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Published On 25 Sep 202625 Sep 2026

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For the past six months or so, a curious-looking vessel with a very boxy superstructure has been taking shape at a shipyard in the Chinese city of Shanghai. A new satellite image lends credence to an earlier assessment that this is a mothership to support China’s growing fleets of ever-larger submersible drones, though it could also have other roles.

TWZ obtained the image of the ship in question, which was taken on September 10, from Vantor. Since then, it has also received an overall coat of gray paint, pointing to future service with the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). It is some 669 feet (204 meters) long and around 98 feet (30 meters) at its widest. In terms of basic length and width, the vessel being built now is very roughly comparable to China’s Type 071 amphibious warfare ship. However, it appears to be much taller overall than the Type 071.

The new ship has been under construction at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard on Changxing Island in Shanghai since at least April. This yard produces a variety of naval vessels, including surface combatants and amphibious assault ships, as well as commercial designs.

The September 10 image, which shows the ship from the stern, is interesting for a number of reasons. It notably confirms that the design not only has a well deck, but that it is sized around what looks to be a large cradle-like platform visible in the shot. The very roughly 164-feet (50-meter) long rectangular platform has an arch-shaped structure at one end and two teardrop-shaped ones at the other, as well as six pillars, three on each side, in between. The teardrop-shaped structures, in particular, point to the platform being at least a semi-submersible, as they would help with stability and otherwise guide the flow of water while being pulled along.

The satellite image also clearly shows six large struts extending from the top of the stern end of the superstructure, each one which is paired with a shorter strut, for a total of 12. Earlier this month, independent naval analyst H.I. Sutton, who tracks undersea warfare developments in particular, posited that these struts could be used to lower a platform or some other similar structure below the hull of the ship. He also assessed that they could be used as part of a larger system capable of moving payloads between decks internally. This would help account for the configuration of the core superstructure, especially how high it is all the way from the front to the back. Overall, signs point to the inside of the superstructure being largely hangars and other open work spaces, allowing for multiple large UUVs to be carried and supported. Individual UUVs would be launched and recovered, one at a time, via the cradle.

In making his assessment, Sutton drew specific attention to a previously shown rendering of a proposed Chinese scientific research vessel with a roughly similar strut-based system at the stern for deploying submersibles and other large payloads. However, on that design, the system was entirely exposed rather than contained with an extended superstructure.

The platform seen immediately behind the ship being built at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard aligns with Sutton’s assessment about the purpose of the struts. At the same time, launches and recoveries could also be conducted in a more traditional manner via the well deck. The design of the cradle-like platform would seem to suggest the latter option is at least part of the plan.

The general idea of launching and recovering payloads through the bottom of the hull of a ship, including through moon pools, is hardly new. As another point here, Russia is known to have highly specialized mothership submarines that can carry crewed midget submarines and large uncrewed submersibles attached underneath their hulls, and that are also capable of launching ultra-long-range nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed torpedoes. The idea of deploying and retrieving large UUVs via well decks using cradle-like systems is something being explored by other navies globally, including in the United States. All that being said, a large specialized ship built for the purpose of launching and recovering very large underwater vehicles in an operational capacity is unique.

The image from September 10, as well as other recent views of the ship, highlight other features that are now taking shape. This includes a large opening on the starboard side, which could be for launching and/or recovering lifeboats or other watercraft, or moving payloads to and from the pier while docked, as well as a multi-pronged mast on top of the bridge. An additional part of the ship’s superstructure extends behind the bridge area, and there is what looks to be a hangar inside. There is no attached helipad present now, but one could well be added later on somewhere on top of the superstructure. Many naval auxiliaries, as well as commercial ships designed for offshore support and other specialized tasks, have open helipads on raised frames attached to different parts of the superstructures.

Though there is growing clarity about the ship’s design, many questions do remain about the full breadth of its intended purpose. In Sutton’s view, the PLAN has a need, just in general, for a dedicated mothership to support its growing uncrewed underwater vehicle (UUV) fleets. The PLAN is pursuing various tiers of UUVs to perform a host of different missions, including intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), as well as mine-laying, special operations support, and even launching direct attacks on enemy vessels. Larger and larger UUV designs have been steadily emerging in China, which could require more specialized launch and recovery options to be feasibly employed operationally, especially from other vessels at sea. Deployment and retrieval at sea could, in turn, support very long duration missions far from China’s own shores.

“With smaller UUVs, even up to 20 meters like the AJX-002 and HSU-100 paraded in Beijing last year, they are road mobile. Truck mounted cranes should be sufficient for getting them in and out of the water making operations much simpler. With these latest, much larger XXLUUVs [extra-extra large uncrewed underwater vehicles] however, China will start to need dedicated port facilities,” Sutton wrote previously on his website. “Until now China has been using floating docks to house the two XXLUUV prototypes being tested on Hainan. One of these docks was purpose built while the other may have been taken up from general use.”

China’s naval unmanned systems.

Consisting of (in order), AI enabled unmanned submersible (HSU-100), used for detection and attack.

Unmanned patrol boat.

Unmanned mine-laying/attack submersible (AJX-002), this was previously mistaken for a nuclear powered torpedo.
Because the… pic.twitter.com/Mlj55XLNBH

— Zhao DaShuai 东北进修🇨🇳 (@zhao_dashuai) September 3, 2025

“This arrangement also has a significant drawback: each floating dock can only carry a single XXLUUV,” Sutton added. “Or if more than one, then they both need to be placed in the water at the same time. Because the whole dock floods, there cannot be one undergoing maintenance while another is being launched or recovered.”

A mothership vessel able to discreetly deploy and recover large uncrewed and crewed submersibles and other large payloads underwater could be tasked with more specialized missions, including cutting cables, retrieving objects from the seabed, and other kinds of undersea espionage. There is overlap here with more benign roles, such as submarine rescue, salvage, and even deep-sea scientific research. There is also the matter of servicing an expanding array of Chinese underwater infrastructure, including sensor and communications networks. As something of a corollary, Russia’s spy ship Yantar is officially described as an oceanic research vessel. In China, the line between military and non-military assets and capabilities, including ships, is often very blurry, to begin with, as TWZ regularly highlights. This dichotomy was observed right at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard around the end of last year after pictures of a commercial cargo ship being used to showcase a new family of containerized weapons, sensors, and other systems went viral online.

It is also worth pointing out that the boxy and largely enclosed design of the ship now being built at Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard will inherently make it difficult to observe any activities onboard. This will have the additional knock-on effect of helping keep any payloads, as well as the crew, shielded from the elements. This could be valuable for operations in harsher locales, including waters in and around the Arctic, an ever-more strategic part of the world where China is working to be more engaged.

We also do not know if the apparent mothership vessel is intended to be a one-off or part of a larger class. It could be a stepping stone to broader plans or be part of an already extensive fleet of bespoke naval auxiliaries, as well as unique ostensibly commercial vessels, in service in China today. The PLAN’s aforementioned UUV ambitions will bring along significant test and evaluation requirements, as well as the need to support actual future operations.

If nothing else, evidence is only growing that the new ship under construction at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard is intended to serve, at least in part, as a mothership for large submersible drones.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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Chinese authorities have reportedly taken possession of an F-35 cockpit canopy and weapons-bay door that were inexplicably diverted to Hong Kong while being shipped from Australia to the United States. The incident appears to have left physical components that incorporate aspects of the fighter’s low-observable design in the hands of a country that has spent years doing whatever it could to gain information on the aircraft and America’s stealth technology secrets in general.

So, what does all this mean? Let’s put it in perspective.

