemis, Amine Gouiri, Riyad Mahrez, Anis Hadj Moussa
Goalkeepers: Emiliano Martinez, Geronimo Rulli, Juan Musso
Defenders: Leonardo Balerdi, Gonzalo Montiel, Nicolas Tagliafico, Lisandro Martinez, Cristian Romero, Nicolas Otamendi, Facundo Medina, Nahuel Molina
Midfielders: Leandro Paredes, Rodrigo De Paul, Valentin Barco, Giovani Lo Celso, Exequiel Palacios, Alexis Mac Allister, Enzo Fernandez
Forwards: Julian Alvarez, Lionel Messi, Nicolas Gonzalez, Thiago Almada, Giuliano Simeone, Nicolas Paz, Jose Manuel Lopez, Lautaro Martinez
Goalkeepers: Patrick Beach, Paul Izzo, Mathew Ryan
Defenders: Aziz Behich, Jordan Bos, Cameron Burgess, Alessandro Circati, Milos Degenek, Jason Geria, Lucas Herrington, Jacob Italiano, Harry Souttar, Kai Trewin
Midfielders: Cameron Devlin, Ajdin Hrustic, Jackson Irvine, Connor Metcalfe, Aiden O’Neill, Paul Okon-Engstler
Forwards: Nestory Irankunda, Mathew Leckie, Awer Mabil, Mohamed Toure, Nishan Velupillay, Cristian Volpato, Tete Yengi
Goalkeepers: Patrick Pentz, Alexander Schlager, Florian Wiegele
Defenders: David Affengruber, David Alaba, Kevin Danso, Marco Friedl, Philipp Lienhart, Phillipp Mwene, Stefan Posch, Alexander Prass, Michael Svoboda
Midfielders: Christoph Baumgartner, Carney Chukwuemeka, Florian Grillitsch, Konrad Laimer, Marcel Sabitzer, Xaver Schlager, Romano Schmid, Alessandro Schopf, Nicolas Seiwald, Paul Wanner, Patrick Wimmer
Forwards: Marko Arnautovic, Michael Gregoritsch, Sasa Kalajdzic
Goalkeepers: Thibaut Courtois, Senne Lammens, Mike Penders
Defenders: Timothy Castagne, Zeno Debast, Maxim De Cuyper, Koni De Winter, Brandon Mechele, Thomas Meunier, Nathan Ngoy, Joaquin Seys, Arthur Theate
Midfielders: Kevin De Bruyne, Amadou Onana, Nicolas Raskin, Youri Tielemans, Hans Vanaken, Axel Witsel
Forwards: Charles De Ketelaere, Jeremy Doku, Matias Fernandez-Pardo, Romelu Lukaku, Dodi Lukebakio, Diego Moreira, Alexis Saelemaekers, Leandro Trossard
Goalkeepers: Nikola Vasilj, Martin Zlomislic, Osman Hadzikic
Defenders: Sead Kolasinac, Amar Dedic, Nihad Mujakic, Nikola Katic, Tarik Muharemovic, Stjepan Radeljic, Dennis Hadzikadunic, Nidal Celik
Midfielders: Amir Hadziahmetovic, Ivan Sunjic, Ivan Basic, Dzenis Burnic, Ermin Mahmic, Benjamin Tahirovic, Amar Memic, Armin Gigovic, Kerim Alajbegovic, Esmir Bajraktarevic
Forwards: Ermedin Demirovic, Jovo Lukic, Samed Bazdar, Haris Tabakovic, Edin Dzeko
Goalkeepers: Alisson, Ederson, Weverton
Defenders: Alex Sandro, Bremer, Danilo, Douglas Santos, Gabriel Magalhaes, Ibanez, Leo Pereira, Marquinhos, Wesley
Midfielders: Bruno Guimaraes, Casemiro, Danilo Santos, Fabinho, Lucas Paqueta
Forwards: Endrick, Gabriel Martinelli, Igor Thiago, Luiz Henrique, Matheus Cunha, Neymar Jr, Raphinha, Rayan, Vinicius Jr
Goalkeepers: Dayne St Clair, Maxime Crepeau, Owen Goodman
Defenders: Alistair Johnston, Derek Cornelius, Richie Laryea, Niko Sigur, Joel Waterman, Luc de Fougerolles, Moise Bombito, Alphonso Davies, Alfie Jones
Midfielders: Stephen Eustaquio, Ismael Kone, Tajon Buchanan, Mathieu Choiniere, Ali Ahmed, Nathan Saliba, Liam Millar, Jacob Shaffelburg, Jonathan Osorio
