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Seoirse Comerford owns the Comerford bar in Doonbeg. He described the tournament as “unbelievable”.

“If you look at the red double decker buses going up and down the street full of people, we never thought we would have seen the like of that.”

He said the golf course is a big employer and is keeping Doonbeg “alive”.

“Most rural villages in west Clare are all dying a death, young people going away to college, they don’t come back.

“Like there’s over 300 people employed up there at the golf course , it’s a big boost to the local economy. You’ve got big companies in Dublin, like Intel, the golf course is our Intel down here.

“I probably wouldn’t have taken over the bar business other than the golf course being up there.

“We would have had 1,000 plus through the pub on Saturday night and the same Friday night, so there’s a lot of people around the village, which is great to see.”

A new chapter in Saudi Arabia’s cultural and creative journey begins this morning as the inaugural cohort of students at Riyadh University of the Arts starts their first academic semester. The university launches with immense ambition, bold objectives, and a steadfast foundation: a Saudi identity built on global standards.

Since its inception, the university has enjoyed historic support from the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and the Crown Prince — may God protect them — alongside regulatory empowerment that reflects their dedication to the role of culture in the nation’s progress. This culminated in the royal decree authorizing its establishment and approving its charter, representing the highest regulatory authority in the Kingdom.

The overwhelming response to enrollment at the university highlights the genuine passion of Saudis for culture and the arts, a passion rooted in their authentic cultural heritage and ambitious future vision. Since the opening of applications was announced, the university has received thousands of enrollment requests across various cultural disciplines and degree programs offered in its inaugural year. This underscores a true belief in the present and future of the arts within the Kingdom’s major developmental journey, coinciding with a phase in which the entire world is witnessing a remarkable expansion in the creative economy and cultural investment.

The university serves as a major milestone in the human capability development project within the cultural sector. This massive undertaking has seen the Kingdom’s cultural ecosystem make significant strides, with human capability and development initiatives accounting for more than a quarter of all initiatives launched by the ministry and its cultural commissions over the years. These initiatives have served a long list of beneficiaries, with more than 63,000 individuals receiving education and training across various cultural sectors since the establishment of the Ministry of Culture in 2018. The project continues to grow, with its creative impact visibly reflecting on all facets of development within our flourishing society.

I congratulate all the creative men and women who began their academic journey today at Riyadh University of the Arts.

Because education is the foundation for building cultural capabilities, the university has arrived to strengthen the development of the cultural sector, achieve global excellence in culture and arts education, and elevate Saudi culture and its presence both locally and globally. It also aims to bridge the current gap in the cultural labor market, foster an environment that stimulates cultural initiatives in the private sector, and boost overall cultural production in society. This comes at a time when Ministry of Culture forecasts indicate that demand for cultural jobs will exceed 7 percent annually of total employment, with the number of jobs across various cultural sectors projected to reach nearly 346,000 by 2030. Additionally, demand for roles in arts, technology, and design is growing annually by 40 percent in the Middle East, alongside a growth in cultural tourism of more than 109 percent between 2019 and 2022.

The university offers its programs in cooperation with the world’s most prestigious universities through partnerships that facilitate knowledge transfer and the exchange of expertise. This educational framework combines academic rigor with creative innovation and the integration of technology, while balancing theoretical sciences with practical application. It further enables researchers to expand their scope of awareness and knowledge within a fertile cultural environment like Saudi Arabia, where the cultural sector has proven its ability to effectively contribute to the national economy, achieving rapid growth thanks to the support of our wise leadership and the contributions of Saudi creatives across all fields.

The university aims to become a specialized, leading institution in the field of culture in the Middle East and North Africa region, rank among the top 50 cultural universities internationally, and serve as a global hub for academic achievement, scientific research, and cultural and knowledge exchange from Riyadh to the entire world. Among its core missions, the university focuses on strengthening the value chain across all cultural sectors and supplying them with creative and leadership talents, including artists, producers, administrators, and entrepreneurs. This spans the fields of cultural management, film, music, museum management, theater, performing arts, design arts, architecture, fashion, visual arts, photography, heritage and civilization studies, culinary arts, and cultural education.