The parts in question were being shipped by UPS from Australia to the United States in late May, according to people familiar with the matter cited by Bloomberg. The components from a Royal Australian Air Force F-35A were being sent to the United States for inspection and possible repair or disposal.

F-35 sustainment procedures explicitly cover the movement of F-35 parts, including unserviceable components, through the program’s logistics network. The U.S. Air Force’s transportation guidance directs F-35 shipments outside the Defense Transportation System to follow approved Joint Program Office procedures. In other words, moving an unserviceable Australian F-35 component to the United States for inspection, repair, or disposition is consistent with the normal sustainment process.

What is highly unusual is where this particular shipment ended up. F-35 components moving through an established international logistics system apparently stopped in South Korea, were then routed to Hong Kong. Chinese authorities subsequently took possession of the parts and have not returned them, according to the sources cited by Bloomberg.

“For security reasons, we can’t discuss the status of specific shipments or our shipping procedures,” Lockheed Martin told us in response to a request for clarification about the incident. The company added that it “follows all U.S. regulations established by the Department of War and regulated by the Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) regarding the shipment of aircraft components. Our teams handle every shipment with the utmost diligence and safeguards to ensure the integrity of the F-35 program and the security of our allied partners.”

The Pentagon’s F-35 Joint Program Office has acknowledged a “shipment issue” involving F-35 components and said U.S. authorities and industry partners are working to recover them and investigate what happened.

Lockheed Martin, UPS, and the Pentagon have not publicly provided a detailed account of how the shipment was diverted or what happened to the parts after they reached Hong Kong.

Australian Defense Minister Richard Marles also confirmed that Canberra was aware of the incident and was working with the United States and Lockheed Martin.

Marles has sought to play down the potential security implications of the components, saying his understanding was that the shipment did not contain sensitive equipment or sensitive parts. That does not by itself answer the more specific question of what could potentially be learned from these particular pieces of an F-35. After all, not every physical component of an F-35 is necessarily highly classified or capable of revealing meaningful information about the aircraft’s design. At the same time, a cockpit canopy and weapons-bay door involve structures, materials, interfaces, tolerances, and treatments that all have to work within the aircraft’s low-observable design. If radar-absorbing material or other specialized treatments remain on the components, that could potentially make them far more sensitive from a technological exploitation standpoint.

The condition of the parts is also unknown. We do not know how much of their coatings or other treatments remain intact, whether Chinese authorities have examined them, or what information could actually be extracted from them in their current state.

Above all else, there is little specific information in the public domain about what F-35-related technical information Chinese intelligence already has acquired over the years, what physical components or materials it may already possess, or what additional information could be gained through espionage, cyber operations, industrial access, observation of deployed aircraft, or other means.

Without these facts, it is impossible to gauge what damage could have been done by this loss. Still, viewed in a vacuum of those unknowns, simply having an F-35 canopy and weapons-bay door in Chinese possession represents a significant loss of control over sensitive physical hardware — there is no way around that reality — and the severity of that loss could be substantial depending on the physical state of the parts.

The circumstances are particularly sensitive because, as we mentioned in the opening of this article, China has pursued multiple avenues for acquiring information on the F-35 for many years, with publicly documented cases involving cyber operations, technical information, supply chains, and human expertise. Some aspects of China’s subsequent stealth aircraft designs have also prompted comparisons with U.S. aircraft, although claims that China simply ‘cloned’ entire aircraft are not supported by the available evidence.

China And The F-35: A History Of Espionage

In 2014, U.S. authorities charged Chinese businessman Su Bin with conspiring with two other Chinese hackers to break into the computer systems of U.S. defense contractors. Prosecutors alleged that the group targeted information on aircraft including the F-35 and F-22. The alleged hacking campaign ran from 2009 to 2013.

Su Bin later pleaded guilty and was sentenced to nearly four years in prison. The Justice Department’s 2026 case against former Air Force fighter pilot Gerald “Runner” Brown connects the two cases. Prosecutors allege that Brown used a co-conspirator to negotiate his work training Chinese military pilots with Su Bin.

Brown, a retired U.S. Air Force major who spent more than 24 years in the service, subsequently worked as a contract simulator instructor training U.S. military pilots on the A-10 and F-35. In February 2026, the Justice Department charged him with providing and conspiring to provide unauthorized defense services to Chinese military pilots.

According to the criminal complaint, Brown traveled to China in December 2023, where he allegedly began training People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) personnel. Prosecutors say he also answered questions about the U.S. Air Force for three hours on his first day in China. Brown has been charged, and the allegations have not been adjudicated. He is one of multiple former Western aviators alleged to have provided training services and/or intelligence to Beijing.

The Honeywell case provides yet another example, this time involving the defense industry’s supply of technical information.

In 2021, the State Department reached a $13-million administrative settlement with Honeywell over alleged violations of the Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). Honeywell had voluntarily disclosed alleged unauthorized exports and retransfers of ITAR-controlled technical data.

The case involved 71 engineering drawings containing dimensions, geometries and layouts for manufacturing castings and finished parts used across multiple aircraft, engines and military systems. The State Department said the unauthorized exports and retransfers involved Canada, Ireland, Mexico, China, and Taiwan.

Among the systems covered by the drawings were components associated with the F-35 and F-22. The case did not allege that Honeywell deliberately sought to provide China with sensitive military technology; rather, it concerned alleged violations of export-control requirements.

There has also been a physical supply-chain precedent.

In 2022, F-35 deliveries were temporarily halted after the Pentagon discovered that a magnet in the aircraft’s Honeywell-built turbomachine pumps —which provide critical power functions to the jet — contained a cobalt and samarium alloy produced in China. The material itself was not considered a security or flight-safety threat, but the discovery demonstrated how difficult it can be to maintain complete visibility over a global supply chain involving thousands of companies and multiple tiers of subcontractors.

Taken together, these cases demonstrate several different pathways through which China has appeared in the F-35 security story: cyber theft, unauthorized technical-data transfers, supply-chain exposure, and alleged exploitation of former Western military expertise.

The Hong Kong incident would add another major category: physical access to actual F-35 components.

These are only some of the publicly documented examples. There is no public way to know the full extent of information or physical material Chinese intelligence may have acquired over the years, but is very likely far larger in scope than what is available in the open source.

Chinese Access Concerns Have Shaped F-35 Export Policy

The security issues surrounding the F-35 are significant enough that concerns about China have affected not only how the United States protects F-35 technology, but where Washington is willing to export the aircraft in the first place.

The proposed sale of F-35s to the United Arab Emirates became deeply entangled in U.S. concerns about Abu Dhabi’s growing military and technology relationship with China.

Washington had approved a potential package involving 50 F-35As, but U.S. officials and lawmakers expressed concerns about Chinese intelligence activity and technology in the UAE. Among the broader concerns were Chinese telecommunications infrastructure and the possibility of Chinese military or intelligence access to facilities associated with advanced U.S. weapons. A Congressional U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission report later cited the potential presence of Chinese intelligence collection capabilities and military facilities in the UAE as risks to the proposed F-35 sale.

The issue has now resurfaced with Saudi Arabia.

The State Department recently approved a potential $24.3-billion sale to the Kingdom involving 48 F-35s and associated equipment. But U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly warned that China’s military and technology relationship with Saudi Arabia could create opportunities for Beijing to obtain sensitive F-35 information.

According to reporting based on U.S. officials familiar with intelligence assessments, a Defense Intelligence Agency report raised concerns about Chinese military access to Saudi bases, Chinese technology in Saudi telecommunications infrastructure, and whether secure facilities could be maintained for F-35 operations. The assessments also questioned whether Saudi Arabia would limit contact between Chinese military and intelligence personnel and F-35-related sites.