Attackers: Jonathan David, Cyle Larin, Tani Oluwaseyi, Promise David
Goalkeepers: CJ dos Santos, Marcio Rosa, Vozinha
Defenders: Sidny Cabral, Diney Borges, Logan Costa, Roberto “Pico” Lopes, Steven Moreira, Wagner Pina, Kelvin Pires, Joao Paulo Fernandes, Ianique “Stopira” Tavares
Midfielders: Telmo Arcanjo, Deroy Duarte, Laros Duarte, Jamiro Monteiro, Kevin Pina, Yannick Semedo
Forwards: Gilson Benchimol, Jovane Cabral, Dailon Livramento, Ryan Mendes, Nuno da Costa, Garry Rodrigues, Willy Semedo, Helio Varela
Goalkeepers: Camilo Vargas, Alvaro Montero, David Ospina
Defenders: Davinson Sanchez, Jhon Lucumi, Yerry Mina, Willer Ditta, Daniel Munoz, Santiago Arias, Johan Mojica, Deiver Machado
Midfielders: Richard Rios, Jefferson Lerma, Kevin Castano, Juan Camilo Portilla, Gustavo Puerta, Jhon Arias, Jorge Carrascal, Juan Fernando Quintero, James Rodriguez, Jaminton Campaz
Forwards: Juan Camilo Hernandez, Luis Diaz, Luis Suarez, Carlos Gomez, Jhon Cordoba
Goalkeepers: Dominik Livakovic, Dominik Kotarski, Ivor Pandur
Defenders: Josko Gvardiol, Duje Caleta-Car, Josip Sutalo, Josip Stanisic, Marin Pongracic, Martin Erlic, Luka Vuskovic
Midfielders: Luka Modric, Mateo Kovacic, Mario Pasalic, Nikola Vlasic, Luka Sucic, Martin Baturina, Kristijan Jakic, Petar Sucic, Nikola Moro, Toni Fruk
Forwards: Ivan Perisic, Andrej Kramaric, Ante Budimir, Marco Pasalic, Petar Musa, Igor Matanovic
(Standby: Lovro Majer, Franjo Ivanovic, Dion Drena Beljo, Ivan Smolcic, Karlo Letica, Adrian Segecic, Luka Stojkovic)
Goalkeepers: Tyrick Bodack, Trevor Doornbusch, Eloy Room
Defenders: Riechedly Bazoer, Joshua Brenet, Roshon van Eijma, Sherel Floranus, Deveron Fonville, Jurien Gaari, Armando Obispo, Shurandy Sambo
Midfielders: Juninho Bacuna, Leandro Bacuna, Livano Comenencia, Kevin Felida, Ar’jany Martha, Tyrese Noslin, Godfried Roemeratoe
Forwards: Jeremy Antonisse, Tahith Chong, Kenji Gorre, Sontje Hansen, Gervane Kastaneer, Brandley Kuwas, Jurgen Locadia, Jearl Margaritha
Goalkeepers: Lukas Hornicek, Matej Kovar, Jindrich Stanek
Defenders: Vladimir Coufal, David Doudera, Tomas Holes, Robin Hranac, Stepan Chaloupek, David Jurasek, Ladislav Krejci, Jaroslav Zeleny, David Zima
Midfielders: Lukas Cerv, Vladimir Darida, Lukas Provod, Michal Sadilek, Hugo Sochurek, Alexandr Sojka, Tomas Soucek, Pavel Sulc, Denis Visinsky
Forwards: Adam Hlozek, Tomas Chory, Mojmir Chytil, Jan Kuchta, Patrik Schick
Goalkeepers: Matthieu Epolo, Timothy Fayulu, Lionel Mpasi
Defenders: Dylan Batubinsika, Gedeon Kalulu, Steve Kapuadi, Joris Kayembe, Arthur Masuaku, Chancel Mbemba, Axel Tuanzebe, Aaron Wan-Bissaka
Midfielders: Brian Cipenga, Meshack Elia, Gael Kakuta, Edo Kayembe, Nathanael Mbuku, Samuel Moutoussamy, Ngal’ayel Mukau, Charles Pickel, Noah Sadiki, Aaron Tshibola
Forwards: Cedric Bakambu, Simon Banza, Fiston Mayele, Yoane Wissa, Theo Bongonda
Goalkeepers: Hernan Galindez, Moises Ramirez, Gonzalo Valle
Defenders: Piero Hincapie, Willian Pacho, Pervis Estupinan, Felix Torres, Joel Ordonez, Jackson Porozo, Angelo Preciado, Yaimar Medina
