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Michael Carrick’s team continues its forgettable season with a 4-4 defeat at Old Trafford in front of angry home fans.

Manchester United pulled off a dramatic late comeback to earn a 4-4 draw against Aston Villa in front of their angry home fans amid a torrid time at the Premier League club.

United conceded two goals within the first four minutes of the high-stakes fixture at Old Trafford in Manchester on Sunday, but fought back with two stoppage-time goals and shared the spoils.

The 13-time Premier League champions remain in the relegation zone in the Premier League table, sitting in 18th place with eight points from 10 games. But their manager Michael Carrick will breathe a sigh of relief after avoiding a fifth loss and will again hope to avoid getting sacked.

Carrick was seconds away from heading into the international break on the back of another devastating defeat that would surely have led to his dismissal.

But United struck twice in the six minutes of additional time through Joshua Zirkzee and Patrick Dorgu to leave their manager’s future open to question.

He had earned a stay of execution when United’s hierarchy allowed him to remain in charge despite last weekend’s loss at Chelsea.

United responded by ending a nine-match winless run in all competitions as they came from two goals down to beat Roma 3-2 in the Champions League on Tuesday.

But Man United, who have only three wins in 15 games this season, were back in turmoil when they quickly went 2-0 down.

Alysson struck in the first minute with a shot that squirmed under keeper Senne Lammens.

Nicolas Jackson slotted in the second three minutes later after a weak save from Lammens pushed the ball into his path.

Bruno Fernandes got one back with a 16th-minute penalty after Boubacar Kamara fouled Matheus Cunha, before former Villa midfielder Youri Tielemans slammed in United’s 44th-minute equaliser.

Villa’s John McGinn converted a 48th-minute penalty following Diogo Dalot’s clumsy challenge on Alysson.

Leon Goretzka poked in Villa’s fourth from close-range after United’s Leny Yoro headed against his own crossbar in the 53rd minute.

Yet Zirkzee’s stoppage-time finish gave United hope and Dorgu headed their dramatic equaliser in the final seconds after a weak punch from Villa keeper Zion Suzuki.

Carrick wore a bewildered look on his face as he walked down the tunnel with United next in action at Liverpool on November 22.

Chelsea lose at Sunderland

Chelsea arrived at the Stadium of Light hoping to bolster their bid to qualify for the Champions League via a top-four finish.

Instead, they departed red-faced after an embarrassing loss to third-bottom Sunderland, who celebrated a league victory for only the second time this season.

Fifth-placed Chelsea have already been beaten four times in 10 league matches under former Real Madrid boss Xabi Alonso.

Chelsea were rocked in the 36th minute when Enzo Le Fee converted a penalty after Brian Brobbey was up-ended by Levi Colwill.

“We were not creating enough chances in the final third against the low block. We were not controlling and sustaining the attack there,” Alonso said.

Liverpool back to winning ways

Liverpool got back on track with a 3-1 win at lowly Crystal Palace.

The Reds had been beaten by Arsenal and Fenerbahce before arriving in south London, prompting pointed questions about Andoni Iraola in the former Bournemouth manager’s first season in charge.

But Alexis Mac Allister headed Liverpool in front from Dominik Szoboszlai’s cross after 40 minutes.

Florian Wirtz bagged Liverpool’s second with a composed finish from Bradley Barcola’s cross in the 54th minute.

Alexander Isak finished off Wirtz’s pass in the 89th minute to wrap up fourth-placed Liverpool’s much-needed victory after a two-game losing streak.

“It was an important win for us going into the international break after the week we’ve had,” Iraola said.

Eddie Nketiah’s stoppage-time penalty after a foul by Milos Kerkez was no consolation for Palace.

Israel’s president officially tasks the opposition leader with forming a new government.

Israel’s opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot, the man officially tasked by President Isaac Herzog with trying to form the country’s next government, has said that he was open to including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in his coalition lineup.

In a speech at Sunday’s ceremony in Herzog’s office in Jerusalem, Eisenkot suggested Netanyahu’s far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich was also welcome to join.

“If members of Likud and the Religious Zionist Party truly believe this is a time for unity, as they told the president, I cannot conceive of any reason why they would not support a government under my leadership and the principles I have presented,” Eisenkot said.

Eisenkot, who ran as Netanyahu’s main rival, has six weeks to form a new government. At the ceremony, Eisenkot said he will act in the interests of the public and represent all parts of Israeli society.

Herzog, meanwhile, warned that the country faced uncertainties after the November 3 midterm elections in the United States, which brought victories for several political figures critical of Israel and the US’s military support.

“The State of Israel needs a stable government,” Herzog said, pointing to the “new political reality” in the US.

Eisenkot led Israel’s military from 2015 to 2019 and sat as an observer in Netanyahu’s war cabinet for the first eight months of Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, which began in October 2023.

Despite this, Arab-led parties endorsed Eisenkot for the mandate to replace Netanyahu.

In Israel’s October 27 elections, Eisenkot’s four-party alliance won 48 seats, while Netanyahu’s right-wing and religious bloc secured 53, leaving both short of the 61 needed for a parliamentary majority. Arab-led parties, representing Palestinian citizens of Israel, won a record 19 seats.

Eisenkot has ruled out forming a government with the Arab-led parties, which would give him a 67-seat bloc. Winning over the two ultra-Orthodox parties, United Torah Judaism and Shas, would give him exactly 61 seats.

He could also form a government with fewer than 61 seats if he wins a parliamentary confidence vote.

“Netanyahu still has time to derail Gadi Eisenkot’s efforts to form a government and sabotage attempts to gain a vote of confidence,” said Al Jazeera’s Nour Odeh, reporting from Ramallah, in the occupied West Bank.

“In the meantime, he remains caretaker prime minister. If Eisenkot fails, Netanyahu would be the natural second in line to be tasked with forming a government. And if he fails, elections would then be called, and that would still allow Netanyahu to remain as caretaker.

“Many of Netanyahu’s critics say that is his aim. The big question in Israeli politics now is: does the opposition really want to get rid of Netanyahu? Or is the opposition to Palestinian Israelis in mainstream politics so strong that they’re willing to risk keeping Netanyahu in power by going back to the ballot box?”

Diwali, the festival of lights, is being celebrated across India and among its vast diaspora, marking one of the most important days of the year for Hindus.

More than one billion people of different faiths take part in the celebrations in the world’s most populous nation, gathering for prayers, family reunions and the lighting of fireworks.

The name Diwali comes from “Deepavali”, meaning “a row of lights”, and many families place clay oil lamps outside their homes to symbolise the triumph of light over darkness and knowledge over ignorance.

The festival follows the Hindu lunar calendar and usually falls in late October or early November. This year, Diwali is marked on November 8.

While Diwali is rooted in Hindu tradition, it is also observed by Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists, with regional origin stories that share a common theme – the victory of good over evil.

Celebrations often include feasting, new clothes, rangoli floor designs, and the exchange of sweets and gifts with friends and neighbours.

Abed Abou Shhadeh says his detention was part of Israel’s political measures ‘to indimidate Arab society as a whole’.

Israeli authorities have released Palestinian journalist Abed Abou Shhadeh after detaining him for five days without charge.

Speaking after his release, Abou Shhadeh said on Sunday that his detention was part of “political measures” intended not only for him “but to intimidate Arab society as a whole”.

“In my view, the most appropriate response is to reaffirm among ourselves that we are on the right side, that our path is the path of truth,” he said, adding that he would continue his work as a journalist.

Abou Shhadeh was held in a Shin Bet intelligence facility in Petah Tikva, on the outskirts of Tel Aviv, after being detained on Tuesday on suspicion of “contact with a foreign agent”.

He was suspected of receiving money from foreign sources in order to support Israel’s Arab voters, according to the legal rights group Adalah, which is part of his defence team.

The accusation came after Abou Shhadeh, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, spoke on the al-Midan podcast for the Arab48 website and appeared as an analyst on Al Jazeera.

He addressed topics similar to those discussed in Israeli media outlets, according to Hadeel Abu Salih, his legal counsel and a human rights lawyer with Adalah.

“It was obvious from the first day, from Thursday, that the police doesn’t have, any evidence in this context,” Abu Salih said. All of the suspicion relied on a public conversation he had with Palestinian intellectual Azmi Bishara when he was in Qatar.

“This is now being criminalised only because the speakers are Palestinians,” Abu Salih said. “Or when Palestinians are asking to analyse their political reality. The Israeli system turned that discussion and analysis into a criminal suspicion.”

“They were trying to say that he’s not a journalist, that he’s a political counsel.”

The lawyer said Abou Shhadeh was arrested in the middle of the night on Tuesday after 15 Israeli security officers raided his home in Jaffa and confiscated personal belongings, such as electronic devices and books, in front of his two children.

‘Campaign against the votes of… Palestinians’

His five-day detention was “part of the campaign against the votes of the Arabs and Palestinians in Israel”, Adalah founder Hassan Jabareen told Al Jazeera.

Jabareen said Israel sought to “delegitimise their votes” by the claims against Abou Shhadeh.

“He travelled to Doha as a journalist … he came back as a journalist. But he was arrested as an Arab political person,” Jabareen said. “They tried to use him in order to say that Arabs use illegal [means] in their political participation in the Israeli elections.”

As the threat of renewed war grows, Washington is expanding efforts to choke Tehran’s military supply networks, including through Task Force Iron Gate – a unit targeting land routes and the Caspian Sea.

With it, the US military ⁠⁠⁠⁠is trying to prevent Iran from using ground routes to transport advanced weapons and other materials, the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced on Saturday.

The same day, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced ambitious plans for underground complexes capable of sustaining missile and drone production under bombardment. That announcement came amid reports of ongoing construction near Iranian missile bases, based on satellite imagery and previous claims by Tehran that US strikes failed to destroy its underground facilities.

Here’s what we know about the US task force:

What is the purpose of the task force?

Task Force Iron Gate will aim to find out where “weapons systems are coming in, how they could potentially be cut off” and how “Iran is transporting its energy”, Michael Mulroy, a former US deputy assistant defence secretary for the Middle East, told Al Jazeera.

It expands on the US blockade of Iranian ports to cover Iran’s land borders and the Caspian Sea and will reportedly be run by 20 civilian and military personnel.

Iran shares borders with seven countries – Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Pakistan Turkiye and Turkmenistan.

Based in Tampa, Florida, the unit will coordinate with other US government agencies “on preventing the movement of advanced weapons systems, dual-use technologies, sanctioned materials and illegal revenue streams across Iran’s land borders and the Caspian Sea”, CENTCOM said. Task Force Iron Gate will reinforce “the success of our ironclad blockade against Iran at sea”, CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper said.

If US President Donald Trump ramps up the war, there will likely be attacks on this “series of targets”, said Mulroy.

“Unlike Operation Epic Fury, which primarily (focused) on military targets, I think these targets will be focused on economic and infrastructure targets, as part of this comprehensive plan to cut the regime off from its ability to fight and ability to fund itself,” Mulroy said. “It’s primarily a coordination body that’s looking for how the US can increase its economic strangulation strategy by going after the ground routes as they’ve already covered a majority of the maritime routes.”

The IRGC dismissed the US military plan as “just a play on words”.

“The Americans cannot achieve their goal through this, which is to apply severe economic pressure to collapse and disintegrate the Iranian economy,” said IRGC spokesman Sardar Mohebi, as reported by the Fars news agency.

Washington previously “claimed that Iran will suffer an economic collapse within two weeks, but we witnessed that this did not happen”, he added.

Is the task force a response to reports of Russia-Iran weapons ties?