I congratulate all the creative men and women who began their academic journey today at Riyadh University of the Arts. I am entirely confident that this major milestone will enhance their creative paths, given the university’s commitment to providing top-tier education through partnerships with leading institutions. It offers an exceptional student experience through a diverse range of disciplines, programs, and innovative educational methods, while enabling research and collaboration across cultural sectors. Together, we will enhance the competitiveness of national capabilities in the cultural sector so that Saudi Arabia may flourish with diverse cultural expressions that enrich individual lifestyles, strengthen national identity, and foster cultural dialogue with the world.

I extend my thanks and appreciation to Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz, and to Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, for the care, empowerment, and encouragement that Saudi culture receives.

— Prince Badr bin Abdullah bin Farhan is Saudi Minister of Culture and Chairman of the Board of Trustees at Riyadh University of Arts.

— This article was first published in Arabic in Asharq Al-Awsat.

Egypt can leverage the US-China rivalry and its strategic partnership with Beijing to bolster its national security and its position as a global logistics hub through several strategic avenues:

1) Enhancing its status as a global logistics and trade center, through:

– Developing the Suez Canal Economic Zone: Leveraging the massive Chinese investments and projects in the TEDA zone in Ain Sokhna to establish vital industries such as green hydrogen, solar panels, and electric vehicles, transforming Egypt from a mere waterway into a global manufacturing and logistics hub.

– Linking the Belt and Road Initiative with Egypt’s Vision 2030: Integrating Egyptian ports, such as East Port Said, Alexandria, and Ain Sokhna, into the Chinese maritime trade network, while maintaining a balance that allows for alternative investments in other ports and logistics corridors to expand its options and international network of allies.

– Alternative Supply Chains: Egypt offers a secure regional base for global and Chinese companies seeking to diversify their supply chains away from areas of direct conflict, leveraging its strategic location connecting three continents.

2) Enhancing National Security and Red Sea Security, through:

– Diversifying Sources of Armament and Military Technology: The partnership with China allows Egypt to acquire advanced military technology, such as drones, air defense systems, and space and satellite technology, without the stringent political conditions imposed by Washington, thus strengthening the independence of Egyptian military decision-making.

– Securing Navigation in the Red Sea and the El-Mandeb Strait: This can be achieved by utilizing the Chinese military presence in Djibouti and China’s interest in maritime security to coordinate and build a joint security umbrella protecting the Suez Canal from emerging threats, such as attacks in the Red Sea, given that the stability of this waterway is a vital shared interest for both Egypt and China.

– Balancing Political Pressures: By employing flexible diplomacy and strategic balancing, Egypt’s rapprochement with China (especially after joining the BRICS group) provides it with strong leverage in its negotiations with the United States and Western international institutions, and vice versa.

3) Egyptian Expansion and Influence in Africa via China, through:

The Joint Projects (Triangular Cooperation) by acting as a strategic gateway for Chinese investments directed towards the African continent, through the implementation of joint infrastructure projects (roads, power plants, dams) in cooperation between Egyptian and Chinese companies in the Nile Basin and Horn of Africa countries, Egypt can enhance its influence and development diplomacy.

Here, Egypt can benefit from international and Chinese competition over Africa, the Red Sea, and Ethiopia, and from its partnership with China, to strengthen its national security and its position as a logistical and commercial hub. Thus, Chinese economic influence can become a factor of stability and development for Egypt, rather than a new arena for international competition in the future.  Egypt can enhance its national security and logistical standing by leveraging its unique strategic location as a link between Africa, Asia, and Europe and by transforming international competition and its partnership with China into well-considered development opportunities. This can be achieved by studying and understanding the following strategic dimensions:

– First: Mechanisms for Egypt to Benefit from International Competition and the Chinese Partnership

– Developing Global Logistics Hubs: Continuing to expand and develop the Suez Canal Economic Zone in conjunction with Chinese investments, such as the TEDA Zone in Ain Sokhna, to transform the canal from a mere waterway into a global manufacturing and re-export hub.

– Continental Connectivity and Infrastructure: Leading regional connectivity projects in Africa, such as the Cairo-Cape Town Highway and the Lake Victoria-Mediterranean Waterway Project, and utilizing funding from China’s Belt and Road Initiative to connect African trade to the Red Sea.