What Could The Components Reveal?

As we noted earlier, there is no way to gauge the intelligence impact of the loss at this stage. The central unknown of what China already knows about the F-35, and what it may already have in its possession — especially related to these components — is the key variable here.

Regardless, an F-35 canopy and weapons-bay door can provide information that cannot otherwise be easily obtained and gives a different level of fidelity in terms of material exploitation than what construction data and blueprints alone could.

The F-35’s low observability is the product of an extremely complex combination of airframe shaping, construction materials, external coatings, manufacturing tolerances, speciality apertures, and more.

A canopy is a particularly demanding part of any stealth aircraft. It has to satisfy optical and structural requirements while also controlling radar reflections. The cockpit is historically a major source of radar reflectivity, including the pilot’s helmet. Therefore the canopy’s materials, construction, interfaces, and specialized treatments can be critical to the aircraft’s overall low-observable performance, and especially from the critical frontal aspect.

The F-35’s canopy has been an ongoing work in progress for many years. It has had chronic material issues, especially when it comes to delamination. Multiple iterations spread over two decades have recently resulted in a major improvement of the issue. The tight balancing act of keeping the canopy transparent enough, while controlling the F-35’s stealthy signature and having that mix of materials be robust enough to last for a reasonable amount of time has been a major investment for the program. If the canopy is of a later variation, that loss alone could be substantial and could help China with their own low-observable canopy development programs even if they already had original information on the F-35’s canopy original design dating back years.

The F-35’s canopy has been a notorious work in progress, specifically the low observable coating/delamination issue which has improved a lot in recent years with new materials and processes. So no, you do NOT want to lose that in to China! https://t.co/9V0jdRAiwA

— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) September 19, 2026

The F-35’s weapons-bay door has its of sensitivity issues. It is effectively a major section of the aircraft’s outer shell, with its structure, edges, interfaces, tolerances and treatments all having to function without creating unacceptable radar signatures. Its construction and material attributes can be reasonably extrapolated for the rest of much of the F-35’s outer mold-line. Above all else, if the radar absorbent material remained intact on the door, that would signify a major loss when viewed without any understanding of what China already knows about the F-35’s radar absorbing surface treatments. Historically speaking, RAM technology is among America’s closest guarded material sciences secrets.

For the time being, Australian officials have said they do not understand the parts to be sensitive. The investigation will ultimately have to establish what the components actually contain and what could be learned from them.

The incident comes at a moment when China’s own stealth fighter efforts are undergoing an extraordinary expansion.

The PLAAF is now operating the J-20, China’s first operational fifth-generation stealth fighter, in increasingly large numbers. The smaller J-35 is also moving toward broader service, including a carrier role for the People’s Liberation Army Navy.

China has also moved into what Western observers generally describe as sixth-generation fighter development.

Two new tailless combat-aircraft designs emerged publicly in December 2024. One is the large Chengdu aircraft commonly referred to as the J-36, while the other is associated with Shenyang and is variously called the J-XDS or J-50. Both have continued flight testing and yielded several prototypes with individual refinements.

The exact capabilities and eventual operational roles of these aircraft remain uncertain. They are developmental designs, not established operational equivalents of the F-35 or other sixth-generation systems. However, China is clearly building an increasingly broad ecosystem of fifth- and next-generation low-observable combat aircraft, both crewed and uncrewed. In the latter category is a growing number of stealthy drones, including long-endurance types.

China didn’t likely need physical access to an F-35 canopy or weapons-bay door to develop the J-20, J-35, or its next-generation aircraft. But additional information about how a mature Western stealth aircraft handles materials, coatings, interfaces, manufacturing, and the integration of those elements can still have great potential value to an industry developing its own systems. This includes technologies intended to counter the U.S. combat aircraft and their low-observable characteristics.

The F-35 has been produced in large numbers, is operated by a growing coalition of countries, and has been subjected to years of testing and operational experience. Its low-observable design represents decades of accumulated U.S. research and industrial know-how. At the same time, the global scale of the program inevitably makes control over sensitive information more complicated. More aircraft, more maintainers, more industrial partners, and more international logistics mean more points at which information and physical hardware have to be controlled. Over time, a program of this size will see an erosion in its secrets, but a major loss can drastically accelerate what should be a more gradual and control decline in security.

The potential intelligence value of the components also has to be considered in the context of foreign material exploitation, or FME. Major military powers maintain dedicated capabilities to recover, examine and characterize foreign weapons, aircraft, sensors, materials and other equipment. The objective is not necessarily to reproduce an entire system. More important is determining how something is built, what materials and manufacturing techniques are used, how individual components perform, and where industrial strengths or limitations may lie.

That is why countries have historically gone to extraordinary lengths to recover even crashed or damaged pieces of sensitive military hardware. The bigger the prize, the more risk an intelligence service would be willing to take in order to realize a recovery.

The sensitivity surrounding the physical remnants of an F-35 is not new. When a Japan Air Self-Defense Force F-35A disappeared over the Pacific in 2019, the search quickly became more than a rescue operation. U.S. and Japanese forces mounted an extensive effort to locate the wreckage, with U.S. Navy P-8A aircraft and a destroyer joining the search. TWZ noted at the time that even scattered F-35 wreckage could expose valuable technological secrets, while the aircraft’s location on the seabed raised the prospect of an underwater espionage and recovery operation.

That concern has also been evident in subsequent F-35 recovery operations. That concern has been reflected in subsequent F-35 recoveries. In 2022, the U.S. Navy recovered an F-35C from roughly 12,400 feet in the South China Sea after a carrier landing accident, removing the possibility that the aircraft could be accessed by another country.

Unanswered Security Questions

At this point, there is no public evidence that the Hong Kong diversion was a deliberate Chinese intelligence operation, although it is certainly possible. It is also unclear whether Chinese authorities have examined the F-35 parts or what level of new and useful information has been recovered from them.

If, as reported, Chinese authorities have taken possession of the parts and have not returned them, that would be an extraordinary development. If the diversion was genuinely the result of a shipping or logistics error, the outcome would itself be extraordinary. It would raise serious questions about the security controls surrounding the movement of F-35 hardware even without evidence of deliberate interference.

The timing is also notable. Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Washington this week for a state visit with President Donald Trump, with the two leaders meeting amid broader disputes involving technology, security, and the future of U.S.-China relations. Whether the F-35 shipment comes up directly in those discussions is not known, but it would be an obvious subject for U.S. and Chinese officials to address through diplomatic channels.

“Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States Donald J. Trump and First Lady Melania Trump, accompanied by the President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping and Madame Peng Liyuan.” pic.twitter.com/hyPHOBC99Q

— Rapid Response 47 (@RapidResponse47) September 24, 2026

For now, however, the central question remains how the parts got there. Until that is answered, we won’t know if this was a simple logistics failure or a deliberate intelligence operation. And beyond that, what China already knew about the components it now may have in its possession — a question we may never truly get an answer to.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

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Grammy Award-winning rapper Macklemore has announced a string of shows in support of Palestine after he was controversially dropped from Ed Sheeran’s United States tour after speaking out against Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

The 43-year-old American rapper, who has almost 40 million monthly listeners on Spotify, announced his Free Palestine Tour on Thursday, with shows set to take place in Dublin, Paris and London in late October.

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Macklemore said he will be joined by other musicians and will announce their names soon. He added that US shows are currently being organised.

He said all proceeds raised from the tour will be donated to causes supporting the Palestinian people and the wider movement.

“If these last couple of weeks have shown us anything, it’s that something has shifted over the last three years,” Macklemore said in a statement.