While CENTCOM’s announcement did not explicitly identify Iran’s weapons trade with Russia, analysts say the unit could be seen as an attempt to disrupt supply networks that include Russian connections.

US media have reported that Russia has sent drone components and explosives to Iran via the Caspian Sea. There are also claims that Russian technology could be helping Iran develop advanced supersonic cruise missiles.

Mahjoob Zweiri, a professor of contemporary history and politics at Qatar University, told Al Jazeera that reports of military equipment imported via Russia are a “real concern” for the United States.

The task force therefore could “cause a confrontation with Russia”, he said.

Rami Khouri, a public policy fellow at the American University of Beirut and a non-resident senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, said of the new unit: “The US really doesn’t quite know what to do about Iran as we’ve seen, and it’s doing things off the cuff” – a strategy that has led to little success.

Can the US really choke off Iran’s supply lines?

Khouri pointed to Iran’s history as a trading nation for thousands of years as evidence that the US mission is near impossible.

“There’s an enormous web of contacts that Iran has had for thousands of years with traders and partners and allies all over the region, especially in Asia –  it’s virtually impossible for the US to seal off every one,” he said.

While the US can impose a blockade or sanctions on Iran, it cannot control the behaviour of everyone from the Russians, to the Chinese, to the Emiratis and beyond, said the analyst.

“There are people all over the region who have links with Iran, some very close, some just commercial,” he said.

A lot of the materials that go into Iran’s weapons systems are bought from some other countries, – some even from the US or Europeans – and then they are channelled through companies in Asia, Khouri added.

Could this change the course of the war?

Former Trump aide and top counterterrorism official Joe Kent, who resigned in March due to the US’s war on Iran, said the new task force is an attempt by CENTCOM to subvert ongoing diplomatic efforts.

“This is CENTCOM inviting Iran to escalate while the vice president is attempting to negotiate with the Iranians,” Kent posted on X. “This is, as CENTCOM calls it, ‘policy by CONOP’, when the military finds a way to subvert the White House without blatantly disobeying the President, by taking actions that will ensure a war escalates or perpetuates.”

According to The Wall Street Journal, CENTCOM chief Cooper is among the many officials, alongside Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, pressing Trump to renew attacks on Iran.

The task force may also just be symbolic because the US has no military presence on the Caspian Sea, said Zweiri.

“America has no access to the sea, unless some of the neighbouring countries like Azerbaijan or Armenia or others collaborate [with them] … And they’re not collaborating on this because they don’t want to upset Russia,” he said. “It will require … troops on the ground, and this is unlikely to happen.”

Zweiri also said that the Caspian Sea’s contribution to Iran’s economy is just 11 percent, so the task force’s actions won’t have much negative impact on Tehran.

Al Jazeera could not independently verify this figure but the Caspian Sea accounts for only a fraction of Iran’s overall maritime trade, according to the Soufan Center based in New York City.

For Samoa, a second successive World Cup ends in defeat by Australia, after being beaten 30-10 in the final four years ago.

The two nations have met six times, with Australia winning all six.

But this one hurt more. Samoa clearly felt they could win, as their ultra-aggressive Siva Tau war dance pre-match proved – getting right in the Australian faces, even forehead to forehead in some cases.

But they were aggrieved by some debatable refereeing decisions, including two disallowed tries – Crichton in the first half, then Hamiso Tabuai-Fidow denied with 10 minutes to go after contact between Manuleleua and Liam Martin was deemed illegal.

It bubbled over shortly before the break, when Spencer Leniu was sin-binned for dissent by Australian referee Adam Gee.

“You guys saw the game. You report on it,” was Samoa coach Ben Gardiner’s terse response to questions about the decisions.

On whether his side cost themselves with a lack of discipline, he said: “I’m not quite sure.

“On the back of some of the penalties that were given, we just didn’t react very well. There was one thing into another and then a try. It made it difficult to be able to fight back from that.

“And then to be down by 18 points, 20 points at half-time, to chase back from that… I thought we did well in the second half to fight back.

“But then again, we scored a try and gave up another one straight away. We bounced off too many tackles in that early period, missed too many tackles in the game in general.

“That had nothing to do with the emotion. That’s a Test match, that’s what you do. It’s physical, there’s push and shove, stand your ground.”

About 850,000 people lose power after Russian attacks on energy infrastructure in Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk and Kharkiv.

More than 600,000 people in Ukraine’s eastern Dnipropetrovsk region are without electricity after a Russian overnight attack on an energy facility, a Ukrainian energy provider has said.

Residents across the Pavlohrad, Samarivskyi, Kamianske and Dnipro districts, as well as the city of Dnipro, faced electricity outages on Sunday, power company DTEK wrote in a Telegram post.

Engineers were at the scene attempting to restore the damaged facility, but “repairs are being complicated by repeated attacks”, DTEK said.

Ukraine is bracing for yet another harsh winter of war as Russia ramps up daily aerial attacks, raining down drones and missiles on the power network.

Another 250,000 Ukrainians were left without power in the Kharkiv region in northeastern Ukraine on Sunday after Russia struck an infrastructure facility there.

“No casualties have been reported, ” said Mykola Baksheyev, mayor of Zlatopil city, on Telegram.

“Power engineers are currently working to repair the damage; however, the exact timeframe for restoring the electricity supply remains unknown.”

The attacks came a day after Ukraine’s Ministry of Energy said a massive attack on energy facilities had plunged residents in five regions into darkness and significantly hampered electricity transmission in Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has accused Russia of intensifying attacks to put pressure on Kyiv at United States-brokered trilateral talks in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, scheduled for Tuesday and Wednesday.

Russia’s Ministry of Defence stated on its Telegram channel that its forces will “continue to carry out strikes against Ukrainian fuel and energy infrastructure facilities” that they say are used to aid the Ukrainian military.

Disagreements between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) over the formation of a new government have led to the threat of two rival administrations emerging in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, analysts say.

The dispute between the two dominant political forces in the semiautonomous Kurdistan Regional Government, which traditionally has operated under a power-sharing agreement, escalated after a parliamentary session was held last week in Erbil without the PUK’s participation.

PUK leader Bafel Talabani responded by withdrawing his party from the government, and a threat is growing that a rival administration could be formed in the party’s Sulaimaniyah base.

Independent Kurdish politician Yasin Aziz said the latest developments have deepened the historical divisions between the KDP and PUK.

“I believe the spectre of two administrations in Kurdistan is now very close, and the outlines of such a scenario are becoming clear. … The events have been painful and rapid. The differences between the two parties were significant and have now led to a breakdown in relations,” Aziz told Al Jazeera.

“There had been hopes that the two sides would reach an agreement, but activating parliament without the PUK deepened the divisions between the KDP and PUK.”

The KDP, which is led by Massoud Barzani, is the biggest party in the region, and its strongholds are in Erbil and Dohuk.

Two powers

Since the first Gulf War in 1990 and 1991 and the establishment of a US-led “no-fly zone” in northern Iraq, Iraq’s Kurds have largely governed themselves, separate from the national government in Baghdad.

The Iraqi Constitution enacted after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq recognised the northern Kurdish region as a federal entity with its own legislative, executive and judicial powers.

There is a historical precedent for the possible separation of powers in this region between two rival authorities. When a conflict erupted between elements of the KDP and PUK in the 1990s, the two parties formed separate local governments in Erbil and Sulaimaniyah, respectively.

While there have been no recent violent flare-ups between the two parties, political distrust remains deep.

During the sixth parliamentary elections in the region on October 20, 2024, the KDP won 39 seats and the PUK 23. This left a 16-seat gap between the two parties.

But the KDP’s ability to form a new government was still dependent on reaching an agreement with the PUK and other parties, such as the New Generation Movement, which secured 15 seats in the last election.

The PUK has so far refused to collaborate, so after a two-year wait, the KDP reactivated the regional parliament on Wednesday without its rivals.

Divisions but no conflict

Although the rivalry between the two parties is longstanding, Aziz argued that the current crisis is more serious and deeply rooted than previous political disputes.

“Given the political stubbornness of both parties, I do not expect an agreement or understanding to be reached soon,” he said. “Both sides must make concessions to each other. The party willing to make greater concessions will demonstrate greater concern for the Kurdistan region.”

Aziz was clear in laying blame for the deepening divide.

“The responsibility for deepening this conflict lies with the leaderships of Kurdistan’s two main parties,” he said. “Their failure to recognise the risks posed by continuing these disputes is one of the reasons we have reached this point.”

Subhi Mandalawi, a member of the KDP, blamed the current impasse on the refusal of the PUK to form a new government with the KDP.

“Following the Kurdistan parliamentary elections, the PUK delayed the formation of the new government. They were counting on the KDP being unable to secure the legal quorum needed to convene a parliamentary session,” Mandalawi told Al Jazeera. “But we held a parliamentary session without the PUK in 2018 as well, and they subsequently joined the government and parliament.”

Mandalawi insisted that the door remains open for the PUK and other political parties but warned that prolonged divisions would lead to deeper problems for the Kurdish region.

“Continuing to obstruct legislative institutions two years after the elections is unacceptable and harms the Kurdistan region domestically, regionally and internationally,” he said.

“Threatening to divide the Kurdistan region is a hasty, ill-considered and unrealistic decision. No party leader can take such a step, and the PUK would be the biggest loser if it went ahead with it.”

Despite the differences, there is little risk of a return to conflict between the two parties. “We are brothers, and there can be no fighting among us,” Mandalawi said.

Separation threats

Mahmood Khoshnaw, a senior PUK official, said the KDP’s decision to convene parliament without his party has worsened political tensions in the region.

“Activating parliament without the PUK represents a departure from the principle of partnership and from political realities, and there will be consequences. If a prime minister is appointed in Erbil, we will take the same step in Sulaimaniyah. Whatever the KDP does, we will do the same in Sulaimaniyah,” Khoshnaw warned.

“The situation in the Kurdistan region is heading towards chaos unless the crisis is addressed rationally and realistically. Activating parliament without reaching an understanding with the PUK has had a negative impact on relations between the two parties.”

Despite this, there are questions about whether Sulaimaniyah could legally separate from the Kurdish regional government.

Ramadan Albadran, an independent political analyst and constitutional affairs expert, said the dispute is not a constitutional issue about the KDP’s convening of parliament but a deep political crisis with the potential to create security repercussions for the region.

The Iraqi constitution also provides no mechanism for dividing the region into zones of influence between the KDP and PUK.

“If the PUK moves to separate Sulaimaniyah from the Kurdistan region, that would not be a legal or constitutional act,” Albadran said.

“If it takes place without a mandate from the elected Kurdistan Regional Government, it would be closer to an act of rebellion since there is no legal provision permitting withdrawal from or the dismantling of a region in this manner.”

The Sierra Nevada Corporation (SNC) has decided not to propose its Freedom Jet design for the U.S. Navy’s Undergraduate Jet Training System (UJTS) competition. The field of contenders for UJTS, which aims to find a replacement for the aging T-45 Goshawk jet trainer, has narrowed significantly already this year. The Beechcraft M-346N, put forward by U.S. firm Textron and Italy’s Leonardo, is now the only known major design left in the running.

SNC’s decision on UJTS was first reported by Breaking Defense and has since been further confirmed by Aviation Week. In September, Northrop Grumman had announced it was dropping out of its partnership with SNC on the Freedom Jet proposal. General Atomics has also been named in the past as being part of this team. The Navy’s deadline for bids for its jet trainer competition had come up on October 30. The service’s stated goal has been to acquire 216 new trainers to replace the just under 200 T-45s that are in its inventory today.