Midfielders: Moises Caicedo, Alan Franco, Kendry Paez, Gonzalo Plata, Pedro Vite, Jordy Alcivar, Denil Castillo, John Yeboah, Nilson Angulo, Alan Minda
Forwards: Enner Valencia, Kevin Rodriguez, Jordy Caicedo, Anthony Valencia, Jeremy Arevalo
Goalkeepers: Mohamed El Shenawy, Mostafa Shobeir, El Mahdy Soliman, Mohamed Alaa
Defenders: Mohamed Abdelmonem, Mohamed Hany, Yasser Ibrahim, Hossam Abdelmaguid, Ahmed Fattouh, Tarek Alaa, Rami Rabia, Karim Hafez
Midfielders: Marwan Attia, Ahmed Sayed “Zizo”, Mahmoud Hassan “Trezeguet”, Emam Ashour, Mostafa Abdel Raouf, Mohannad Lasheen, Haitham Hassan, Mahmoud Saber, Ibrahim Adel, Nabil Emad, Hamdi Fathi
Forwards: Mohamed Salah, Omar Marmoush, Hamza Abdel Karim
Goalkeepers: Jordan Pickford, Dean Henderson, James Trafford
Defenders: Reece James, Ezri Konsa, Jarell Quansah, John Stones, Marc Guehi, Dan Burn, Nico O’Reilly, Djed Spence, Tino Livramento
Midfielders: Declan Rice, Elliot Anderson, Kobbie Mainoo, Jordan Henderson, Morgan Rogers, Jude Bellingham, Eberechi Eze
Forwards: Harry Kane, Ivan Toney, Ollie Watkins, Bukayo Saka, Marcus Rashford, Anthony Gordon, Noni Madueke
Goalkeepers: Mike Maignan, Robin Risser, Brice Samba
Defenders: Lucas Digne, Malo Gusto, Lucas Hernandez, Theo Hernandez, Ibrahima Konate, Maxence Lacroix, Jules Kounde, William Saliba, Dayot Upamecano
Midfielders: N’Golo Kante, Manu Kone, Adrien Rabiot, Aurelien Tchouameni, Warren Zaire-Emery
Forwards: Maghnes Akliouche, Bradley Barcola, Rayan Cherki, Ousmane Dembele, Desire Doue, Michael Olise, Kylian Mbappe, Jean-Philippe Mateta, Marcus Thuram
Goalkeepers: Manuel Neuer, Oliver Baumann, Alexander Nuebel;
Defenders: Nico Schlotterbeck, David Raum, Nathaniel Brown, Jonathan Tah, Waldemar Anton, Joshua Kimmich, Malick Thiaw, Antonio Rudiger
Midfielders: Pascal Gross, Leon Goretzka, Felix Nmecha, Jamal Musiala, Nadiem Amiri, Jamie Leweling, Lennart Karl, Florian Wirtz, Leroy Sane, Aleksandar Pavlovic, Angelo Stiller
Forwards: Kai Havertz, Nick Woltemade, Deniz Undav, Maximilian Beier
Goalkeepers: Joseph Anang, Benjamin Asare, Lawrence Ati-Zigi
Defenders: Jonas Adjetey, Derrick Luckassen, Gideon Mensah, Abdul Mumin, Jerome Opoku, Kojo Oppong Preprah, Baba Abdul Rahman, Alidu Seidu, Marvin Senaya
Midfielders: Augustine Boakye, Abdul Fatawu Issahaku, Elisha Owusu, Thomas Partey, Kwasi Sibo, Kamal Deen Sulemana, Caleb Yirenkyi
Forwards: Prince Kwabena Adu, Jordan Ayew, Christopher Bonsu Baah, Ernest Nuamah, Antoine Semenyo, Brandon Thomas-Asante, Inaki Williams
Goalkeepers: Josue Duverger, Alexandre Pierre, Johny Placide
Defenders: Ricardo Ade, Carlens Arcus, Hannes Delcroix, Jean-Kevin Duverne, Martin Experience, Duke Lacroix, Wilguens Paugain, Keeto Thermoncy
Midfielders: Carl Fred Sainte, Jean-Ricner Bellegarde, Leverton Pierre, Danley Jean Jacques, Woodensky Pierre, Dominique Simon
Forwards: Josue Casimir, Louicius Deedson, Derrick Etienne Jr., Yassin Fortune, Wilson Isidor, Lenny Joseph, Duckens Nazon, Frantzdy Pierrot, Ruben Providence
Goalkeepers: Alireza Beiranvand, Seyed Hossein Hosseini, Payam Niazmand
Defenders: Danial Eiri, Ehsan Hajsafi, Saleh Hardani, Hossein Kanaani, Shoja Khalilzadeh, Milad Mohammadi, Ali Nemati, Ramin Rezaeian