“There has been a collective awakening around Palestinian liberation, the power of billionaires that try to censor that call, and what we expect from artists right now. It’s 2026. Being apolitical during a genocide doesn’t work anymore,” he continued.

“People are asking artists to show up, educate themselves and be in community. To use the stage for more than entertainment. To push back when the call for a Free Palestine is met with attempts to silence it.”

English punk rap duo Bob Vylan have expressed their support for the tour, responding to Macklemore’s Instagram post with a heart emoji. The British YouTuber and influencer known as Chunkz, who has more than four million followers on Instagram, also praised Macklemore.

Attempts to silence Macklemore

On September 4 at New Jersey’s MetLife Stadium, Macklemore, who was one of Sheeran’s opening acts, expressed support for Palestine.

“A big part of the reason why I wanted to do this tour in the first place is so I could stand up in stadiums like this and say two words that are very near and dear to my heart: ‘Free Palestine’ … My message is for peace; love for all human beings to be treated with dignity, respect, and equality,” Macklemore told the audience at the time.

Soon after, the rapper announced that he had been dropped from the Sheeran tour.

Venue owner Robert Kraft later confirmed that Macklemore was barred from performing at his Gillette Stadium in Foxborough, Massachusetts. Kraft denounced what he described as the rapper’s “broader history of antisemitic rhetoric and imagery” and argued that such actions led him to decide that allowing Macklemore to perform at his venue “would cross that line”.

Kraft is a Jewish-American billionaire and has donated to several Israeli causes. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is the subject of an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity, said in 2019 that Israel did not have a “more loyal friend” than Kraft.

Macklemore claimed Sheeran and his team removed him from the tour following pressure from Kraft.

He alleged that Kraft rallied the owners of the remaining stadiums that the tour would include and persuaded them not to allow him to perform. The rapper said that Kraft then told Sheeran the tour would not go ahead unless he was dropped.

Neither Kraft nor Sheeran have commented on Macklemore’s allegations that stadium owners were contacted by Kraft.

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Published On 24 Sep 202624 Sep 2026

Ethiopia’s army says it has killed at least 272 fighters from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in a counter-offensive in the country’s northwest Amhara region.

The Ethiopian National Defence Force said on Thursday that another 260 Tigrayan fighters were wounded and several were captured.

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“Government forces launched a counter-offensive that inflicted heavy personnel and equipment losses on the TPLF” after the group and its allies attacked several areas of North Wollo, a region of Amhara that borders Tigray, the army said in a statement on Facebook.

The intensification came days after TPLF and six other armed groups from across Ethiopia announced the formation of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Forces Alliance for Survival, which committed itself to removing Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government.

The coalition brought together the newly-formed Amhara Fano National Movement, the Oromo Liberation Army and other movements from the Somali, Afar and Benishangul-Gumuz regional states.

‘Full-blown war’

“We are in the situation of full-blown war now,” TPLF Vice President Amanuel Assefa told AFP news agency on Thursday.

He confirmed that Tigrayan forces were fighting alongside local armed groups in Afar and Amhara.

The alliance marks a striking realignment that had been almost a year in the making, bringing together armed groups with very different histories and grievances against the central government, including forces with histories of conflict among themselves.

In a statement issued as the fighting widened on Wednesday, the alliance said the federal government was attacking its forces on several fronts and presented their response as part of the broader struggle that had brought the coalition together.

Meanwhile, the escalation has disrupted air travel, as Tigrayan forces seized three local airports in the region.

Flights to Lalibela, a UNESCO-listed site in Amhara known for its medieval rock-hewn churches, were suspended on Thursday, according to Reuters news agency.

AFP also received reports of fighting around Lalibela, causing its airport to close. The area has often been targeted by the Fano, a local armed group that is now operating alongside the TPLF.

Wider regional rivalries

TPLF last went ⁠to war with the Ethiopian federal government in 2020, leading to a devastating two-year conflict that ended with a peace deal in 2022.

In his address at the UN General Assembly on Wednesday, Ethiopia’s President Taye Atske-Selassie Amde blamed the escalation on “the forces of destruction and mayhem” and “interference in our internal affairs by adversarial elements”.

He said Ethiopia had exercised “immense restraint” and made progress with its neighbours.

Analysts say the Tigray rebels have support from Eritrea, which fears landlocked Ethiopia is planning to invade its territory to gain access to the Red Sea.

The TPLF’s Assefa told AFP “we have no information about Eritrea’s plan”. Asked if they would request Eritrean intervention, he said: “Not yet.”

Ethiopia’s domestic conflicts are becoming harder to separate from wider rivalries in the Horn of Africa, particularly Addis Ababa’s deteriorating relationship with Eritrea and Sudan’s civil war.

Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has visited Asmara twice since July for talks with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, while Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, reportedly visited Addis Ababa in late August.

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Published On 24 Sep 202624 Sep 2026

One person was killed and four others injured when a man armed with a knife attacked clergy and worshippers at a Catholic monastery in southern Poland.

Police said the 31-year-old attacker, a Ukrainian national, went on a stabbing spree at the 17th-century Benedictine abbey in Jaroslaw, some 30km (19 miles) from the border with Ukraine, on Thursday morning.

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The suspect, who had entered Poland from Germany earlier in the day, reportedly grabbed a knife from the abbey’s kitchen and attacked four men and one woman, including a priest in a confessional, police said.

“Three of the victims are clergy members and two are laypeople; one person has died,” said prosecutor Bozena Harasz-Wołoszyn. Two others were in “critical, life-threatening condition”.

Polish media identified the man who died as a priest. Police did not immediately confirm the identity of the deceased.

Prosecutors said the attacker was headed for a nearby border crossing back into Ukraine but instead went to the abbey.

The motive remains unclear, and doctors will assess whether he was under the influence of alcohol, Harasz-Wołoszyn said.

Leaders respond

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said the “murderer” would be “punished with the full severity of Polish law”.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy called the attack a “horrific crime”.

“The perpetrator of this evil must bear full responsibility in accordance with the law … We are shaken by this evil. Justice must be done.”

The mayor of Jaroslaw, Marcin Nazarewicz, declared a period of mourning until the end of the week.

Stabbings, particularly at religious sites, are extremely rare in Poland, one of Europe’s most Catholic countries.

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Published On 24 Sep 2026 16:01 GMT24 Sep 2026 16:01 GMT