Freedom Family of Training Systems (FoTS)

“With great respect for the Navy and PMA-273, SNC could not responsibly bid the UJTS program under the current contract structure,” SNC said in a statement to Breaking Defense. “We do remain committed to naval jet training and stand ready to re-engage if the approach is revisited.”

Textron Aviation Defense separately confirmed to that outlet that it submitted the M-346N, a navalized version of the Leonardo-developed M-346 Master advanced jet trainer, and said that it was “ready to support the U.S. Navy and its future training needs.”

TWZ previously flew aboard the M-346, providing a firsthand look at the aircraft Textron is pitching to the service.

M-346 Jet Trainer Walk-Around Tour With Its Test Pilot.

Whether or not any other serious bids have been submitted for UJTS is unknown. What impact SNC’s decision not to put forward a proposal may now have on the competition is unclear. TWZ has reached out to SNC and Textron Aviation Defense, as well as the Navy, for additional details.

“Proposals were due on 30 October 2026,” the Navy’s UJTS program office said in response to our queries. “The Government is in source selection with the intent to award the UJTS procurement in 4QFY27 [the fourth quarter of Fiscal Year 2027].”

A competition that has steadily narrowed

As mentioned, SNC’s announcement follows decisions by several other major aerospace companies to pull out of the running for UJTS.

Lockheed Martin announced in April that it would not submit a proposal for UJTS. The company had previously planned to submit the TF-50N, a navalized version of the T-50 developed with Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI). Neither firm appears to have given a detailed explanation for this decision.

Boeing followed suit in June, saying it would not put forward a proposal due to issues tied to the General Electric F404 turbofan and UJTS engine qualification requirements. The company had been expected to submit a bid involving a version of the T-7A Red Hawk being built now for the U.S. Air Force, which is powered by a single F404.

After Boeing’s announcement, the Navy’s competition looked to be down to just two established teams: Textron and Leonardo with the M-346N, and SNC with its Freedom Jet. It is important to note that the M-346N and Freedom Jet are twin-engine aircraft, while the TF-50N and T-7A are single-engine types. SNC had also been the only one in the running with a clean-sheet design.

Now the field has dwindled to just one major contender, the Textron/Leonardo team, at least that we know of, barring the emergence of a surprise entrant. The Navy has not confirmed how many bids it ultimately received for UJTS. The service could also potentially reopen the UJTS competition or otherwise restructure its T-45 replacement plans.

A changing naval aviation training landscape

Since the early 1990s, the Navy has been using variants of the T-45 Goshawk to train future naval aviators destined to fly tactical jets and other carrier-based aircraft. This includes members of the U.S. Marine Corps and foreign student aviators. The Goshawks are currently the service’s only fast jet trainer aircraft.

Despite having received various upgrades over the years, the T-45 fleet continues to age and has faced significant struggles. This includes a spate of reported hypoxia-like physiological episodes among pilots that led to the development of a new oxygen system. There have been several Goshawk crashes in recent years due to a variety of factors, the most recent of which came just this past May. The pilots of that aircraft involved in that mishap thankfully survived.

As such, there has been a growing imperative to replace the T-45s, which led to the UJTS program. UJTS also reflects broader changes to how future naval aviators are trained.

One of the most significant developments already has been the elimination of carrier qualification requirements, including touch-and-goes and full landings, from the syllabus for students in the tactical air aviator training pipeline. Those individuals can still get carrier qualifications in T-45s, if there is time and space available. There is currently still a carrier qualification requirement for future E-2 Hawkeye pilots and foreign student aviators in order to graduate and earn their coveted wings of gold.

At present, prospective naval aviators training to fly fixed-wing carrier-based aircraft do still have to conduct so-called Field Carrier Landing Practice (FCLP) at facilities ashore. FCLP is structured in such a way that it “simulates, as near as practicable, the conditions encountered during carrier landing operations,” per the Navy.

F-18 Field Carrier Landing Practice (FCLP). Touch-and-Go Landing.

This is all set to change further with the acquisition of new trainers through UJTS. Unlike the T-45, the Navy’s future jet trainers are not required to have features to support full carrier-based operations, touch-and-goes on those ships, or even FCLP training at bases on land.

The Navy’s decision to alter what have long been considered vital aspects of the naval aviator training pipeline has been and continues to be controversial. Concerns and criticisms have been raised about safety and other ramifications of cutting carrier qualification and other requirements.

For its part, the Navy has argued that other modernization efforts have fundamentally changed what is necessary to train naval aviators. The service regularly points to the development of new live, virtual, and constructive training capabilities and associated constructs, as well as assisted carrier landing capabilities, such as Magic Carpet and its successors.

Flight Ready: Magic Carpet

Flight Ready: Live, Virtual, Constructive

The Navy has also said that the changes help move student aviators through training faster, helping to address chronic pilot shortages. There is a cost-benefit argument to be made here, too.

It is important to note here that with Freedom Jet, SNC had made an explicit and deliberate decision to develop an aircraft that could still perform carrier qualifications and FCLP training. The company said it did so to preserve those capabilities and give the Navy flexibility to alter its naval aviator training plans in the future.

The T-45 replacement schedule continues to slip

Beyond the further narrowing of the field of competitors, the UJTS program has already faced delays and other hurdles. The Navy had originally hoped to see its new jet trainers begin entering service in 2028. That schedule subsequently slipped multiple times. The stated plan earlier this year was to at least award the UJTS contract by March 2027. As mentioned earlier, the contract award timeline has now shifted again to sometime in the fourth quarter of the current fiscal cycle, which runs between next July and September.

Earlier this year, the Navy also confirmed that it had increased the total cost ceiling for the prospective UJTS contract from approximately $1.8 billion to $2.7 billion. “The cost structure has raised concerns as the Navy has detailed an initial award cost of $52.8 million in fiscal 2027 and $181 million for fiscal 2028,” according to Aviation Week’s report today.

With all this in mind, the M-346N does offer an option that is powered by established Honeywell F124 turbofan engines and that can leverage significant existing supply chains. Other versions of the M-346 are already in service with multiple air forces globally, and more operators are on the horizon.

At the same time, SNC’s withdrawal and other prior setbacks for the UJTS program can only raise questions about how the competition might now proceed with only one major entrant left. SNC’s statement to Breaking Defense makes clear the company is willing to re-engage with the Navy if there is a further shake-up in the T-45 replacement plans.

For the Navy, acquiring a successor to the T-45 is only becoming an ever-more pressing priority. That being said, with how the UJTS effort has already proceeded to date, another change of tack cannot be entirely ruled out.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

The Argentinian scored 26 goals in regular season, topping the charts and leading Inter Miami to the MLS Cup playoffs.

Lionel Messi has become the first player to win back-to-back Golden Boot awards in Major League Soccer after leading his club Inter Miami to a second-place finish in the Eastern Conference.

MLS defending champions Miami earned a wasteful 3-3 draw against Charlotte on the final day of the regular season on Saturday.

The Argentinian superstar did not score but set up the first two goals at Miami’s Nu Stadium, both from corners, to help secure home advantage for his club in the first two playoff rounds.

Ian Fray, Luis Suarez and Rodrigo De Paul racked up three first-half strikes for Inter Miami before Liel Abada’s brace soon after the break led to a comeback sealed by Rodolfo Aloko’s late strike.

Runaway overall leaders Nashville broke the all-time MLS points record for a season with a whopping 77 after beating Cincinnati 2-0. At 23-3 with eight draws, Nashville won the East and broke the mark of 74 points set by Miami in 2024.

Miami finished second in the East on 60 points as third-place New England failed to take advantage of Inter’s draw with a surprise 1-0 loss at Orlando to end on 58.

At Miami, Messi’s 14th-minute corner fell unexpectedly to Charlotte’s Luca de la Torre, who spooned it up for Fray to open the scoring.

Another Messi corner in the 33rd minute found Suarez wide open at the near post. The Uruguayan glanced in his header for 2-0.

De Paul made it three before half-time, but Abada pulled back a goal for the visitors early and bagged a second in the 55th minute.

In the 90th minute, Aloko bagged the equaliser, reacting first to the ball as Smalls’s shot ricocheted off the post.

A visibly frustrated Messi hit the post in stoppage time before Aloko came inches from bagging an unlikely winner with a thunderous shot into the outside netting.

Messi’s 26 goals this season were enough to make him the first to successfully defend the top goal-scoring honour. Petar Musa of Dallas was second with 22 goals but did not score in his club’s 3-1 home victory over Colorado.

The 39-year-old finished with 29 goals the previous season, becoming the second player in league ⁠⁠⁠⁠history to score at ⁠⁠⁠⁠least 25 times in back-to-back years.

Messi recently retired from international football after an illustrious 21-year career with the 2022 world champions, but recently signed a contract extension ⁠⁠with the MLS club through 2028.

Inter Miami are the holders of the MLS Cup, which they won in Messi’s second season with the club in 2025.

Playoffs for this season’s MLS Cup begin ‌‌on November 19.

Messi’s men will face Columbus to begin the MLS playoffs. Other East matchups send New England against Philadelphia, Charlotte against Chicago and top seed Nashville against the wild-card winner, Orlando or Cincinnati.

Columbus took advantage of the Cincinnati loss with a 4-3 victory at Chicago to finish seventh and avoid the wild-card round.

Kyiv, Ukraine – Kyrylo, a wounded drone technician from eastern Ukraine, does not care much about the results of midterm elections in the United States.

Tuesday’s vote brought on a “blue wave” of victories for the Democratic Party, which will control both houses in the new Congress and provide a check on President Donald Trump.

But it means little to the Ukrainian servicemen.

“We already learned how not to depend on America,” said the 37-year-old, who is recovering from a heavy contusion in a Kyiv hospital after a Russian glide bomb hit his bunker.

He asked Al Jazeera to withhold his last name in accordance with wartime protocol.

“Trump has let us down so many times, sold us to Russia and we’re still standing and kicking Russian [butt],” he said. “We no longer depend on American money and weaponry. The whole world wants to buy our drones now.”

Under Trump, Washington gradually stopped footing much of Ukraine’s wartime bills. While the amount of financial and military aid nearly reached $200bn from Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion to late 2024, since 2025, the US assistance has slowed to a trickle.

From October 2025 to March, Kyiv received a mere $8.2bn in military aid as part of “legacy pipelines” dating back to US President Joe Biden’s administration. The deals will have cost another $13bn when the supplies are over.

Even though Europe took over most of the financial weight, coughing up $83bn in 2025 alone, almost a third of all weaponry comes from US companies, according to the Kiel Institute, a German think tank.

Some aid may be restored, and the Democrats have pledged to scrutinise Trump’s ties to Russia and conduct sweeping investigations focused on alleged corruption within the Trump family.

The investigations will include their ties to Russian politicians, intelligence and oligarchs, such as Umar Kremlev, who reportedly paid hundreds of thousands of dollars for Donald Trump Jr’s wedding celebrations in the Bahamas in May.

The Democrats have already signalled their readiness to issue subpoenas and force the disclosure of executive branch records, including the ones related to Ukraine, once they take control of Congress on January 3.

“Ukraine’s positions may become stronger,” Volodymyr Fesenko, head of the Kyiv-based Penta think tank, told Al Jazeera. “But we need to keep bipartisan support.”

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said of the midterm results, “We have bipartisan support.” He said he was “thankful to the Republicans, but Democrats very clearly state their support of Ukraine and providing aid to it.”

Loss of Ukraine-supporting Republicans

But getting more backing from the US Congress is not going to be easy as several Republicans who supported Ukraine have lost their seats.