Midfielders: Rouzbeh Cheshmi, Saeid Ezatolahi, Mehdi Ghaedi, Saman Ghoddos, Mohammad Ghorbani, Alireza Jahanbakhsh, Mohammad Mohebi, Amir Mohammad Razzaghinia, Mehdi Torabi, Aria Yousefi
Forwards: Ali Alipour, Dennis Dargahi, Amirhossein Hosseinzadeh, Mehdi Taremi, Shahriar Moghanlou
Goalkeepers: Fahad Talib, Jalal Hassan, Ahmed Basil
Defenders: Hussein Ali, Manaf Younis, Zaid Tahseen, Rebin Sulaka, Akam Hashem, Merchas Doski, Ahmed Yahya, Zaid Ismail, Frans Putros, Mustafa Saadoon
Midfielders: Amir Al Ammari, Kevin Yakob, Zidane Iqbal, Aimar Sher, Ibrahim Bayesh, Ahmed Qasim, Youssef Amyn, Marko Farji
Forwards: Ali Jassim, Ali Al Hamadi, Ali Yousef, Aymen Hussein, Mohanad Ali
Goalkeepers: Yahia Fofana, Mohamed Kone, Alban Lafont
Defenders: Emmanuel Agbadou, Christopher Operi, Ousmane Diomande, Guela Doue, Ghislain Konan, Odilon Kossounou, Wilfried Singo, Evan Ndicka
Midfielders: Seko Fofana, Parfait Guiagon, Christ Inao Oulai, Franck Kessie, Ibrahim Sangare, Jean Michael Seri
Forwards: Simon Adingra, Ange-Yoan Bonny, Amad Diallo, Oumar Diakite, Yan Diomande, Evann Guessand, Nicolas Pepe, Bazoumana Toure, Elye Wahi
(Reserves: Christopher Operi, Malick Yalcouye, Martial Godo, Sebastien Haller)
Goalkeepers: Tomoki Hayakawa, Keisuke Osako, Zion Suzuki
Defenders: Ko Itakura, Hiroki Ito, Yuto Nagatomo, Ayumu Seko, Yukinari Sugawara, Junnosuke Suzuki, Shogo Taniguchi, Takehiro Tomiyasu, Tsuyoshi Watanabe
Midfielders: Ritsu Doan, Wataru Endo, Junya Ito, Daichi Kamada, Takefusa Kubo, Keito Nakamura, Kaishu Sano, Ao Tanaka
Forwards: Keisuke Goto, Daizen Maeda, Koki Ogawa, Kento Shiogai, Yuito Suzuki, Ayase Ueda
Goalkeepers: Yazid Abulaila, Noor Bani Attiah, Abdallah Al Fakhouri
Defenders: Mohammad Abu Hashish, Abdullah Nasib, Hussam Abu Dhahab, Yazan Al Arab, Mohammad Abu Alnadi, Salem Obaid, Saed Al Rosan, Ehsan Haddad, Anas Badawi
Midfielders: Amer Jamous, Noor Al Rawabdeh, Rajaei Ayed, Ibrahim Sadeh, Mohannad Abu Taha, Nizar Al Rashdan, Mohammad Al Dawoud, Mahmoud Mardahi
Forwards: Mohammad Abu Zraiq, Ali Olwan, Mousa Al Tamari, Odeh Fakhoury, Ibrahim Sabra, Ali Azaizeh
Goalkeepers: Raul Rangel, Guillermo Ochoa, Carlos Acevedo
Defenders: Jorge Sanchez, Israel Reyes, Cesar Montes, Johan Vasquez, Jesus Gallardo, Mateo Chavez, Edson Alvarez
Midfielders: Erik Lira, Orbelin Pineda, Alvaro Fidalgo, Brian Gutierrez, Luis Romo, Obed Vargas, Gilberto Mora, Luis Chavez
Forwards: Roberto Alvarado, Cesar Huerta, Alexis Vega, Julian Quinones, Guillermo Martinez, Armando Gonzalez, Santiago Gimenez, Raul Jimenez
Goalkeepers: Yassine Bounou, Munir El Kajoui, Ahmed Reda Tagnaouti
Defenders: Noussair Mazraoui, Anas Salah-Eddine, Youssef Bellammari, Achraf Hakimi, Zakaria El Ouahdi, Nayef Aguerd, Chadi Riad, Redouane Halhal, Issa Diop
Midfielders: Samir El Mourabet, Ayoub Bouaddi, Neil El Aynaoui, Sofyan Amrabat, Azzedine Ounahi, Bilal El Khannouss, Ismael Saibari
Forwards: Abdesamad Ezzalzouli, Chemsdine Talbi, Soufiane Rahimi, Ayoub El Kaabi, Brahim Diaz, Yassine Gessim, Ayoube Amaimouni-Echghouyab