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Please enter a full UK postcode\\\”,\\\”news_vj_search_lookup_one_result_available\\\”:\\\”1 result is available: {{suggestion}}.\\\”,\\\”news_vj_search_lookup_multiple_results_available\\\”:\\\”{{numberOfResults}} results are available.\\\”,\\\”news_vj_search_lookup_selected_result\\\”:\\\”{{suggestion}} is selected.\\\”,\\\”no-js-msg\\\”:\\\”A modern browser with JavaScript and a stable internet connection are required to view this interactive.\\\”,\\\”source\\\”:\\\”Source:\\\”,\\\”updated\\\”:\\\”Updated:\\\”,\\\”methodology-cta\\\”:\\\”Find out more about the data\\\”,\\\”up_from\\\”:\\\”up\\\”,\\\”down_from\\\”:\\\”down\\\”,\\\”mega_link_text\\\”:\\\”See more key stats on hotels, small boats and asylum\\\”,\\\”mega_link_url\\\”:\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c70989jrdweo\\\”,\\\”amp_click_to_expand_text\\\”:\\\”Click to expand\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__include-title\\\”:\\\”UK migration data at a glance\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__title\\\”:\\\”Net migration (change in population), {{netMigration.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__figure\\\”:\\\”{{netMigration.value}}*\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{netMigration.change}} over 12 months\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{netMigration.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-1__source\\\”:\\\”ONS\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__title\\\”:\\\”Immigration (people arriving), {{immigration.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__figure\\\”:\\\”{{immigration.value}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{immigration.change}} over 12 months\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{immigration.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-2__source\\\”:\\\”ONS\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__title\\\”:\\\”Emigration (people leaving), {{emigration.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__figure\\\”:\\\”{{emigration.value}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{emigration.change}} over 12 months\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{emigration.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-3__source\\\”:\\\”ONS\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__title\\\”:\\\”Asylum applications, {{asylumApplications.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__figure\\\”:\\\”{{asylumApplications.value}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{asylumApplications.change}} over 12 months\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{asylumApplications.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-4__source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__title\\\”:\\\”Returns and deportations from the UK, {{returns.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__figure\\\”:\\\”{{returns.value}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{returns.change}} over 12 months\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{returns.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-5__source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__title\\\”:\\\”Arrivals by small boat, 1 January 2026 to {{smallBoats.period}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__figure\\\”:\\\”{{smallBoats.value}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__percentage-tag\\\”:\\\”{{smallBoats.change}} same period {{smallBoats.period_previous}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__timestamp\\\”:\\\”{{smallBoats.updated_date}}\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__frequency-tag\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”at-a-glance__summary-1__component__section-6__source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”small-boats__include-title\\\”:\\\”Small boat crossings and other illegal arrivals\\\”,\\\”small-boats__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people cross the English Channel in small boats?\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Between 1 January and {{smallBoats.period}}, a total of {{smallBoats.value}} people crossed the English Channel by small boat from France. This {{smallBoats.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”These crossings have become the most common way for people to be detected entering the UK illegally since 2020.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”Nearly all those who arrive by small boat claim asylum. Under international law, this means they are allowed to stay in the country while their asylum application is considered.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Small boat arrivals made up {{smallBoatsAsylum.percent}} of asylum applications between {{smallBoatsAsylum.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”28682833?2496655\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”28682833\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people arriving in the UK by small boat each year since 2018. Each bar is split to show arrivals up to 22 Sep and arrivals after that date. Total arrivals by year were as follows: 2018: 299, 2019: 1,843, 2020: 8,462, 2021: 28,526, 2022: 45,755, 2023: 29,437, 2024: 36,816, 2025: 41,472. So far in 2026, 17,784 people have arrived by small boat, as of 22 Sep. This is the fifth highest total for the years shown, by the same point in the year.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”Boats that arrived in the UK from {{boatSize.period}} carried an average of {{boatSize.value}} people. This {{boatSize.change}} 2021.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-6\\\”:\\\”Experts say [overcrowding in boats makes crossings riskier](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cj9j8r8z90wo). At least 84 people died while attempting to cross the Channel in 2024, according to the United Nations (UN).\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-7\\\”:\\\”When looking at the scale of small boats crossings, the number of these arrivals is about {{smallBoatsImmigration.percent}} of the size of total immigration into the UK from {{smallBoatsImmigration.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-8\\\”:\\\”The government has pledged to [“smash the gangs”](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo) behind these crossings in order to reduce the numbers.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Who is arriving in the UK on small boats?\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”People from {{nationalities.top}} accounted for {{nationalities.percent}} of all arrivals from {{nationalities.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25573101?2496655\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25573101\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries from which the UK receives most arrivals by small boat. The countries and corresponding arrivals detected are as follows: Eritrea with 5,875 arrivals detected, Sudan with 4,191 arrivals detected, Afghanistan with 4,042 arrivals detected, Somalia with 3,901 arrivals detected, and Iran with 3,657 arrivals detected. The figures are for July 2025 to June 2026.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”FALSE\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”In the latest figures covering {{modernSlavery.period}}, at least {{modernSlavery.value}} people who arrived by small boat were found to be potential victims of human trafficking or other forms of modern slavery, according to the Home Office.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How else do people stay in the UK without permission?\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Another {{otherMethods.value}} people were detected entering the UK without permission via other methods including hiding in vehicles, travelling on ferries or through airports from {{otherMethods.period}}. This {{otherMethods.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”There are also individuals who arrive legally, for example via a work or study visa, and then overstay their limit.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”The total number of people who live in the UK illegally after arriving legally is not known.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__include-title\\\”:\\\”Asylum applications and hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people are in asylum accommodation?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”An asylum seeker is someone who wants to be in the UK because they say they cannot live safely in their own country due to persecution or violence.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The government must house an asylum seeker if they cannot financially support themselves while their claim is being considered. There were {{accommodation.value}} people in asylum accommodation as of {{accommodation.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”About {{accommodationHotels.percent}} of those people, {{accommodationHotels.value}}, were in hotels. These are used when there is not enough shared housing available, such as houses of multiple occupation (HMOs) or [former military sites](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cjr0lx7n0y3o).\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”The government [has pledged to stop the use of hotels](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo) by 2029.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”More people are in hotels across the south of England than elsewhere in the UK, while HMOs are more common in the north of England and Scotland.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Numbers of asylum seekers in hotels by council area\\\”,\\\”lookup-noscript-message\\\”:\\\”A modern browser with JavaScript and a stable internet connection is required to view this interactive\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__component__lookup-1__subtitle\\\”:\\\”Type in a postcode or the name of a local council below to see how many asylum seekers are housed in the area\\\”,\\\”news_vj_search_lookup_invalid_postcode\\\”:\\\”Please enter a full UK postcode\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_title\\\”:\\\”Asylum accommodation in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_as-of\\\”:\\\”as of {{date}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_per\\\”:\\\”per 100,000 residents\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_this-is\\\”:\\\”This is\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_much-lower\\\”:\\\”less than half\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_lower\\\”:\\\”lower than\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_average\\\”:\\\”about the same as\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_higher\\\”:\\\”higher than\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_much-higher\\\”:\\\”more than double\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-header\\\”:\\\”Asylum seekers in hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-zero-figure\\\”:\\\”There were no asylum seekers in hotels in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_hotels-comparand\\\”:\\\”the average for a UK council with asylum seekers in hotels, if you calculated it as a share of its population\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-uk-figures\\\”:\\\”{{number}} of {{total}} councils across the UK have asylum seekers in hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25656794?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25656794\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_alt\\\”:\\\”A map of which local authorities in the UK use hotels to house asylum seekers. 101 of 361 local authorities are using hotels as of June 2026.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map__mega_height\\\”:\\\”500\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-header\\\”:\\\”Asylum seekers in other forms of accommodation\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-zero-figure\\\”:\\\”There were no asylum seekers in other forms of accommodation in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_other-comparand\\\”:\\\”the average for a UK council with asylum seekers in non-hotel accommodation, if you calculated it as a share of its population\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-uk-figures\\\”:\\\”{{number}} of {{total}} councils across the UK have asylum seekers in non-hotel accommodation\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25656669?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25656669\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map-alt\\\”:\\\”A map of which local authorities in the UK use HMOs or other accommodation types to house asylum seekers. 321 of 361 local authorities are using hotels as of June 2026.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How many people apply for asylum in the UK?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”A total of {{claims.value}} people applied for asylum in the UK from {{claims.period}}. This {{claims.change}} same period in the previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25573132?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25573132\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people applying for asylum in the UK, including main applicants and dependents, from July to June in the years 2002 to 2026. In the 12 months to June 2002, there were 75,668 claims. By 2005, this figure had more than halved. Applications hovered under or around 40,000 until 2022, when they reached 88,213. Levels swelled to around 100,000 in 2023, 2024 and 2025. From July 2025 to June 2026 there were 85,891 asylum applications.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”320\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”Most people who arrive in the UK by small boat claim asylum, but they were only {{smallBoats.percent}} of all asylum seekers from {{smallBoats.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”The rest include people who arrived by other illegal means or who came to the UK legally and applied for asylum while holding, or just after holding, a valid visa.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__header\\\”:\\\”How big is the asylum backlog?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”It can take years for the government to decide whether someone should be granted asylum.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”In {{initialBacklogPeople.period}}, {{initialBacklogPeople.value}} people – across {{initialBacklogApplications.value}} asylum applications – were waiting for an initial decision. The number of people awaiting an initial decision {{initialBacklogPeople.change}} previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”As of {{appealsBacklog.period}}, a further {{appealsBacklog.value}} refused asylum applications were part of a second backlog, waiting the outcome of an appeal in the courts. This {{appealsBacklog.change}} previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Together, these initial decision and appeal cases form the government’s total asylum applications backlog, [which it has pledged to clear](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo).\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25616291?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25616291\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A stacked bar chart of applications awaiting a first decision and appeals caseload at first-tier tribunal, by quarter from, June 2015 to June 2026 The backlog increased from around 25,000 in 2015 to around 180,000 in 2023. This was largely due to more applications awaiting an initial decision. Since 2023, the number of applicants awaiting an initial decision has declined, but the appeals caseload has widened. In June 2026 there were 32,401 initial decisions and 90,341 appeals.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”450\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”384\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”Refugee status was granted in about {{initialBacklogDecisions.percent}} of asylum decisions made by the Home Office from {{initialBacklogDecisions.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-6\\\”:\\\”About {{appealsBacklogDecisions.percent}} of asylum appeal cases concluded between {{appealsBacklogDecisions.period}} resulted in a previous refusal decision being overturned.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__include-title\\\”:\\\”Returns and deportations from the UK\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people are returned or deported from the UK?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The government requires people who are in the UK, but no longer have permission to live or work in the country, to leave.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”This is called a return and can happen voluntarily or involuntarily.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”People can lose the right to be in the UK for different reasons, such as a visa expiring, an asylum claim being refused, or by receiving a criminal conviction that results in deportation.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”There were {{returns.value}} returns from {{returns.period}}. This {{returns.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”That number of returns is equivalent to about {{emigration.percent}} of total emigration from the UK from {{emigration.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Who is returned from the UK?