The “blue wave” unseated Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, who cochaired the Congressional Ukraine Caucus and was one of Kyiv’s staunchest supporters.

Other notable pro-Ukrainian Republicans are Don Bacon of Nebraska, a self-described “Reaganite” staunchly opposed to Russia, and Mike Lawler of New York, who voted for the Ukraine Support Act.

At the same time, Kyiv needs to appoint a new ambassador to Washington. Olha Stefanishyna, a former deputy prime minister, was fired in August during a probe into her “illegal enrichment”.

The ambassador works with Congress and organises contacts with Kyiv and trips by lawmakers to Ukraine.

“That’s why first of all a new ambassador has to be appointed,” Fesenko said.

And while some supporters of the Democrats urge their party to impeach Trump, Kyiv would be on the losing side, analysts said.

“God forbid if Ukraine becomes the focus of a [third] impeachment because of the negative experience during Trump’s first presidency,” Fesenko said. “It made Trump form a stable negative attitude towards Ukraine.”

Trump’s first impeachment in 2019 concerned accusations that he pressured Kyiv to investigate Biden and Biden’s son Hunter, who had been on the board of Burisma, a Ukrainian natural gas company implicated in corruption schemes.

The Democrats said Trump froze $390m in military aid to Ukraine as leverage at a time when Kyiv badly needed US arms to continue fighting Russia-backed separatists.

Now, before the new Congress takes office, Trump is likely to pressure Ukraine to accept a fast-tracked peace deal with Russia.

“Because when Russia isn’t willing to concede, the fastest way to solve the matter – either through a truce or through freezing the war – is only possible if [Trump] twists Kyiv’s arms,” Kyiv-based analyst Igar Tyshkevych told Al Jazeera.

“That’s why the next two months will be rather complicated for Ukraine,” he said.

Because Trump at the moment has Republican majorities in both houses, he will “try to show the effectiveness of his policies to decrease the possible level of confrontation with the new Congress”, Tyshkevych said.

The new Congress will have to deal with a dilemma rooted in allegations of corruption involving top Ukrainian officials and their purported embezzlement of US aid.

“On the one hand, there’s a political conviction to keep supporting Ukraine and on the other hand the political necessity to put an end to questions, suspicions and accusations of Ukrainian leaders in corruption,” he said.

Pro-Kremlin voices are already counting Moscow’s possible losses.

“The Democrats will double down on their efforts to prevent Trump from establishing a dialogue with Moscow, demand the resumption of direct US military aid to Kyiv, insist on the restoration of transatlantic unity on the Ukrainian issue and propose new sanctions against Russia and its main trading partners,” Moscow-based political analyst Andrey Kortunov wrote in an opinion piece for the Kommersant daily.

The Democrats “will initiate investigations into how he negotiates with us”, Moscow-based analyst Malek Dudakov told the Gazeta.ru daily.

The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs dismissed the concerns, saying Moscow’s foreign policies “don’t depend on the fluctuations of the political barometer in other nations”.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, meanwhile, spoke in flattering terms, saying, “President Trump continues to exercise his powers. We sincerely hope that he will continue his peacemaking efforts.”

Rybakina pulled out on the eve of the Indian Wells tournament, with Ukraine’s Marta Kostyuk replacing the top seed.

Defending champion Elena Rybakina has pulled out of the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) Finals, saying she was not physically ready to compete, allowing Ukraine’s Marta Kostyuk to take her place in the eight-player field at Indian Wells.

Organisers on Saturday cited a viral illness as the official reason for the world number one’s “disappointing” withdrawal, but said the world number one needs time to recover from the physical toll of a demanding year.

Tournament director Garbine Muguruza, a former world number one and two-time Grand Slam champion, said she had spoken with Rybakina and that the Kazakh had been unable to recover in time after struggling with physical problems late in the season.

“We love Elena, and we know that she was feeling so-so in Tokyo as well,” Muguruza told the Reuters news agency. “I spoke to her today, and she really couldn’t recover on time.

“What we want is for her to feel good, to go rest, to recover. We don’t want her to feel like she has to play — only if she’s ready to.”

Rybakina, who won two Grand Slam titles this year, also withdrew from ⁠the quarterfinals of the Pan Pacific Open in Tokyo last month because of a neck injury.

‘Amazing field’ despite Rybakina absence

Rybakina’s absence deprives the event of some star power, but Muguruza said the round-robin format and depth of the field would ensure a high-quality tournament.

“We have the best players,” said Muguruza, who triumphed at the WTA Finals in Guadalajara in 2021.

“I know our world number one is not going to be able to play, but we have an amazing field, the very best,” she added.

“Every match could be a Grand Slam final. You really need to be ready. You cannot give one inch.”

Kostyuk, who is making her WTA Finals debut after a breakthrough season that included the Madrid title and a rise into the top 10, was already in Indian Wells as an alternate and practising when Rybakina withdrew.

Muguruza said the Ukrainian, known for her signature post-match backflip celebrations, had earned her opportunity.

“Marta is great. She’s had a breakthrough year,” Muguruza said. “With this year, we have many first-time players in the Finals, and that’s very exciting. It’s very hard to qualify.”

Kostyuk has been outspoken about Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and does not shake hands with Russian or Belarusian opponents. Muguruza said the tournament would support players in making their own decisions.

“They’re free to do whatever they feel,” she said. “We are open and supporting them.”

Opportunity for Sabalenka

Rybakina’s withdrawal could create an opening for world number two Aryna Sabalenka to make inroads in the rankings.

Sabalenka, who won the Indian Wells title earlier this year, has the chance to reduce the gap at the top of the rankings, according to Muguruza, who highlighted Russian teenager Mirra Andreeva as a player comfortable in the California desert.

“Of course, Aryna might be thinking that this can be a good opportunity,” she said.

The WTA moved the finals to Indian Wells from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, with Muguruza saying player safety had been the decisive consideration amid conflict in the Middle East region.

“It clearly felt no longer safe to be in a region where there is conflict,” she said. “Taking care of the players and looking ahead to what could be safe, comfortable and secure, relocating felt the best decision.”

Muguruza said players had responded positively to the switch to Indian Wells, where she competed regularly during her career.

“When we knew that Indian Wells could be the next venue, it was just a joy,” she said, adding that ticket sales have been strong. “The whole thing is just perfect.”

New Delhi, India – Both daughters of S Budhiraja live in the United States. Yet, when he and his wife head out to the market in Gurugram, a bustling business district on the outskirts of India’s capital, a young man walks beside them.

It is 26-year-old Roney Raju, their “hired grandson”.

Across Indian cities, a small but growing number of companies are now selling what families once took for granted: someone to take care of ageing people. Chores include taking them to the temple, sitting with them during a hospital visit, playing cards, or simply listening to them.

Some firms call such workers “children for hire”; others call them a “grandchild for rent”.

India, the world’s most populous country, is growing older quickly.

People over 60 made up 10.5 percent of its population in 2022, a demographic projected to nearly double to 21 percent by 2050, according to the India Ageing Report 2023 by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the International Institute for Population Sciences.

That means about 347 million elderly Indians – a number almost equal to the entire population of the US, the world’s third most populous nation – will need specialised care by 2050.

Several Indian startups see the opportunity, with the Indian government estimating the senior care industry at about $7bn.

Raju, holding a master’s degree in social work, works for one such company in Gurugram. He has been looking after the Budhirajas for the last few months.

“I was comfortable with him from the get-go,” Budhiraja, who is in his 80s, told Al Jazeera. “I feel he understands me 200 percent.”

Raju describes the bond in the same vein. “Right now, he is family to me,” he said. The couple, he said, see him as “their proxy child, and much more than a service companion”.

The bond has deepened over the past months. When Budhiraja was admitted for surgery, Raju kept track of the doctors and the medicines. He would even call to check on them after his shift had ended.

Growing industry

Raju’s boss Gaurav Mittal says many clients actually come to treat their companions “like their own grandchildren”.

He charges 450 rupees ($5) an hour for 10 hours of service in a month, or 400 rupees ($4.5) per hour if it is 25 hours. Like a mobile phone recharge, unused hours are rolled over to the next month.

In a country with an average per capita income of about 220,000 rupees ($2,750) a year, Mittal’s service caters to a small minority of urban, financially secure families.

Mittal said the idea for his company came from home. After his father died four years ago, his mother had to leave their hometown and move in with him. She was sociable and had money to spend, but depended on family members to go anywhere.

“The world is not designed keeping the senior citizens as the central pillar,” Mittal said.

The idea for such startups, however, is not entirely new.

A 2017 report counted at least five startups offering young companions to seniors. In 2022, the late Ratan Tata of the Tata Group promoted a Mumbai-based startup whose tagline says: “Everything Grandkids Do!”

The companions who work for these companies undergo police verification before they start working for a senior person. Before working alone, they often shadow a senior staff member on home visits.

Most companions are trained in psychology, social work or hospitality.

Vinay Kumar works as a companion for a firm based in the southern city of Hyderabad.

“We are not just taskmasters, but we develop a relationship with our clients. We support them and spend quality time with them so that they don’t miss their close ones,” he told Al Jazeera. “They may still do, but we try.”

Lonely seniors

The 2023 United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) report projects that older Indians will outnumber the country’s children by 2046. And many of these seniors are lonely.

In 2022, India conducted the Longitudinal Ageing Study, a national survey of more than 72,000 people. It found that 20.5 percent of middle-aged and older adults reported moderate loneliness, while 13.3 percent categorised their loneliness as severe.

Among people over 60 who lived alone, more than a third (37 percent) reported feeling lonely, the study found.

Globally, a study commissioned by the World Health Organization in 2025 found that loneliness affects one in six people and is linked to about 871,000 deaths a year.

Santosh Abraham, CEO of a Bengaluru-based startup founded in 2015, says while the children of elderly people are worried about medical emergencies or market errands, their parents mostly had a different concern.

“I am lonely, I don’t have anyone to talk to,” Abraham recalled one of his clients as saying. “I have done so much for my family and society; there is no recognition for it.”

Abraham said the most common request he gets is one that “nobody says out loud”.

“A senior calls us claiming to feel unwell. A care manager arrives, finds nothing wrong, and is then asked to sit and talk for an hour,” he said. “They just want company.”

Kumar said companions like him have to “understand their pain”.

“Most of the seniors who are living alone are very lonely. They want someone to play cards or indoor games with. Someone wants to go to a movie, or a temple, or parks, or attend local programmes,” he said.

Abraham said some seniors find a stranger easier to confide in. “With a companion, there is no baggage,” he told Al Jazeera.

For the young people doing the work, the line between their job and a relationship blurs quickly.

Raju says the visits to the Budhirajas are harder than office work. “Forming an emotional connection is never easy and is different each and every time,” he said.

Kumar, in Hyderabad, agrees. He said his clients often tell him about health problems that they hide from their children living in another city or abroad so as not to worry them.

He recalled a client who went from shutting the door on his face because he did not know English or Hindi to paying for his driving lessons and introducing him to people as his “god-gifted son”. When the man died in 2023, his son asked Kumar to perform the final rites alongside him.

Kumar once even cut short his 12-day marriage leave because one of his clients kept calling, asking him to come. “I genuinely feel these seniors are my own parents and grandparents,” he said.

‘Older person feels seen, heard, safe’

Others are more cautious about what the job demands.

Prashanth Reddy, founder of the Hyderabad-based company that Kumar works for, said companions must understand boundaries.

“Companions are there to provide support, not to replace doctors or mental health professionals,” he said.

Abraham agreed. He said he underlines one golden rule during his training sessions with aspiring companions: “Talk less and listen more.”