Goalkeepers: Mark Flekken, Robin Roefs, Bart Verbruggen
Defenders: Nathan Ake, Virgil van Dijk, Denzel Dumfries, Jan Paul van Hecke, Jurrien Timber, Jorrel Hato, Micky van de Ven
Midfielders: Ryan Gravenberch, Frenkie de Jong, Teun Koopmeiners, Tijjani Reijnders, Marten de Roon, Guus Til, Quinten Timber, Mats Wieffer
Forwards: Brian Brobbey, Memphis Depay, Cody Gakpo, Noa Lang, Donyell Malen, Crysencio Summerville, Wout Weghorst, Justin Kluivert
Goalkeepers: Max Crocombe, Alex Paulsen, Michael Woud
Defenders: Tyler Bindon, Michael Boxall, Liberato Cacace, Francis de Vries, Callan Elliot, Tim Payne, Nando Pijnaker, Tommy Smith, Finn Surman
Midfielders: Lachlan Bayliss, Joe Bell, Matt Garbett, Eli Just, Callum McCowatt, Ben Old, Alex Rufer, Marko Stamenic, Sarpreet Singh, Ryan Thomas
Forwards: Kosta Barbarouses, Jesse Randall, Ben Waine, Chris Wood
Goalkeepers: Orjan Haskjold Nyland, Egil Selvik, Sander Tangvik
Defenders: Kristoffer Vassbakk Ajer, Fredrik Bjorkan, Henrik Falchener, Sondre Langas, Torbjorn Heggem, Marcus Holmgren Pedersen, Julian Ryerson, David Moller Wolfe, Leo Ostigard
Midfielders: Thelonious Aasgaard, Fredrik Aursnes, Patrick Berg, Sander Berge, Oscar Bobb, Jens Petter Hauge, Antonio Nusa, Andreas Schjelderup, Morten Thorsby, Kristian Thorstvedt, Martin Odegaard
Forwards: Erling Haaland, Alexander Sorloth, Jorgen Strand Larsen
Goalkeepers: Orlando Mosquera, Luis Mejia, Cesar Samudio
Defenders: Cesar Blackman, Jorge Gutierrez, Amir Murillo, Fidel Escobar, Andres Andrade, Edgardo Farina, Jose Cordoba, Eric Davis, Jiovany Ramos, Roderick Miller
Midfielders: Anibal Godoy, Adalberto Carrasquilla, Carlos Harvey, Cristian Martinez, Jose Luis Rodriguez, Cesar Yanis, Yoel Barcenas, Alberto Quintero, Azarias Londono
Forwards: Ismael Diaz, Cecilio Waterman, Jose Fajardo, Tomas Rodriguez
Goalkeepers: Orlando Gill, Roberto Fernandez, Gaston Olveira
Defenders: Juan Caceres, Gustavo Velazquez, Gustavo Gomez, Junior Alonso, Jose Canale, Omar Alderete, Alexandro Maidana, Fabian Balbuena
Midfielders: Diego Gomez, Mauricio Magalhaes, Damian Bobadilla, Braian Ojeda, Andres Cubas, Matias Galarza, Alejandro Gamarra
Forwards: Gustavo Caballero, Ramon Sosa, Alex Arce, Isidro Pitta, Gabriel Avalos, Miguel Almiron, Julio Enciso, Antonio Sanabria
Goalkeepers: Diogo Costa, Jose Sa, Rui Silva
Defenders: Tomas Araujo, Joao Cancelo, Diogo Dalot, Ruben Dias, Goncalo Inacio, Nuno Mendes, Matheus Nunes, Nelson Semedo, Renato Veiga
Midfielders: Samuel Costa, Bruno Fernandes, Joao Neves, Ruben Neves, Bernardo Silva, Vitinha
Forwards: Francisco Conceicao, Joao Felix, Goncalo Guedes, Rafael Leao, Pedro Neto, Goncalo Ramos, Cristiano Ronaldo, Francisco Trincao
Goalkeepers: Salah Zakaria, Meshaal Barsham, Mahmoud Abunada
Defenders: Boualem Khoukhi, Pedro Miguel, Sultan Al Brake, Al Hashmi Al Hussain, Ayoub Al Alawi, Issa Laye, Lucas Mendes, Homam Al Amin
Midfielders: Ahmed Fathi, Jassim Gaber, Assim Madibo, Abdulaziz Hatem, Karim Boudiaf, Mohammed Mannai
Forwards: Almoez Ali, Akram Afif, Tahsin Mohammed, Edmilson Junior, Ahmed Al-Janehi, Ahmed Alaa, Hassan Al Haydos, Mohammed Muntari, Yusuf Abdurisag