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Of all returns from {{smallBoatReturns.period}}:\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”- {{offenderReturns.value}} had been convicted of a criminal offence\\\\n- {{asylumReturns.value}} had lodged an asylum claim at some point\\\\n- {{smallBoatReturns.value}} had arrived in the UK by small boat\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”People from {{nationalityReturns.top}} made up {{nationalityReturns.percent}} of all returns from {{nationalityReturns.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25609746?2496655\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25609746\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries by number of returns from the UK, from July 2025 to June 2026. The countries and their figures are as follows: India: 10,859, Brazil: 5,559, Albania: 3,901, Romania: 2,065, and Nigeria: 1,528\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”What is the ‘one in, one out’ deal with France?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The UK is [trialing a scheme with France](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/ckg653r06jgo) to return people who arrived in the country on a small boat.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”For every person the UK sends back to France, the UK will accept an equal number of asylum seekers.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”This is called the \\\\\\\”one in, one out\\\\\\\” deal. As of {{oneInOneOut.period}}, {{oneInOneOut.value}} people have been returned through this arrangement.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__header\\\”:\\\”How do people leave the UK under immigration control?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Returns can happen in different ways. \\\\\\\”Enforced returns\\\\\\\”, which includes deportations, means the government arranges transport to return people to a different country. In some cases, people are escorted by officers.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”All other returns are \\\\\\\”voluntary\\\\\\\”. This means a person has agreed to leave and may receive government help with travel and other costs to help facilitate the return.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”Some people classed as leaving the country voluntarily do so completely independently and without [any government knowledge or involvement](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/clyw8jw11jwo).\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Independent returns made up {{independentReturns.percent}} of the total from {{independentReturns.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25575553?2496655\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25575553\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A stacked area chart of the number of immigration returns from the UK each quarter. The area is segmented by the type of return: government involved or independent. Independent includes those who left the country without telling authorities and were discovered later. Excludes those denied entry at a port. The chart covers each quarter from March 2015 to June 2026. In 2015, returns per quarter hovered around 11,000. Returns decreased throughout the latter half of the decade and in the pandemic; total returns were around 2000 in 2020. Independent and government-involved returns, however, have since increased. In the quarter ending June 2026 there were 6,769 government involved returns and 2,808 independent returns.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”416\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”368\\\”,\\\”visas__include-title\\\”:\\\”Visas for legal migration\\\”,\\\”visas__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How do people come to the UK legally?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Most people who come to the UK do so legally, after being granted a visa before they travel.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”A visa gives someone permission to enter or stay in the UK for a specific purpose, such as work, study or joining family members.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”There were {{entryVisas.value}} people who came to the UK via visas from {{entryVisas.period}}, not including visitors or people transiting through the UK. This {{entryVisas.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”That does not mean all those people travelled to the UK, only that they were approved to do so.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”What are the most common reasons for entry each year?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The most common type of visa people came to the UK on was {{topVisaType.top}}, which made up {{topVisaType.percent}} of all visa entries from {{entryVisas.period}}.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25575781?2496655\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25575781\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the number of visa entries by type of visa from July 2025 to June 2026. The number of visas by type is as follows: Study: 385,974, Work: 234,841, Family: 57,590, and Other: 49,082. For contrast, there were 38,086 entries without permission in the same period.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”450\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”Who gets the most common UK visas?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”People from {{topVisaNationality.top}} were the most common group to come to the UK on {{topVisaType.top}} visas, making up {{topVisaNationality.percent}} of the total.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”Together, people from China and India accounted for nearly half of all study visas. This has been the case for many years.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25610589?2496655\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25610589\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries who receive the most study visas to the UK from July 2025 to June 2026. The countries who receive the most study visas are as follows: China: 87,123, India: 83,962, Nigeria: 33,082, Pakistan: 21,330, and Nepal: 17,151. Figures include both main applicants and dependants.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”country-compare__include-title\\\”:\\\”Migration to Europe\\\”,\\\”country-compare__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people cross to Europe illegally in boats?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The EU and UK monitor the number of people crossing borders in the Mediterranean and English Channel by sea without permission.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”There were {{seaArrivalsEU.value}} sea arrivals to the UK, Greece, Italy, Spain and Cyprus from {{seaArrivalsUK.period}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”Crossings to the UK accounted for about {{seaArrivalsUK.percent}} of the combined total.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Sea arrivals into mainland Europe peaked in 2015, when the UN said [more than a million people](https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/over-one-million-sea-arrivals-reach-europe-2015) crossed the Mediterranean.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25617710?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25617710\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A line chart showing yearly arrivals by sea without permission to European countries from April 2018 to July 2026. Italy has generally had the highest numbers, peaking in March 2024 at around 140,000. Greece, Spain, and the UK have fluctuated around 50,000 a year. Cyprus has remained lower than 8,000 throughout.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”448\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”416\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”How many people apply for asylum in Europe?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The top three countries with the most people claiming asylum from {{asylumClaims.period}} were {{asylumClaims1.value}}, {{asylumClaims2.value}} and {{asylumClaims3.value}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The UK ranked at number {{asylumClaims.rank}} for asylum claims over the same period when compared with 26 other European countries with populations over one million.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”When adjusted for population size, the UK ranks at number {{asylumClaimsRate.rank}} for asylum applications per 100,000 people.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25996564?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25996564\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of European countries with the highest asylum applicants per 100,000 residents from January 2025 to December 2025. Applications includes dependents. Only EU+ countries with a population of over a million were and that include asylum and refugee figures in migration data were included.The top five countries and their rate of asylum application per 100,000 residents are as follows: Greece, ranked first: 532, Spain, ranked second: 290, Switzerland, ranked third: 261, Ireland, ranked fourth: 243, and Belgium, ranked fifth: 233. The UK, also shown, ranks ninth, with 145 asylum applicants per 100,000\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”496\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”448\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How does net migration compare across Europe?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Net migration measures the overall change in a country’s population due to migration over a given period. It is everyone coming into the country (immigration) minus everyone who leaves (emigration).\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The latest available data to compare the UK with other European nations is {{netMigrationEU.period}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”At that point, the countries with the biggest increase in their population were {{netMigrationEU1.value}}, {{netMigrationEU2.value}} and {{netMigrationEU3.value}}, after taking into account the people who left the country, and those who arrived.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”When adjusting for population size, the UK was in position {{netMigrationEU.rank}} for increase in population due to migration, alongside 13 other European countries with comparable data per 100,000 residents.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25702682?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25702682\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top 5 European countries by net migration per 100,000 residents. The countries and figures are as follows: Ireland: 1,308, Spain: 1,288, Switzerland: 926, Netherlands: 658, Norway: 613, and UK: 498. Data from January 2025 to December 2025\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”496\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”448\\\”},\\\”outputs\\\”:[{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”embed\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”core\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”envelope\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”amp\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”news-app\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”syndication\\\”,\\\”photoCaption\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”photoURL\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”hyperlinkCallToAction\\\”:\\\”Click here to see the BBC interactive\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”syndication-enhanced-automated\\\”,\\\”photoCaption\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”photoURL\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”hyperlinkCallToAction\\\”:\\\”Click here to see the BBC interactive\\\”},{\\\”wrapper\\\”:\\\”applenews\\\”,\\\”photoCaption\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”photoURL\\\”:\\\”\\\”,\\\”hyperlinkCallToAction\\\”:\\\”Click or tap here to see 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srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003cimg loading=\\\”eager\\\” src=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” alt=\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people arriving in the UK by small boat each year since 2018. Each bar is split to show arrivals up to 22 Sep and arrivals after that date. Total arrivals by year were as follows: 2018: 299, 2019: 1,843, 2020: 8,462, 2021: 28,526, 2022: 45,755, 2023: 29,437, 2024: 36,816, 2025: 41,472. So far in 2026, 17,784 people have arrived by small boat, as of 22 Sep. This is the fifth highest total for the years shown, by the same point in the year.\\\” width=\\\”100%\\\” height=\\\”\\\” />\\n \\u003c/picture>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__flourish-container hidden hoisted\\\” style=\\\”height: 22rem;\\\” >\\n \\u003cdiv id=\\\”embed\\\” data-height=\\\”100%\\\” class=\\\”flourish-embed flourish-embed-iframe\\\” data-src=\\\”visualisation/28682833?2496655\\\” style=\\\”height: 100%; width: 100%\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”crosshead-cta\\\”>Tap the questions below\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>How many people cross the English Channel in small boats?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>Between 1 January and 22 September 2026, a total of 17,784 people crossed the English Channel by small boat from France. This was down by 45% on the same period the previous year.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>These crossings have become the most common way for people to be detected entering the UK illegally since 2020.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Nearly all those who arrive by small boat claim asylum. Under international law, this means they are allowed to stay in the country while their asylum application is considered.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Small boat arrivals made up 40% of asylum applications between July 2025 to June 2026.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Boats that arrived in the UK from 23 September 2025 to 22 September 2026 carried an average of 67 people. This has more than doubled since 2021.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Experts say \\u003ca href=\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cj9j8r8z90wo\\\” target=\\\”_top\\\”>overcrowding in boats makes crossings riskier\\u003c/a>. At least 84 people died while attempting to cross the Channel in 2024, according to the United Nations (UN).\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>When looking at the scale of small boats crossings, the number of these arrivals is about 5% of the size of total immigration into the UK from January 2025 to December 2025.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>The government has pledged to \\u003ca href=\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo\\\” target=\\\”_top\\\”>“smash the gangs”\\u003c/a> behind these crossings in order to reduce the numbers.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003c/details> \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>Who is arriving in the UK on small boats?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>People from Eritrea accounted for 18% of all arrivals from July 2025 to June 2026.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__fallback\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture\\n sm-picture–ratio-\\n sm-picture–fit-\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cpicture class=\\\”sm-picture__picture\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\”>\\n \\u003csource srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003cimg loading=\\\”eager\\\” src=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” alt=\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries from which the UK receives most arrivals by small boat. The countries and corresponding arrivals detected are as follows: Eritrea with 5,875 arrivals detected, Sudan with 4,191 arrivals detected, Afghanistan with 4,042 arrivals detected, Somalia with 3,901 arrivals detected, and Iran with 3,657 arrivals detected. The figures are for July 2025 to June 2026.\\\” width=\\\”100%\\\” height=\\\”\\\” />\\n \\u003c/picture>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__flourish-container hidden \\\” style=\\\”height: 22rem;\\\” >\\n \\u003cdiv id=\\\”embed\\\” data-height=\\\”100%\\\” class=\\\”flourish-embed flourish-embed-iframe\\\” data-src=\\\”visualisation/25573101?2496655\\\” style=\\\”height: 100%; width: 100%\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cp>In the latest figures covering January 2025 to December 2025, at least 2,335 people who arrived by small boat were found to be potential victims of human trafficking or other forms of modern slavery, according to the Home Office.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003c/details> \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>How else do people stay in the UK without permission?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>Another 4,712 people were detected entering the UK without permission via other methods including hiding in vehicles, travelling on ferries or through airports from July 2025 to June 2026. 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China’s Chengdu Aircraft Corporation continues to press ahead with the development of its ‘J-36’ next-generation tailless heavy tactical jet. Recent flight testing has offered interesting new views of the still-evolving stealthy design from the top and behind, prompting discussion about the aircraft’s features. There has also been talk recently about whether the jet might receive a laser directed-energy weapon at some point in the future.