The children of such elderly people who buy the services of these companies say paying takes out the awkwardness of asking neighbours or relatives for help.

“When you pay for a service, you don’t have to feel like you’re asking someone for a favour,” says Vinnay K, a US-based software professional, who has been hiring a companion for his ageing mother for five years.

Shilpa Bandyopadhyay, assistant professor at Jindal Institute of Behavioural Sciences near New Delhi, told Al Jazeera that hiring a companion “should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that their families have failed”.

She said a growing demand for professional elderly care raises harder questions about a family-centric society like India’s.

“Do we recognise ‘companionship’ as a legitimate and continuing need of our older family members or see eldercare mainly as food, shelter, healthcare and physical help?” she asked.

She argued for “a more balanced ecosystem of ageing” that brings together families, community networks, accessible public spaces and affordable professional services, without romanticising traditional family structures or dismissing new ones.

“At the end of the day, the question isn’t who lives with an older person,” she said, but “rather whether the older person feels seen, heard, safe, valued, and meaningfully connected”.

Back in Gurugram, Budhiraja is asked how he would feel if Raju did not show up for work tomorrow.

“I will make sure he comes after finding out why he couldn’t come,” he said. “I need him. As you grow older, the needs are more.”

Ahmed Abed (a pseudonym due to ongoing threats of arrest) still feels like a prisoner despite being released from an Israeli jail to the occupied West Bank nearly two years ago.

Despite being technically “free”, Abed, 43, is still often rearrested by Israeli forces or summoned by intelligence for interrogation.

Hundreds of other Palestinians in the occupied West Bank face similar ordeals after being released from Israeli prisons. Their homes are sometimes raided twice a week; they can be detained, assaulted and interrogated on the spot before being released.

Every day, organisations dedicated to prisoners’ affairs document the arrests of dozens of Palestinians across the West Bank as part of large-scale operations that frequently target former detainees. Most of those detained are released after hours of interrogation, in what appears to be a campaign of intimidation by Israel against former Palestinian prisoners.

Frequent detentions

Abed was released as part of a prisoner exchange deal between Hamas and Israel in January 2025, having served 22 years of a life sentence. Since his release, he has faced persistent harassment by the Israeli military.

Just days after Abed’s release, he was summoned by Israeli intelligence for questioning. They informed him that they were unhappy with the political decision to carry out the exchange deal and warned they would rearrest him if he made the “slightest mistake”.

Since his release, he has been arrested six times and summoned for interrogation five times. Each time, his home has been raided and his family terrorised by Israeli soldiers. His father was once arrested simply because Abed happened to be outside his house at night.

“Whenever there are reports of Israeli military activity in the city, my family goes into a state of high alert; no one sleeps all night,” he told Al Jazeera. “Some neighbours even leave their homes, fearing they might be raided as part of the collective intimidation campaign imposed because of me.”

When Abed is arrested, he is often forced to walk for several kilometres handcuffed and blindfolded, accompanied by soldiers. He is then placed in a detention centre under dire conditions, deprived of food and water, subjected to beatings and verbal abuse, and then the threats begin.

“Every time, they threaten to send me back to prison to the point where I feel as though two-thirds of my body are still in captivity, with only one-third outside,” he said. “The threats vary, but the underlying message is always the same: I am not permitted to do anything ordinary or live a normal life like everyone else.”

Abed avoids family gatherings, fearing his presence may bring them harm, and so limits his interactions to his immediate family. An Israeli officer warned him that if he were to go to the mosque to pray, he would be arrested.

“The Israeli officer told me, ‘We have zero patience for you. Any behaviour we deem inappropriate, or any movement we find suspicious, we will rearrest you immediately,’” Abed added.

Although he managed to earn both a bachelor’s degree and a doctorate during his time in prison, he has been unable to secure a job. When employers learn about his repeated arrests, they refuse to hire him. Instead, he has to rely on day-labour work to cover his basic costs.

Loss of livelihood

A former prisoner from Qalqilya says he is arrested on average twice a week during the frequent Israeli military sweeps of the city, where former detainees are targeted. He was recently warned during one interrogation that if he ever set foot on a football pitch, he would be arrested. This puts his job as a referee in jeopardy.

Abdullah, another former prisoner from the city who also requested not to use his real name, told Al Jazeera that he has been arrested so many times since his release in 2000 that he has lost count. But he says he has spent a total of 17 years in custody since his “release”.

He was recently held under “administrative detention”, lasting from November 2023 to February 2025, during which he was subject to physical and psychological torture. By the time he was released, he had lost 60kg (132 pounds).

Abdullah, who supports a family of seven, is repeatedly arrested and released after a few hours, but only after his children have been terrorised and his home ransacked.

His employer grew frustrated with his repeated detentions and found a replacement for him.

“After losing my job, I began working on a piece of land I inherited from my father. However, due to arrests and threats, I can never find the right time to tend to it,” he said. “I often fall behind in irrigating, applying pesticides, or tilling the soil, all of which have taken a toll on my seasonal yields, leaving me with more losses than profits.”

‘Normalising fear’

Since the outbreak of the war on the Gaza Strip in October 2023, the occupied West Bank has witnessed a wave of Israeli arrest campaigns and pogroms. Israeli troops now make regular incursions into towns, refugee camps, and homes, as well as arrests at military checkpoints to detain former prisoners.

Palestinian prisoner advocacy organisations have documented approximately 26,000 arrests in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, between October 2023, when the genocidal war on Gaza began, and early October 2026. This figure includes more than 800 women and nearly 2,000 minors. The total encompasses individuals who were subsequently released, not just those who remain in custody.

Amani Sarahneh, a spokesperson for the Palestinian Prisoner’s Society, told Al Jazeera that Israeli operations in the West Bank have evolved into a continuous, round-the-clock wave of detentions. On average, between 10 and 15 Palestinians are arrested and remain in Israeli custody every day.

These arrests not only take place at night, as they did before, but also during daylight hours, at military checkpoints, and through field interrogations.

“The persistence of these campaigns has led to a ‘normalisation of fear’ among the citizens, which has significantly impacted social relations, particularly in villages where residents live in a state of constant anxiety, fearing that occupation forces might storm their towns or public spaces and arrest groups of people at any moment,” she told Al Jazeera.

These arrests are frequently accompanied by physical assaults and abuse, with detainees held for long hours while handcuffed and blindfolded. The victims’ family homes are frequently ransacked and possessions taken away during the Israeli raids.

“These policies also include using family members of those targeted, such as wives and sisters, as hostages to exert pressure,” Sarahneh said.

“The impact of these campaigns has extended beyond the detainees and their families, deepening a sense of fear and apprehension among the general public, who now worry that the arrests could reach a much wider segment of the population,” Sarahneh said.

The interceptions come as the Houthis report 33 people killed in a coalition air attack on a village near Sanaa.

The Saudi-led coalition fighting Yemen’s Houthis says its air defences have destroyed three ballistic missiles launched by the Iran-aligned armed group towards the kingdom.

Two of the missiles were launched towards the kingdom’s capital, Riyadh, Major-General Turki al-Maliki, the coalition’s spokesperson, said in a post on X on Sunday.

Later, the coalition said it intercepted and destroyed two cruise missiles in Riyadh and the southern region.

Earlier, al-Maliki also confirmed another interception of a ballistic missile launched by the Houthis towards the kingdom’s Eastern province.

The attacks come as fighting intensifies across Yemen between the Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah (Arabic for Supporters of God), and government forces, who launched the Dawn of Yemen operation aimed at retaking Houthi-held territory, including the capital, Sanaa, last month.

The Houthi-run Health Ministry spokesperson, Anees al-Asbahi, said on Saturday that 33 people, including eight women and 13 children, were killed after Saudi-led coalition air attacks on the village of al-Shariyah, near Sanaa.

In a post on X, al-Asbahi said at least 39 others were wounded in the attacks on Saturday, which targeted homes, roads, paramedics and civil defence teams in the village, located in the Bani Hushaish district east of Sanaa.

There was no immediate comment from the Saudi-led coalition on the reported strikes. Al Jazeera could not independently verify the reports.

Media outlets affiliated with the Houthis reported on Sunday that various areas of the Shada border district in Saada province have also been subjected to artillery shelling.

Houthi military spokesperson Yahya Saree earlier claimed that the coalition had carried out 105 air strikes and missile attacks over 24 hours targeting Sanaa and seven other governorates, taking the total number of strikes since the escalation began to 4,369.

The Houthis, meanwhile, carried out six operations targeting Aramco oil facilities, Riyadh airport and Saudi military positions on both sides of the border, Saree claimed in a post on X.

On Friday, an attack on a market in Taiz province killed 30 people. The Houthis blamed it on Saudi air strikes, while Yemeni government forces accused the Iran-aligned group of firing a ballistic missile at the site.

According to the United Nations, more than 1,600 people have been killed and almost 300,000 displaced since a 2022 ceasefire collapsed in July after the Houthis announced a blockade of Saudi ports.

In September, the Houthis seized much of Yemen’s Red Sea coast in a lightning offensive, while government forces launched a campaign to reclaim Houthi-held territory in October.

When it comes to what rifles, sidearms and optics work best in war, there is perhaps no better place to find out than Ukraine. During more than four years of intense defense of their homeland, Ukrainian troops have used an assortment of small arms and accessories, many foreign-made, others domestically produced, to fight the Russians.

To get a better sense of what Ukrainians are currently using on the front lines, what they like, and what they don’t, we reached out to the First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine. The unit is stationed in the bloody Dobropillia sector in the eastern Donetsk region and is in the middle of one of the toughest fights in Ukraine.

Five soldiers from different Azov units with a range of specialties offered their unique insights into the weapons, sights and scopes they like and the ones they don’t.

The soldiers are issued all their weapons exclusively through the brigade’s armament service, which obtains them from the Ukrainian Defense Ministry (MoD). Individuals, however, told us they sometimes purchase their own sights and scopes and other accessories, depending on the models.

Some of the questions and answers have been slightly edited for clarity.

Specifically, what rifles are the most coveted? And if they are AR-15s and AKs, which specific ones?

Tarantino, Chief Armorer, 12th Special Forces Brigade Azov, First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine.

When it comes to light weapon systems, the most common is an assault rifle based on the AR-15 [chambered 5.56mm], either domestic production or the one given to us by partner countries.

Chill, Chief Tactical Training Instructor, 41st Unmanned Systems Regiment Pilum, First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine.

So, in my personal opinion, the UAR-15 system is better for me because it’s lighter and it’s more reliable. I have worked with both platforms, both systems, and I can compare them based on my experience. And from my personal experience, the AR system is better.

The caliber is 5.56, and it’s also really convenient in terms of its modification and modernization because with the AK platform, you need to adapt it for further adjustments individually. But in the case of the UAR system, it’s really adaptable and you do not basically need anything in order to modernize it or modify it.

Made In Ukraine – The New Game-Changing UAR-15 Rifle

Khalepa, Anti-Aircraft Artillery Battery Commander, Air Defense Battalion Strazh, First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine.

Well, in our case, we are using larger calibers starting from 12.7mm up to 35mm. So we do not actually use the standard rifles.

Chewie, Deputy Commander for Logistics, Separate Special Operations Detachment Tuman, First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine.

When it comes to close combat, usually this is the UAR-15S of Ukrainian manufacturer called Zbroyar.

Barman, Tactical Training Instructor, Personnel Training Battalion, First Corps Azov of the National Guard of Ukraine.

So currently our key weapon platform is the UAR-15, but previously we also used the AK-74 and other modifications. The AK-74 fires 5.45mm rounds.