Goalkeepers: Nawaf Al Aqidi, Mohamed Al Owais, Ahmed Alkassar
Defenders: Saud Abdulhamid, Jehad Thakri, Abdulelah Al Amri, Hassan Tambakti, Ali Lajami, Hassan Kadesh, Moteb Al Harbi, Nawaf Boushal, Ali Majrashi, Mohammed Abu Alshamat
Midfielders: Ziyad Al Johani, Nasser Al Dawsari, Mohamed Kanno, Abdullah Al Khaibari, Alaa Al Hejji, Musab Al Juwayr, Sultan Mandash, Ayman Yahya, Khalid Al Ghannam
Forwards: Salem Al Dawsari, Abdullah Al Hamdan, Feras Al Brikan, Saleh Al Shehri
Goalkeepers: Craig Gordon, Angus Gunn, Liam Kelly
Defenders: Grant Hanley, Jack Hendry, Aaron Hickey, Dom Hyam, Scott McKenna, Nathan Patterson, Anthony Ralston, Andy Robertson, John Souttar, Kieran Tierney
Midfielders: Ryan Christie, Findlay Curtis, Lewis Ferguson, Tyler Fletcher, Ben Gannon-Doak, John McGinn, Kenny McLean, Scott McTominay
Forwards: Che Adams, Lyndon Dykes, George Hirst, Lawrence Shankland, Ross Stewart
Goalkeepers: Edouard Mendy, Mory Diaw, Yehvann Diouf
Defenders: Krepin Diatta, Antoine Mendy, Kalidou Koulibaly, El Hadji Malick Diouf, Mamadou Sarr, Moussa Niakhate, Abdoulaye Seck, Ismail Jakobs
Midfielders: Idrissa Gana Gueye, Pape Gueye, Lamine Camara, Habib Diarra, Pathe Ciss, Pape Matar Sarr, Bara Sapoko Ndiaye
Forwards: Sadio Mane, Ismaila Sarr, Iliman Ndiaye, Assane Diao, Ibrahim Mbaye, Nicolas Jackson, Bamba Dieng, Cherif Ndiaye
Goalkeepers: Ronwen Williams, Ricardo Goss, Sipho Chaine
Defenders: Aubrey Modiba, Khuliso Mudau, Khulumani Ndamane, Kamogelo Sebelebele, Nkosinathi Sibisi, Bradley Cross, Samukele Kabini, Olwethu Makhanya, Thabang Matuludi, Mbekezeli Mbokazi, Ime Okon
Midfielders: Oswin Appollis, Thalente Mbatha, Relebohile Mofokeng, Jayden Adams, Teboho Mokoena, Themba Zwane, Sphephelo Sithole
Forwards: Evidence Makgopa, Tshepang Moremi, Lyle Foster, Thapelo Maseko, Iqraam Rayners
Goalkeepers: Song Bumkeun, Jo Hyeonwoo, Kim Seung-gyu
Defenders: Jens Castrop, Lee Hanbeom, Park Jinseob, Lee Kihyuk, Kim Minjae, Kim Moonhwan, Kim Taehyeon, Lee Taeseok, Seol Youngwoo, Cho Wije
Midfielders: Lee Donggyeong, Hwang Heechan, Yang Hyunjun, Hwang Inbeom, Lee Jaesung, Kim Jingyu, Eom Jisung, Bae Junho, Lee Kangin, Paik Seungho
Forwards: Cho Guesung, Son Heungmin, Oh Hyeongyu
Goalkeepers: Unai Simon, David Raya, Joan Garcia
Defenders: Marc Cucurella, Pau Cubarsi, Aymeric Laporte, Alejandro Grimaldo, Pedro Porro, Eric Garcia, Marcos Llorente, Marc Pubill
Midfielders: Gavi, Rodri, Pedri, Martin Zubimendi, Fabian Ruiz, Alex Baena, Mikel Merino
Forwards: Lamine Yamal, Nico Williams, Dani Olmo, Ferran Torres, Mikel Oyarzabal, Yeremy Pino, Borja Iglesias, Victor Munoz
Goalkeepers: Viktor Johansson, Gustaf Lagerbielke, Kristoffer Nordfeldt, Jacob Zetterstrom
Defenders: Hjalmar Ekdal, Gabriel Gudmundsson, Isak Hien, Victor Lindelof, Eric Smith, Carl Starfelt, Daniel Svensson
Midfielders: Yasin Ayari, Lucas Bergvall, Jesper Karlstrom, Benjamin Nygren, Ken Sema, Elliot Stroud, Mattias Svanberg, Besfort Zeneli
Forwards: Taha Ali, Alexander Bernhardsson, Anthony Elanga, Viktor Gyokeres, Alexander Isak, Gustaf Nilsson
Goalkeepers: Marvin Keller, Gregor Kobel, Yvon Mvogo