– Diversifying security and military partnerships: Leveraging international competition in the Red Sea to secure navigation and combat piracy and terrorism through building flexible alliances and modernizing Egyptian naval capabilities (the Berenice naval base) without aligning completely with any single international power.

– Localizing industry and technology: Making technology transfer and the localization of industries, such as electric vehicles, renewable energy, and communications, a requirement in investment contracts with China and Western countries. This will reduce reliance on imports and bolster Egyptian economic security.

– Second: Chinese Economic Influence: Stability and Development or an Arena of Competition? Future indicators of Chinese influence in Egypt and the region point to two overlapping scenarios:

– The first scenario: A factor of stability and development, achieved by focusing on infrastructure, providing soft loans, creating local job opportunities, and supporting regional integration. This would have a positive impact on Egypt and Africa, contributing to easing conflicts stemming from poverty and offering African countries alternative financing options for developing their economies.

– The second scenario: Chinese influence within Africa as a negative factor, transforming it into a new arena of international competition. Increased Western (American and European) fears of Chinese hegemony and attempts to contain it through counter-initiatives or political pressure could turn the Red Sea region and Africa into areas of military and political polarization, forcing countries to choose between the Eastern and Western blocs.

– Third: Analyzing China’s role regarding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) issue and whether Beijing can play a role in supporting stability and negotiations between Egypt and Ethiopia

On the other hand, given China’s growing relations with Ethiopia and the Nile Basin countries, its role regarding the GERD issue can be viewed positively for Egypt. Beijing can play a role in supporting stability and negotiations, even though its economic interests might make it more cautious about clashing with Ethiopia. Here, China adopts a pragmatic and cautious approach, balancing its substantial economic interests in Ethiopia with its strategic relationship with Egypt. This limits its role to quiet diplomacy and calls for negotiations without exerting direct pressure or engaging in confrontation with Addis Ababa. This can be understood through:

1) Analyzing China’s role regarding the GERD

– Technical and financial support: Chinese companies and funding have contributed directly to the infrastructure and electricity distribution stations associated with the GERD and Ethiopian projects.

– Non-interference policy: Beijing traditionally adheres to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and avoids taking public stances against Ethiopian development projects.

– Diplomatic balance: China is careful to issue joint statements with Egypt emphasizing the importance of international law and the need to avoid harming water security, but these remain diplomatic statements that fall short of exerting pressure through mediation.

2) Can Beijing support stability and negotiations between Egypt and Ethiopia?

– The capacity exists: China possesses significant economic and financial influence over Ethiopia, enabling it to exert influence if it so desired, given the scale of its investments and loans.

– The will to exert pressure is lacking: China refuses to become a serious mediator or a pressure party and prefers to distance itself from the sharp points of contention between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan.

– Maximum possible role: Beijing’s available role is limited to quiet mediation and encouraging the parties to return to regional negotiating tables without imposing binding solutions.

3) Economic interests and avoiding confrontation:

– Deep strategic partnership: For China, Ethiopia is a key gateway and the heart of Africa ​​for implementing the Belt and Road Initiative and penetrating the Horn of Africa.

– Interconnected projects: Chinese interests in Ethiopia are linked to agricultural, electricity, and railway projects that directly benefit from the dam’s energy.

Here, we conclude that major economic interests make China very wary of losing its Ethiopian ally, which keeps its position biased towards avoiding confrontation and refraining from imposing any forced settlement on it.

From this, we understand that Chinese influence holds enormous developmental potential for Africa, but it remains surrounded by the risks of geopolitical competition with other powers, most notably the United States.  Egypt’s ability to achieve diplomatic balance and rely on a policy of multiple partners is the guarantor of transforming this influence into a stabilizing factor that supports its national security.

Art as propaganda

Chavez’s eyes still gaze from walls across Caracas. So too do the eyes of other figures, like Maduro and independence leader Simon Bolivar. Some images are faded. Others are accompanied by slogans like “To doubt is treason”.

Forastero has worked on government projects, including under Rodriguez. But he is critical of some of the newer images. He remembers a time when he painted murals of Chavez playing with children or riding a bicycle, not slogans.

“When Chavez was alive, people painted Chavez because we loved him very much. It’s as simple as that,” he said.

In recent decades, he argues that Venezuela’s public art has fallen increasingly under government control, with murals commissioned to carry explicitly political messages.