What is most conducive to fighting?

Tarantino

Well, the best weapon to work with is not the weapon itself, but the people we are working with. The weapon is only the instrument. But personally, the most reliable weapon is the one that has as few stoppages as possible because the last thing you want is to have a stoppage in the situation where you need to fire.

For me, that is the Heckler & Koch 416. But I am talking about my preferences and experience. That gun has a gas piston system that has proven itself the most efficient due to the fact that the movement of the piston back and forth is relatively short. That makes the weapon itself much more reliable.

Another system, called DI [direct impingement used in standard AR-15 pattern rifles], requires much more attention from the gunner who is shooting the rifle. Because in the conditions where the operator, the marksman, is sitting in the trench or in a bunker — especially now in autumn when the humidity is high — this DI system requires much more attention due to the wet weather around. The gas piston system has proven itself much more reliable and it doesn’t need that much attention.

Chill

We are using the Ukrainian-manufactured UAR-15 rifle, and you know, as they say, the best rifle is the one that you have.

Chewie

So the weapon system that I told you about, UAR-15, is indeed the most loved because, in addition to this weapon, we do possess small numbers of Beretta, Bren, and several other weapon systems.

The reason why we prefer the UAR-15 is, first of all, it is much lighter. Second, it’s shorter. Another reason is that, taking into account the combat warfare that we have right now, we have the manufacturer on the premises of our country. It means if something happens to the weapon, it doesn’t take much time to either send the request to the manufacturer for them to send us the spare details, or for us to send the weapon system to them for maintenance.

Barman

Our preference is of course the UAR-15, and we’re using the 5.56 UAR platforms because it’s more convenient to use, it’s easier to maintain, and it’s also more reliable. But we also need to understand that our enemy is using the AK platforms, the AK-12, the AK-74, and while of course we are carrying the 5.56 rounds, usually during the assault actions, we can take the AK rifles and the 5.45 rounds to be able to use our rifles in compatibly with the enemy’s rifles. We can use the AKs for the element of surprise and for deception. The way they look compared to the UAR rifles makes it easier to deceive the enemy.

Have you noticed any performance differences between the AR-15 piston and direct impingement (DI) versions?

Tarantino

Well, again, the biggest difference between this gas piston system and the DI system is that the gas piston system has a very short movement back and forth of the piston. It means that the chances of stoppage in this weapon are quite low, while the DI system is much more demanding because these exhaust gases go back into this tube that pushes the bolt carrier back. That means these gases make this tunnel much more dirty. And in a situation when the rotation of the soldier to the battlefield is for two weeks, and these are the two weeks of a very intensive fight, a soldier doesn’t always have the chance to disassemble a weapon and pull the bolt carrier out and clean it. 

Compared to the DI system, the Heckler & Koch quality of the barrel itself is exceptionally phenomenal. So the quality of the metal is good, and it allows you to shoot even four or five or even six magazines in a row without the barrel getting overheated.

Chill

Well, talking about the piston system, the only AR-15-based rifle which I know has the piston system is the Heckler & Koch 416. So I have some experience in using it, but unfortunately I do not have this rifle. But I would like to. It’s quite reliable based on my communication with other operators and service members. I also get really good feedback about that weapon. But that’s the only weapon system with this piston system that I know of, and yeah, it presents some advantages. 

The UAR-15 system that we are currently using within our unit is the DI-based weapon system, and the key difference is that they become contaminated quicker, and they require better and more frequent maintenance, which is not always possible to ensure in combat conditions.

Piston driven AR15 VS gas impingement

Khalepa

Well, I have served in the infantry since 2022, and I have had some experience with the piston systems, for instance, with the AK system, and I did not really notice any major differences.

Chewie

We use only the DI system.

Barman

Well, from my experience, the gas piston systems like the one that we can find on the HK 416, they are simpler to maintain. They are more efficient in terms of their principle of operation, and also they are more reliable, I would say.

But the key difference in the DI system is that, of course, it’s a little bit more difficult to maintain them. But at the same time, you can regulate the amount of gas that goes back into the receiver. So, both of these systems have their own advantages and disadvantages. 

If I were asked to choose between the two, I would use the gas piston system. It also has fewer parts that can be broken during intensive use.

Any bullpups, where the grip is forward of the breech, that have performed well?

Tarantino

I will tell you this: we have never received a foreign-made bullpup weapon. We have several domestic-made ones. One of them is called the Fort 221.

So for the short-term operations, when you have to fulfill a mission within a small and limited amount of time, and especially when you have to move around a lot, this forward bullpup configuration has proven itself quite good. But when it comes to long-term operations, when you have to, in addition to moving a lot, have to be out there in the field for quite a long time, this one is not the best option for this.

Chill

Well, I wouldn’t say that I would recommend any of the bullpups that I have used. So I have used the Fort 224, and my impressions of this weapon system are like 50-50.

I would say that the primary issue with these rifles is their ergonomic characteristics. So, especially while shooting from a prone position, it’s pretty difficult to handle these rifles. So maybe during some kind of assault actions, active offensive actions, these rifles could be usable. But in terms of ergonomics, the standard rifles are much more convenient to use.

Khalepa

We don’t use bullpups.

Chewie

We do not use any bullpups. One of the reasons is that a Ukrainian manufacturer used to produce these weapon systems with a 5.45mm, and that’s definitely not a reliable weapon at all.

Barman

I had some experience in using bullpup rifles, namely the Tavor, also the Ukrainian-manufactured Malyuk, and I think that’s it with bullpup assault rifles. But also I have used Turkish-manufactured bullpup type shotguns.

In my experience, the bullpup systems function seamlessly, but I’m just more used to the classic configuration of the assault rifles.

But the bullpup rifles have their own advantages. For example, they are more compact, so they can have the same length of the barrel. The ballistics will be the same, but the rifle will be more compact. At the same time, the bullpup configurations require more practice at the shooting range. So you just need to get used to reloading the bullpup rifle because the magazine is located in the rear part of the weapon. I wouldn’t say that this is much more difficult than reloading a weapon with the classical configuration, but it just feels unusual. This is why you just need more practice to get used to it.

Are you using suppressors and, if so, what kind?

Tarantino

When it comes to silencers and these suppressors, this very gap is not yet filled, so there is still a lot of room for maneuver and for somebody to enter this field. We do use them. We use several of them. One of them is called Ase Utra, but this one has the option of what’s called a gas release function.

Another one we have is called Ukrop FAST (Fast-Attach Suppressor Tactical) suppressor. This can be easily attached and detached. But when it comes to active combat and when it comes to automatic mode of firing, these very suppressors lose their resources quite fast, so the wear and tear comes quite fast.

Chill

Personally, I do not use any suppressors, any sound moderators, because I do not have the tasks that require such equipment. But of course, the other service members who have the appropriate tasks, they use those.

Khalepa

No, we do not use any kind of those because we are located far from settlements and towns, which is why we do not need any kind of suppressors.

Chewie

So when it comes to the UAR system, they go in a set with the manufacturer-issued suppressors. So we do use them because they go in a set. And another one that we use is the one called Ase Utra.

The reason why we prefer this suppressor that goes in a set with UAR-15 is that it has a function of quick removal. It means that to install it on the gun and to take it out from the gun, it doesn’t need much time and it doesn’t require any additional fixing of the aiming point. It means that a person can shoot if at some point he or she needs to put on the suppressor, they put on the suppressor and keeps shooting, so there is no need to do another kind of manipulations with the aiming device. 

Ase Ultra doesn’t have this function. It means that after putting on the suppressor, you still have to adjust the aiming point a little bit. There is only one exception with Ase Ultra suppressors, for the caliber .308, which is the UAR-10. This one has shown its efficiency quite well, and the preciseness of shooting for the distance of approximately 900 yards remains the same with the suppressor and without the suppressor. But that’s the only exception. In the past we used to use the UAR-10 much more often, both modifications, the short barrel and long barrel. But right now it’s more and more rare to use it.

Barman

I have used some of the sound moderators, mostly manufactured by the Ukrainian company Zbroyar. Also, some of the American manufactured sound moderators, SureFire RC2, and also the Ukrainian manufactured Mystic Medusa sound moderators. So all of them were used in the automatic fire mode, and they have demonstrated quite a high level of efficiency.

But I would say that the Zbroyar-manufactured sound moderators have a slight disadvantage in terms of how the gases are channeled. So, if you fire a weapon like the Heckler & Koch, sometimes while shooting automatic fire bursts, you can have some problems with the gas from firing.

It all depends on whether you can regulate the gas block in the weapon system or not. So, for instance, in the UAR systems, there is a possibility to regulate the gas block, and this is why you can adjust your shooting depending on what you’re using. But with some of the weapons, you cannot adjust this, and part of the gas just returns to the receiver, causing problems.

What about personal defense weapons and submachine guns?

Tarantino

Yes, we do use some submachineguns. One of them is Heckler & Koch MP5, which has proven itself quite good because this one is quite comfortable to work with, and this one is quite a mobile weapon system and easy to operate.

The only drawback of such a weapon is that you can only use it in a few situations. So the variety of usage of this weapon is too narrow. So it’s quite irrational to use this weapon system in modern combat warfare. The best example where it definitely will serve you well? I’d say the drivers of the vehicles use them, or the tank drivers use them, due to the fact that they have to fulfill other missions. The weapon itself is relatively small, so this comes handy for drivers and the tank drivers.

Chill

Well, usually the only self-defense gun which has been used is the handgun, so the pistol. As for the submachine guns, we almost do not use them at all because of their form factors. So the most standard self-defense weapon is either the rifle for every service member, or when there is an opportunity to use a pistol. But submachine guns are not widely used.

Khalepa

The Fort 20 is the model of the pistol that we are using for personal defense weapons in our unit. And as for the personal weapons, we also use the UAR-15 rifles.

Chewie

We do not use submachine guns. What our soldiers do use, because they are issued out, are sidearms. It’s either Glock 17 or the Fort 20.

Barman

In terms of submachine guns, I have only used those at shooting ranges, so I do not have any real experience with them. But our sidearms are usually Glock 17 or Fort 20, and also we had some experience with Berettas.

What about optics? What red dots and scopes are most used? What works best and what do soldiers see as the positives and negatives of different brands and types, like EOTECH holographic sights versus Holosun or Aimpoint red dots?

Tarantino

There is one optic that’s called Aimpoint, third generation. When it comes to red dot sights, we take what is available commercially. So what has proven its efficiency is the one red dot called Holosun. This one out of everything that is on the market has also proved its efficiency. But we are talking about relatively cheap options right now. Other brands that are quite popular are the EOTECH, Vortex, and Vector Optics.

Chill

I have been using the Holosun red dot scope for over three years, and I cannot say that I have any complaints regarding that. It performs its function, and the rest of the possible manufacturers of these devices depend on the unit and depend on their personal budgets as well. So, of course, there are some differences between them. For instance, the Aimpoint has proven itself really reliable. The EOTECH as well. There are some drawbacks related to its dimension. It’s pretty large, and it is not appropriate for all the operators.

Holosun, I would say that this is the device that shows the best cost-to-quality ratio. So it all depends on the unit. For instance, when we are talking about the service members that are involved in some direct action, for instance, in assault actions, then they might use the EOTECH or the Aimpoint devices. But other service members might as well use the Holosun devices and other brands that are also available on the market. So, as usual, everything is operator-dependent. I wouldn’t say that there are any particular problems with them, but maybe the price, the high price, can be called just one of the problems.

The baseline is that everyone is using the rifles with iron sights. But then, if, for instance, the additional optical devices are not provided for by the unit, then the fighters can choose to buy their own optics. It all depends on the unit and the operator.