Defenders: Manuel Akanji, Aurele Amenda, Eray Comert, Nico Elvedi, Luca Jaquez, Miro Muheim, Ricardo Rodriguez, Silvan Widmer
Midfielders: Michel Aebischer, Christian Fassnacht, Remo Freuler, Ardon Jashari, Fabian Rieder, Djibril Sow, Cedric Itten, Granit Xhaka, Denis Zakaria
Forwards: Ruben Vargas, Zeki Amdouni, Breel Embolo, Dan Ndoye, Noah Okafor, Johan Manzambi
Goalkeepers: Sabri Ben Hessen, Abdelmouhib Chamakh, Aymen Dahman
Defenders: Ali Abdi, Adem Arous, Mohamed Amine Ben Hamida, Dylan Bronn, Raed Chikhaoui, Moutaz Neffati, Omar Rekik, Montassar Talbi, Yan Valery
Midfielders: Mortadha Ben Ouanes, Anis Ben Slimane, Ismael Gharbi, Rani Khedira, Mohamed Hadj Mahmoud, Hannibal Mejbri, Ellyes Skhiri
Forwards: Elias Achouri, Khalil Ayari, Firas Chaouat, Rayan Elloumi, Hazem Mastouri, Elias Saad, Sebastian Tounekti
Goalkeepers: Altay Bayindir, Mert Gunok, Ugurcan Cakir
Defenders: Abdulkerim Bardakci, Caglar Soyuncu, Eren Elmali, Ferdi Kadioglu, Merih Demiral, Mert Muldur, Ozan Kabak, Samet Akaydin, Zeki Celik
Midfielders: Hakan Calhanoglu, Ismail Yuksek, Kaan Ayhan, Orkun Kokcu, Salih Ozcan
Forwards: Arda Guler, Baris Alper Yilmaz, Can Uzun, Deniz Gul, Irfan Can Kahveci, Kenan Yildiz, Kerem Akturkoglu, Oguz Aydin, Yunus Akgun
Goalkeepers: Sergio Rochet, Fernando Muslera, Santiago Mele
Defenders: Guillermo Varela, Ronald Araujo, Jose Maria Gimenez, Santiago Bueno, Sebastian Caceres, Mathias Olivera, Joaquin Piquerez, Matias Vina
Midfielders: Maximiliano Araujo, Giorgian de Arrascaeta, Rodrigo Bentancur, Agustin Canobbio, Nicolas de la Cruz, Emiliano Martinez, Facundo Pellistri, Brian Rodriguez, Juan Manuel Sanabria, Manuel Ugarte, Federico Valverde, Rodrigo Zalazar
Forwards: Rodrigo Aguirre, Federico Vinas, Darwin Nunez
Goalkeepers: Chris Brady, Matt Freese, Matt Turner
Defenders: Max Arfsten, Sergino Dest, Alex Freeman, Mark McKenzie, Tim Ream, Chris Richards, Antonee Robinson, Miles Robinson, Joe Scally, Auston Trusty
Midfielders: Tyler Adams, Sebastian Berhalter, Weston McKennie, Cristian Roldan, Brenden Aaronson, Christian Pulisic, Gio Reyna, Malik Tillman, Tim Weah, Alejandro Zendejas
Forwards: Folarin Balogun, Ricardo Pepi, Haji Wright
Goalkeepers: Botirali Ergashev, Abduvohid Nematov, Utkir Yusupov
Defenders: Abdukodir Khusanov, Khojiakbar Alijonov, Rustamjon Ashurmatov, Farrukh Sayfiev, Sherzod Nasrullaev, Umarbek Eshmuradov, Avazbek Ulmasaliev, Jakhongir Urozov, Bekhruz Karimov, Abdulla Abdullaev
Midfielders: Akmal Mozgovoy, Otabek Shukurov, Jamshid Iskanderov, Odiljon Hamrobekov, Jaloliddin Masharipov, Azizbek Ganiev, Sherzod Esanov, Abbosbek Fayzullaev
Forwards: Azizbek Amonov, Eldor Shomurodov, Igor Sergeev, Oston Urunov, Dostonbek Hamdamov
The FIFA World Cup begins on June 11. You can follow the action on Al Jazeera’s dedicated World Cup 2026 page with all the latest news, match build-up and live text commentary, and keep up to date with group standings, real-time match results and schedules.
52-year-old Ryan McFarland killed six of his family members and later took his own life when confronted by the police in Muscatine in the US state of Iowa.