The J-36 first broke cover, along with another next-generation tailless tactical jet design generally referred to as the J-XDS, back in December of 2024. There are understood to be at least four, and possibly five, J-36 prototypes flying now. A number of significant changes between prototypes have already been observed over the past two years, as you can read more about here.

The most recent video of a J-36 test flight, seen in the social media post below, began circulating online yesterday. The footage shows the aircraft coming in to land, providing good general views of the uniquely three-engined jet with its two-seat, side-by-side cockpit configuration, especially from the rear aspect. What is seen underscores a previously observed total revision of the exhausts from a trough style to a two-dimensional thrust-vectoring configuration akin to what is found on the U.S. F-22 Raptor. This and other significant changes to the design, including the addition of divertless supersonic intakes (DSIs) all around, not just on top, first emerged last year. The clip also offers a good reminder of just how wide the aircraft is overall.

Obviously one of the best video recordings of the J-36 so far seen during landing approach … But can anyone read the number under the cockpit? 😉 https://t.co/cmQ0AkdsdO

— @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) September 22, 2026

As this particular J-36 passes by, it can be seen to have a lighter-colored radome, as well as at least one relatively large lighter-colored section on top of the dorsal air intake. A similarly colored radome was first spotted on what is said to be the fourth prototype back in July. This coloring could point to the installation of actual radar in the aircraft’s nose. In TWZ‘s first in-depth analysis of the J-36 back in 2024, we assessed that the jet’s very broad radome area could house an absolutely massive primary array.