Khalepa

In the unit that I’m currently serving in, we do not use any kind of these optical devices because we are located very far from the front line. Basically, our positions are in the rear, and since we are concerned with shooting down aerial targets, we do not need to use any of these devices.

Chewie

So we do use Aimpoint. We use the modifications M5, M4, and also we use the EOTECH.

So when it comes to EOTECH, it has one big advantage. It has quite a big screen or quite a big window that allows the operator to see a much wider spectrum, and this allows him to make much more precise aim. But the drawback of this one is that it doesn’t have this kind of underbarrel option of having the grenade launcher under the barrel. When it comes to Aimpoint, the aim itself is quite small, but this one is capable of withstanding the launching of the underbarrel grenade launcher. When the grenade is leaving the barrel, the Aimpoint still can remain on the barrel and not be lost.

The peculiarity of this EOTECH is the following: when you shoot two or three grenades from the underbarrel grenade launcher, after two or three shots, the aiming stops working correctly. The recoil from the grenade launcher impacts the work of this aiming device, and it’s no longer correct.

Barman

I have worked both with red dot sights and optical scopes. In terms of the red dot sights, I have experience in using the EOTECH 553 and the EOTECH XPS3. I’ve used them with the 3x magnifier, also manufactured by the EOTECH company, and also I have some experience in using the Aimpoint T2 red dot sights, also in combination with the EOTech magnifier. Also, I have used the Vortex Crossfire red dot sight. It’s similar to the Aimpoint T2, but it’s a little bit cheaper and it is intended to be used by sportsmen.

All of these models have their own advantages. In terms of the EOTECH and Aimpoint, they have the mil-spec certification, which is why they can be more resilient than the other brands. If I were to choose, then I would definitely choose the Aimpoint T2 red dot sight because this is like the classical red dot sight, not the holographic sight, like the EOTECH XPS3. So this means that even with the partial damage of the sight, with the partial damage of the lens, it still gives you the red dot, and you are still able to efficiently shoot with it.

Partially we buy them ourselves. Partially we are issued those sights by the state. For instance, in this unit, I was issued the Aimpoint T2 micro kit. So in another unit that we have served before joining this unit, we were issued ACOG sights for the M4A1 rifles, so it really depends.

What about scopes?

Tarantino

When it comes to the scopes, the ones that we use are the ones that zoom in at the 3x or 5x magnification, no more, because 3X and 5x are exactly the ranges that are good enough for you to operate your weapon in an efficient way and to cover that area of responsibility each marksman has.

Chill

We do not have any organic standard-issue scopes within our unit, but from what I have seen among the operators in our subunits, I have seen the Vortex scopes. So these are the ones that can be used with the AR systems.

As for magnification, it’s either 1-8x or 1-16x. Usually, our operators are using the scopes with variable magnification, and it all depends on the task. But mostly, these scopes are not used for firing, but rather for observation.

Khalepa

We don’t use scopes.

Chewie

We do use them. We use mostly four different modification brands. One of them is called Nightforce. Another one is called Schmidt & Bender. Another one is called Kahles, and the last one that we use is called Leupold. 

So roughly speaking, Kahles and Leupold are equals and they work quite similar. The differences are that in the Kahles, the aiming matrix is different, but when it comes to Leupold, I would say that the lens is quite clean, so that makes this one very, very much loved. So I do possess the Leupold scopes. This is my main scope I use. It has been through a lot, and it has withstood a lot of explosions, and it’s still up and running. It’s still functioning.

When it comes to this Kahles, again, roughly speaking, it has shown its efficiency quite well. Some modifications to these Kahles scopes allow it to provide a view called parallax. That’s one of the settings. So if a soldier doesn’t know how to properly use it, it’s not possible to set this scope correctly.

We do buy a lot of those scopes. Back in the past, volunteers used to help us a lot, and other companies used to buy them for us and simply deliver them to us, but right now the system is such that we do receive from the government from the official line of sustainment very efficient scopes.

Barman

So currently I’m using the Sig Sauer scope. I need to look up the exact model, but its magnification is one to six. Its ballistics are honed for the 5.56 caliber exactly for the M855 cartridge. This is the scope which is most optimal for the usage with the assault rifle. But previously, I also used the Elcan Specter scope and also the EOTECH Vudu.

I cannot just select only one scope. One of my favorites is the Elcan Specter. It’s quite compact, and its magnification is one to four. At the level of one, it can be used as a red dot sight, and then it can also be used as the classical optical sight to magnify the image. And for shooting at longer ranges, well, I would say that the Sig Sauer is my favorite. So it’s pretty convenient to be used for shooting at ranges of several hundred meters.

How prevalent are thermal scopes? Is there a difference in quality between those used by the Russians and Ukrainians that gives an upper hand?

Tarantino

When it comes to thermal optics, the one that we use quite often is called Archer. That’s a Ukrainian domestic production thermal vision device, and this one is quite efficient and quite comfortable to use. And when it comes to the night operations, that’s definitely a must-have that each soldier is supposed to have. But when it comes to what the enemy is using, what kind of thermals the enemy is using, I cannot give you the clear answer because, in all honesty, I do not know.

Chill

Within our unit, we do not use thermal scopes, but I know guys who do, and well, it’s quite a useful thing if your tasks and if your unit imply using the thermal vision scopes. Since we are an unmanned systems regiment, we do not have the kind of tasks that require the use of the thermal scopes.

Chewie

We do use the thermal scopes and additional adapters to them. But when it comes to Russian thermals and what kind of thermals they use, I will be honest with you. I have never had any chance to get a hold of them and hold them in my hands, so I cannot compare them. 

I can only tell you about Ukrainian manufacturers. But when it comes to long-range guns, we use the Archer 7 for this very purpose. When it comes to the .338 caliber, we use guns by Accuracy International, and Sako TRG 42. When it comes to the .375 caliber, we use the Cadex 40 Shadow. 

When it comes to UAR-15 5.56, usually we use the Archer 10 for this very purpose. When it comes to simply observational functions, we use either Archer 55 or Archer 8. And I also know about some other units that use thermals called Safran because they have the peculiarity of having coolant inside.

Barman

I’ve used thermal vision scopes. First of all, in terms of the Russian thermal vision scopes, unfortunately, I haven’t had any experience of using those, but I have some experience with the Archer manufacturer with the Archer thermal vision scopes. Usually, the TSA-7 models have proven to be quite good, and also I had some experience with the Chinese-manufactured AGM thermal vision scopes, and they are also quite good.

My favorite is Archer, the TSA-7. We have used it for the longest periods of time, and we are really used to operating with it. So it has the ballistic suggested for every type of ammunition. It has a laser rangefinder. It has a ballistic calculator. So it’s quite a useful thing, and it’s easy and convenient to use.

What about night vision? Are most troops using night vision goggles and need to set their rifles up for that?

Tarantino

We use a classical one called the PVS-7. We attach it to our helmets.

Chill

Night vision devices on assault rifles and other weapons are primarily used by reconnaissance and assault units — particularly during clearing operations. As for the drone component, NVDs are used by drivers for safe and concealed delivery of crews to the positions during the night, as well as the operators themselvs for nighttime work and launches.

Khalepa

We have some night vision devices, namely Archer 10, but these devices were just issued to the guys to monitor their perimeter during nighttime. We have no need for that because we are located in the rear and we are more concerned with the sky than with what’s on the ground.

Chewie

We do not use the night vision devices installed on the weapon system. We do use them installed on the soldiers’ helmets, but not on the weapon system. Sometimes our soldiers do use the laser point night vision devices, but they use it only when they use the infrared spectrum. When it comes to installing the aim on the gun, usually the soldier does a zeroing, and if the zeroing is done properly, the efficient range of such a weapon to operate in this infrared spectrum is up to 200 meters.

Barman

We don’t use the night vision devices on the weapons systems themselves. We use them attached to the camera, to the helmets, and out of those we use the PVS-14 L3Harris. That’s a monocular. Also, we use the PVS-32. That’s a binocular. The most widely used is the PVS-14.

In my personal opinion, the PVS-14 is simply much more comfortable. I love this one simply because this is a monocular and I use it with my left eye because the right eye I mostly use for the red dot or with the laser beam aiming device. But that’s very much an individual opinion because a lot of people in my unit prefer the PVS-32.

How much leeway do troops have for customizing their rifles?

Tarantino

Well, before using any kind of modifiers on any weapon system, the way we deal with that is the following: Before doing that, each soldier is supposed to master how to handle a weapon without any additional modifiers, meaning the default setting of the weapon that he or she receives.

He or she is supposed to first get a feel for this and receive some kind of qualification with this one without any additional modifier. Only after a soldier gets used to, and is quite good at, handling the weapon with the mechanical optics that the weapon goes with, can a soldier go to another level. But this is done only if sergeants and commanders see that the soldier has reached some kind of efficiency level, and only after that, the commander or sergeant can give permission to install any kind of additional modifiers on the weapon.

Chill

The first thing that we always emphasize and that we try to popularize among our personnel is the installment of the red dot sights. We try to explain the advantages of using red dot sights on the weapons.

Then, if the weapon does not have the ambidextrous safety, we try to persuade people to install those safety levers that can be switched from both sides ambidextrously, and then the third thing is the buttstock, the pistol grip. So these things are usually not convenient due to the specificities of every person’s ergonomics.

Khalepa

Apart from just standard procedures like zeroing with the weapon, adjusting the iron sight and so on, we do not customize our weapon. We do not conduct any additional modifications.

Chewie

We do have some additional modifications when it comes to magazines, when it comes to magnifiers, when it comes to the grasp handles. Some of the soldiers do use the forward grasp handle. Some of the soldiers do use the flashlights that they put underneath the barrel. But it’s not about sport modification. The primary reason is to make the weapon more comfortable for you, and to make you a much better operator of this weapon.

Barman

I need to separate it into two parts. The first part is about the insides of the weapon systems. Mostly, we do not change the insides of the weapon systems. There might be some changes with a bolt carriage, but that’s mostly the exception. We can work with the suppressors, with the heavy buffer suppressors and optics, red dots, and handles for a better grip.

What about sidearms? What sidearms are most prevalent and in what caliber?

Tarantino

When it comes to the pistols, the most used one is the Fort 20. That’s domestic production. Also Glock. Also the one called Sig Sauer, and the last one that is the CZ. These are all 9mm weapons.

🇺🇦Ukrainian soldier with modern 🇨🇿CZ P-10 F pistol made by ČZUB.

ČZUB supplied Ukraine with a large number of weapons from its stocks, in addition to the CZ P-10 C/F, also CZ Bren 807 or CZ Bren BR. Whether these were a gift from ČZUB or the weapons were donated by the Czech… pic.twitter.com/U8nsFSN92d

— 𝕻𝖗𝖆𝖎𝖘𝖊 𝕿𝖍𝖊 𝕾𝖙𝖊𝖕𝖍 (@praisethesteph) October 31, 2024

Chill

Well, previously we used to use Makarov pistols, but now we’re using the Fort 20 Ukrainian manufactured sidearms, and also I have previously used the Glock pistols. So basically, these are the most common, most widespread pistols that you can come across in Ukraine.

Khalepa

Currently the Fort 20 and the Glock 17 are the most commonly used pistols.

Chewie

So as I have already mentioned, the sidearms that we are using are the Glock 17 and the Fort 20.

Barman

So the main caliber is 9x19mm. That’s the most widely used caliber. When it comes to sidearm brands, the most widely used ones are Fort 20, Glock 17, and this Czech CZ.