Published On 2 Jun 20262 Jun 2026
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US tech giant says fundraising drive includes deal to sell $10 bn of stock to Berkshire Hathaway.
Published On 2 Jun 20262 Jun 2026
Alphabet, Google’s parent company, has announced plans to sell $80bn worth of shares to fund its rollout of artificial intelligence.
Alphabet said on Monday that the equity offerings would finance the rollout of AI infrastructure needed to meet “unprecedented customer demand”.
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The US tech giant said the fundraising drive included a deal to sell $10bn of stock to Berkshire Hathaway, the conglomerate led for six decades by legendary investor Warren Buffett.
The remaining $70bn will come from $30bn in underwritten offerings – a type of share issuance where a financial institution buys stock to sell on to investors – and $40bn in staggered sales on the open market.
“The company is experiencing strong demand for its AI solutions and services from enterprises and consumers, at levels that are exceeding the company’s available supply,” Alphabet said in a statement.
“By scaling its investments, the company seeks to expand its foundational infrastructure to support the significant growth opportunity ahead.”
Shares of Alphabet, which has a market capitalisation of more than $4.5 trillion, were down about 1 percent in after-hours trading following the announcement.
Like other Silicon Valley giants, Alphabet, whose AI business spans the Gemini family of assistants, data centres and cloud services, has committed eye-watering sums to AI-related infrastructure.
The company said in its most recent earnings call that it expected its capital expenditures to reach $180-190bn this year, and rise “significantly” in 2027.
US tech behemoths, such as Alphabet, Microsoft, Amazon and Meta, are expected to spend some $800bn on AI-related capital investment in 2026, according to an analysis by Goldman Sachs.
Troy Hooper, co-head of equity capital markets for the Americas at the financial intelligence provider Mergermarket, said Alphabet’s funding plans underscored the intensity of the race to lead the AI buildout.
“For hyperscalers, compute capacity is a direct driver of future revenue,” Hooper told Al Jazeera.
“By leaning into equity, Alphabet is bringing in permanent capital rather than burdening a balance sheet already absorbing record capex,” Hooper said, using the shorthand for capital expenditure.
Hooper said US tech giants have come to view underinvestment in AI as an “existential risk” and over-investment as “merely expensive”.
“The logic is simple: under-investing is an existential risk; over-investing is merely expensive. Microsoft, Amazon, and Meta are following the same calculus,” Hooper said.
“Ownership at scale lowers the marginal cost of training advanced models, building a moat smaller competitors will struggle to match. The message is clear: The winners of the AI era will be decided not just by algorithms, but by who owns the largest and most efficient compute platforms.”