The lighter section on top of the fuselage could be an aperture for a conformal antenna tied to a beyond-line-of-sight communications and data-sharing suite. In 2024, we posited that the heavyweight J-36 could serve as an intelligence-gathering and communications relay platform in addition to performing tasks more typically associated with tactical combat jets. Reliable and multi-faceted connectivity would be key for employing the J-36 as an airborne controller for advanced air combat drones, as well.

Another J-36 flight testing video that emerged on Monday, seen below, offers an additional view of the top of the jet, showing multiple lighter-colored sections that would appear to be additional conformal apertures for various antennas. There is a lighter-colored rectangular outline painted around part of the intake on top of the center of the fuselage, as well. The jet’s full paint scheme includes lighter-colored leading and trailing edges, which are critical structures on low-observable (stealthy) designs that often contain additional antenna arrays. Overall, the two-tone coloring is very much in line with what is seen on operational J-20 fighters in Chinese service today. The original J-36 prototype, at least, has notably worn a splinter-type camouflage paint scheme.

China’s J-36 sixth-gen fighter asserting its dominance in the sky.

My prediction, the J-36 will gain initial operational capability before the American F-47 take its maiden flight. pic.twitter.com/SLmjqZ76Aw

— Zhao DaShuai 东北进修🇨🇳 (@zhao_dashuai) September 21, 2026

Whether or not the two recent video clips show the same J-36 prototype is unclear. The possibility has now been raised that Chengdu may be using a single serial number (36011) on at least some of the J-36 prototypes, a decision that could have been made for counter-intelligence and/or deliberate misinformation/disinformation purposes.

Much still remains unknown about the current or expected future capabilities of the J-36. Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC) did have a placard at its booth at the 14th China International Defence Electronics Exhibition earlier this month that has prompted questions about whether the jet could be equipped with a laser directed-energy weapon. Chengdu falls under the umbrella of AVIC, which is a state-run enterprise. The Chinese-language placard in question describes a “laser weapon tracking system” with a power rating of “*00” kilowatts and a weight of “less than” 837.7 pounds (380 kilograms), per a machine translation. The way the power rating is written appears to mean that it is in the hundreds of kilowatts, which would put it firmly in a class capable of doing physical damage to objects, such as incoming missiles and drones.

Furthermore, an associated graphic shows a turreted system and a computer-generated rendering of a J-36 projecting a beam. The render appears to be from a video that depicts a J-36 using a laser to destroy other aircraft. Another computer-generated video that shows a J-36 using retractable lasers to shoot down incoming missiles has been circulating online since at least last year.

It is not immediately clear how official either of the clips depicting laser-armed J-36s might be, or whether they at all reflect real planned capabilities. The full placard presented at the China International Defence Electronics Exhibition, as seen in the video below, shows a variety of different laser systems, and not just for aerial applications.

The fielding of operational laser directed-energy weapons capable of inflicting any real physical damage has historically proven to be very challenging, and even more so within the size, power-generation, and cooling constraints presented by modern combat jets. As an example, the U.S. Air Force spent roughly a decade working on a podded laser weapon system that tactical jets could use to swat down incoming missiles under its Self-protect High Energy Laser Demonstrator (SHiELD) program. In 2024, the service confirmed SHiELD had “concluded” without achieving its goal of an actual flight test. That same year, the Air Force cancelled plans to test a laser weapon system on an AC-130 gunship.

Despite important U.S. strides more recently when it comes to fielding ground-based and naval laser weapon systems, “there’s nothing that’s on the shelf right now that we are ready to put onto an airplane,” U.S. Air Force Brig. Gen. Douglas Wickert, the commander of the Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL), told TWZ and other outlets just last week at a roundtable at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) 2026 Air, Space & Cyber Conference on Tuesday. “The solid-state lasers and the power density and the different ways that you actually – there’s actually a lot of secret sauce in that. How do you make the beam, and how do you form the beam, and how do you pulse the beam, and all that’s in development.”

‘There’s development of the laser itself, but now the power and thermal management system has progressed so much that we can provide the power needed,” Dr. Michael Gregg, head of AFRL’s Air Warfare Directorate, said at the same roundtable. “We’ve also had new designs and engines that we know have the power … to direct that power in certain areas. So, from a system perspective, it’s much more feasible because everything has matured over the last decade.”

China has certainly made substantial investments of its own in laser and other directed-energy weapon capabilities across domains in recent years, and this is clearly an area of interest for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), in general. When it comes to the J-36 specifically, TWZ has explicitly highlighted in the past how the three-engine configuration could be particularly useful for producing sufficient power to support a host of advanced and electricity-hungry sensors and other capabilities, including directed energy weapons.

Larger questions remain about the exact set of roles the J-36 is expected to fill, as well. The basic design is certainly optimized for straight-line performance, combat radius, and payload rather than maneuverability and agility. The jet has already caused a significant amount of debate just when it comes to taxonomy, as it does not seem to fit inside traditional definitions of ‘fighters’ and ‘bombers,’ something we have explored in detail previously.

“According to Yang Wei – chief designer of the J-20 –, the new [J-36] fighter can penetrate heavily defended airspace that the J-20 and comparable F-22s or F-35s must avoid, placing it a generation ahead,” Andreas Rupprecht, an analyst specializing in Chinese military aviation and TWZ contributor, wrote in a post on LinkedIn last week. “With lower RCS [radar cross section], high speed, and the capacity to control more drones, it could act as a node and command center for systems including J-20s and, especially, unmanned aircraft, while attacking high-value targets from stand-off range with long-range weapons.”

“The type could therefore represent a new class of ‘fighter,’” he added. “Online terms include ‘theater-level deep-penetration command combat aircraft’ and ‘high-performance fighter,’ analogous to a cruiser ranking above a destroyer within the Navy. Recent evidence gives this theory new weight and warrants continued monitoring.”

The J-36, as well as the J-XDS, reflect a larger burst of next-generation air combat developments in China in recent years. This includes an array of new crewed and uncrewed aircraft designed for operations from bases on land, as well as from the PLA Navy’s (PLAN) growing fleet of aircraft carriers and big-deck amphibious assault ships. The Chinese aviation industry’s development of a growing array of flying-wing uncrewed aircraft, some of which are very large, has been particularly notable.

In turn, there is something of an emerging gap between these developments and the pace at which the U.S. military is moving along similar lines, at least publicly. Boeing’s sixth-generation F-47 for the U.S. Air Force is not expected to take to the skies for the first time until 2028, though preceding demonstrator designs have been flying for years already. The U.S. Navy still has yet to officially announce a winner of its F/A-XX next-generation carrier-based fighter competition, and the current timeline for that program producing an operational aircraft is unclear.

As an aside, based on what has emerged publicly to date, there are signs that the F-47 may reflect a distinctly different design philosophy that puts greater emphasis on maneuverability compared to the J-36, and even likely the J-XDS. As mentioned, the J-36 certainly seems much more focused on payload, range, and level flight performance. In July, TWZ published a deep dive exploring why the U.S. Air Force would pursue a sixth-generation fighter with rear-swept wings, canards, and other features despite steady trends in the opposite direction visible in Chinese designs and ones elsewhere globally.

Regardless, U.S. officials have downplayed questions about China’s gaining ground in the air combat arena, or even surging into the lead in certain areas, in the past. “Chinese sixth-generation aircraft are in the nascent stages of development and expected to be operational by 2035,” the Pentagon wrote in its most recent annual report on military and security developments in China, which was published in December 2025.

In the meantime, the J-36’s design is already steadily being refined, and the total fleet of prototypes has been growing, offering new insights into the aircraft’s expected capabilities and roles.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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