What are considered the best and most reliable and what has been disappointing or considered not as reliable?

Tarantino

When it comes to these small arms and guns, a lot depends on the anthropometric characteristics of each individual – the size of the palm, the grasp that each individual has. But when it comes to reliability, in my experience, the Fort 20 is number one, and when it comes to comfort and efficiency, I would say that Sig Sauer is the best one.

I cannot give you a very clear answer about which is the most disappointing, because all of these four weapon systems will be able to fulfill their mission in the hands of a very skilled operator. So those small differences, these are the differences that each individual has as preferences only. But when it comes to functions and functionality, they all will do a good job.

When it comes to my favorite weapon systems, it’s definitely gonna be the Sig Sauer, but I really struggle with the idea of finding the most disappointing one.

At some point, Glock might be called one, but Glock is also quite a reliable weapon, and I cannot even tell you assuredly that Glock is the worst.

Chill

As for my favorite type of pistol, it’s the Glock, of course. But as for those that do not live up to my expectations, I do not think that I can choose one. Previously, we had some Soviet manufactured sidearm models. For instance, we used the TT Soviet manufactured pistol, so I would say that it was pretty bad. So those were the old Soviet pistols, and they do not live up to the requirements of modern warfare.

I like the Glock because, first of all, it’s convenient. Second, accessibility. Then the shooting precision, and of course their dimensions. Their dimensions are also pretty convenient.

Khalepa

I would just say that every weapon needs its own approach. So you just need to find the right approach to every weapon. But no, there are no weapons that I wouldn’t use.

I like the Glock 17 and the Fort 20 because both of these pistols are easy to maintain, especially the Fort 20. It’s lightweight. It’s not really large, so it’s quite convenient to use. And as for the Glock pistol, it’s just the golden classic, the classical example of a handgun.

Chewie

Well, in terms of Glock 17, from my own combat experience, I would like to say that this is a really good weapon that works pretty well even in mud conditions, even when it’s dirty. So in 90% of cases, it didn’t show any malfunctions, any stoppages, etc. Even in really bad operational conditions. In terms of the Fort 20, it’s also quite a good weapon. But well, unfortunately, we cannot provide the Glock pistols for all of our service members. But if we had this opportunity, of course, we would provide the Glocks for 100% of our personnel.

The primary reason why we cannot provide Glocks for all of our personnel is that currently our unit is not purchasing Glocks because there are no funds for this procurement. And as for the key differences between the Glock and the Fort systems, the Fort is really sensitive to humidity and it gets rusty quite soon. So basically, this can also lead to some malfunctions.

I have worked with many pistols, and talking about those that I would never use, these are some of the models manufactured by Beretta. I really didn’t like those, both in terms of maintenance, in terms of the recoil of this weapon. They were hard to maintain, and they had too much recoil. It’s also not really controllable, especially in field conditions. But of course, this is also a matter of habit.

So you just need to get used to this weapon. I’m already used to the weapons that we use, and we can just easily maintain them, even in field conditions. And also, we’re quite good at operating the weapons.

Barman

The one that we use in my unit is the Fort 20. But the drawback of this one is that the barrel is very fragile and very much open for any kind of corrosion and rust. So if I could choose one, according to my preferences, I would definitely choose the CZ P-07.

CZ P-07

Right now we are in the process of rearming the soldiers, meaning that some of the soldiers have already received this weapon system, the rest of us will receive it, I guess, by the end of next year. This is being provided by MoD.

Out of those that I had a chance to put my hands on, I didn’t like the Beretta much because the way it sits in the hand is not comfortable. It has a pretty strong recoil, and this one is very sensitive and requires much more attention.

Do you run red dots on your pistols? If so, what kinds have worked well? What hasn’t? Same for pistol lights.

Tarantino

I have never worked with a pistol with a red dot. I do know that some of the soldiers use it, but for me, it seems mostly like something for the sport world, not the war world. 

It goes without saying, but there are some pitfalls and drawbacks of this because when it comes to the red dot on your main gun, it’s always in your hands. It’s always in front of you, so you can control it. But the pistol that the soldiers do have usually is in such a place where you do not completely have control every time you move.

That means that, if at some point you fall, or if at some point you are in the dense wood and it might simply knock this red dot off. So a pistol usually is in the holster, and don’t always have your eye on the holster or the pistol. While the red dot is on your rifle, you always keep an eye on it. So it simply can fall apart. And that’s a bad story when a soldier can only operate the pistol with a red dot, it means that you take the red dot out, and you cannot work with mechanical optics, it will be a very dire situation.

I don’t have much expertise in this field when it comes to the flashlights under the barrel of the pistol, and when it comes to any kind of modifications on the pistols. I do know that some reconnaissance soldiers do use the flashlights on the pistols, but that’s mostly on very rare occasions.

Chill

Personally, I have not used any red dot sights with my handguns. The only personnel that I have seen using red dot sights on their pistols are close protection service members, and for them this is justifiable because the pistol is their primary weapon, but for us the pistol is just a sidearm. So this is why we do not concentrate on using red dot sights on our pistols.

Khalepa

No, the effective range of these handguns is 20 to 30 meters, so there is no need, no sense using red dot sights on them. We don’t use pistol lights.

Chewie

In combat, we do not really use red dot sights on our pistols. Some of our guys can just install red dot sights on their pistols for sports reasons, just for training, for some personal use, etc. But not in combat.

In terms of the closed-type [fully enclosed emitter] red dot sights, first of all they are quite pricey, and secondly they can be easily broken. Again, they are susceptible to mud, to humidity, etc. And in terms of the open-type red dot sights, a bit of mud and it doesn’t work anymore. At the same time, in terms of the use of the iron sights on the pistol, they are basically fail-proof. And even if they are dirty, even if there is some contamination, some mud, you can just clean them off with your glove and keep on shooting. So they are just fail-proof on the battlefield. And it’s easier. You don’t have to put in and out of your holster without the red dot.

My issued weapon doesn’t have a red dot sight, and I feel pretty confident in getting it out of the holster and putting it back in the holster. And my personal sidearm – a Glock 34 – I have a red dot sight on it, and once again, no problems in using the holster. The Glock 34 is a sports weapon I purchased to participate in sports. This is not a self-defense weapon.

Barman

When it comes to combat and real combat warfare, we do not use the red dots on the pistols. So the war is about the dust and it’s about being dirty and there is a pretty big and high chance that you might hit your weapon either with a stick or something and simply destroy or break the red dot. That is the reason why most of us stick to mechanical sights.

As for pistol lights, we use Olight.

What about shotguns? Do you use them for trench warfare? What about for shooting down drones?

Tarantino

When it comes to military shotguns, unfortunately, I cannot give you a lot of information because we don’t have many chances to work with them.

Chill

Usually they just use shotguns to shoot down drones. I haven’t really heard anything about using shotguns while conducting any actions in the trenches.

Khalepa

Well, as of today, we do not use shotguns, because they can be used against FPV drones or other types of small drones, but our unit does not use shotguns to shoot down Shahed drones.

Chewie

Well, usually we use shotguns for the crews of armored fighting vehicles, but we use shotguns in really rare cases. Mostly, all the personnel are trained to shoot down drones with their primary weapon without using the shotguns.

Barman

We do not use shotguns at all. The weapon that we operate is our authorized UAR-15 with the very standard M855 round.

What shotguns work best for shooting down drones?

Tarantino

So out of those that I had a chance to get my hands on, is one called Benelli. That’s an Italian production shotgun. I have it in my hands. That’s a very qualitative weapon system, and definitely is a reliable one. Another one that I used in my career is the Winchester, and it also looks and works quite and is quite an efficient weapon system. 

The one that we know that we use is the one from the Turkish production, and these are the smoothbore weapons. The drawback of all of them is the following: the weapon is the same, but the manufacturers of the same weapon are different. It means that a brand new weapon from one manufacturer can be up and running and working well, but another weapon system from another manufacturer cannot work so smoothly, and it requires additional fixing of some things. The explanation for all this in my mind is quite easy because these all are not military weapons. These are the weapons designed for hunting and for hunters.

Chill

We do not really have any kind of standardization in this matter. It’s either the Turkish manufactured platforms or any platforms that we can get.

As a hunter, I prefer the classical platforms, but now we have a lot of different types of shotguns in Ukraine, different form factors, a lot of Turkish-manufactured Hatsan shotguns, both pump-actions and other models, and I would say that the pump-action guns are the most effective that can be used in our conditions of Ukrainian warfare.

Chewie

Currently we are using the Turkish manufactured copy of Benelli and also the Safari [HG-150M]. This is a Ukrainian manufacturer.

Do you use a 5.56 fragmentation round for shooting down drones?

Tarantino

Yes, 5.56 shot rounds are occasionally used. However, the firing effectiveness depends exclusively on the operator’s skills.

Chill

No, we do not usually use specialized anti-drone cartridges. It’s usually just simple shot cartridges.

Khalepa

Well, the UAR-15 rifles have the special type of anti-drone ammunition that doesn’t have a single bullet, but it has something more similar to the shotgun, which just acts as the fragmentary ammunition that you have described. We have them and we practice using them at the training sites at the shooting ranges, but we haven’t had any need to use them in the real combat scenario yet.

If we’re looking at the extreme situations and if we imagine that a rifle with the anti-drone munitions is the only thing that you have against the drones, yes, I would say that these anti-drone munitions are better than just simple bullets. They contain small gauge shot, and in comparison with the bullet, they are much more effective in damaging the drones because they can cover a larger area, and the dispersion is larger and better than in just simple cartridges with bullets.

Drone Round: The Next Evolution of Counter-UAS

Chewie

No special cartridges. We just train them to shoot down the drones with what we have, with what they fight. Because when our personnel are somewhere in the tree line and they have contact with the enemy, and they quickly need to shoot down a drone, they will not have time to change the magazine for the one with the anti-drone cartridges, and basically shooting down drones with standard munitions has proven quite efficient. So we train our people to do this. We have quite high results, and we even had cases when our fighters shot down drones with their pistols.

Barman

The only scenario where we use them is during training on the ranges. But when it comes to combat warfare, usually we do stick to our standard rounds because when it comes to warfare right now, a lot of those attacks happen suddenly, unexpectedly. It means that a soldier simply doesn’t have time to change the magazine for the magazine that has those rounds that have these fragments in it.

The peculiarity of the fragmentation round is that its range of efficiency is approximately from 40 to 60 meters, while a usual standard round can hit a drone at a distance of 100 to 150 meters, so we simply made our own conclusion and stuck to this. That using a regular round is much better than this fragment round.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

Heavy rain has flooded tens of thousands of displaced people’s tents in war-devastated Gaza, Palestinian authorities said, leaving many without shelter.

Since early Saturday, displaced families have been seen fleeing camps in parts of Gaza City and other northern areas of the territory, as well as parts of central Gaza, after they were inundated by rainwater.

Gaza authorities said about “70,000 tents sheltering tens of thousands of displaced people were flooded on the first day” of rains.

The statement also noted the “collapse of dozens of cracked walls and roofs, which caused injuries”, some of them critical, in various areas of the war-devastated territory.

Palestinian Civil Defence spokesman Mahmoud Basal told the news agency AFP on Saturday his teams had received more than 1,500 calls during the night from residents requesting urgent assistance after their tents were flooded, explaining that the agency “is operating without any equipment or capabilities”.

“We have issued an urgent distress call to the international community and humanitarian organisations to intervene immediately to save hundreds of thousands of displaced people from the flooding of their tents.”

“We cannot face the consequences of this storm on our own,” Bassal added.