“Muralism is a story told on a wall,” Forastero said. “What we really see on the walls now are propaganda posters. I’m a chavista, and I’m disgusted by it.”

Still, the removal of the artwork is another form of propaganda, in Forastero’s eyes. He believes the Rodriguez government is seeking to project a more “neutral” appearance to better appeal to the US.

He also accuses Rodriguez of abandoning ideals key to the chavismo movement: namely, anti-imperialism and revolution. He pointed to the US’s role in shaping Venezuelan policy.

“The United States is forcing our government to behave this way,” Forastero said.

Rafael Araujo, a Venezuelan activist, has a different view of the changing landscape.

To him, there was something “jarring” about seeing chavista figures plastered across city walls, especially the leaders who have caused the country so much pain.

During their time in power, Chavez and Maduro both faced allegations of overseeing human rights abuses, including through the violent suppression of dissent. Venezuela’s last two presidential elections have been widely denounced as illegitimate.

Known in Caracas as Senor Papagayo, Araujo has used colourful, handmade kites to protest against government violence and economic policy.

He sees the Chavez murals as a form of oppression, an ever-visible reminder of a repressive government apparatus.

His kites are a way of sending a different message. His favourite carries aloft a single word: “Freedom”.

“Freedom is what all countries need. Democracy is the most balanced system a citizen can live under,” Araujo said.

AL-MUKALLA: Yemen’s government forces are better prepared, more experienced and better armed to defend the central city of Marib against any renewed Houthi offensive, a senior military official said, amid reports that the Iran-backed group is massing forces around the province.

Brig. Yahya Al-Hatemi, director of the Yemeni army’s military media, told Arab News that government forces had gained significant battlefield experience during more than a decade of fighting and were ready to repel any attempt by the Houthis to advance on Marib.

“The armed forces have generally become more organized, powerful and effective,” Al-Hatemi said.

“Over the past decade, they have gained combat experience that enabled them to overcome adversity, master military tactics and identify the enemy’s strengths and weaknesses.”

Marib has become one of the most strategically important government-held areas in Yemen since the war escalated in 2015.

It is home to more than 2 million displaced people, major army bases, oil and gas fields and a key power station. The Houthis have repeatedly attempted to seize the city, but previous offensives have failed.

Over the weekend, Yemeni media reported that the Houthis had sent large numbers of fighters and military equipment to areas of Marib province under their control, raising fears of preparations for another offensive.

The reported buildup followed major Houthi gains along Yemen’s western coast, including the seizure of the Red Sea port city of Mokha and advances toward the Bab Al-Mandab area.

Al-Hatemi said the army was aware that Marib could become the Houthis’ next major target.

“We know that the new pressure will be directed at Marib,” he said.

“However, Marib has significant military strength and divine protection. Moreover, the Houthis lack a popular support base there. Quite the opposite: The local environment is hostile to them.”

The Houthis launched a major offensive to capture Marib in early 2021, with fighting continuing into early 2022 and leaving hundreds of civilians and combatants dead or wounded.

The campaign largely subsided following the UN-brokered truce in April 2022, although the Houthis continued launching missile and drone attacks and mobilizing forces around government-held parts of the province.

Military commanders say the situation is different today.

Government forces are operating under a more unified command and have accumulated years of experience fighting the Houthis across multiple fronts.

For the first time in more than a decade, Yemen’s military has also reactivated its air force, which has recently carried out strikes against Houthi positions.

“The armed forces were supplied with military equipment they had previously lacked, while the army and navy were restructured,” Al-Hatemi said.

“In addition, the air force, which had been absent for 11 years, was reactivated.”

Presidential Leadership Council member and Marib Gov. Sultan Al-Aradah expressed similar confidence, saying government forces were capable not only of defending the province but eventually of taking the initiative and launching a broader campaign against Houthi-held territory.

“There is no doubt that Marib is part of the broader battlefields across the country,” Al-Aradah told Saba TV.

“From the beginning, the Marib front has focused solely on victory, supporting the people and supporting all fronts across Yemen. The objective of the forces in Marib and elsewhere is to restore the capital, Sanaa.”

Al-Aradah urged families in Houthi-controlled areas not to send their children to fight alongside the group.

“I hope they do not send their misled children into death traps … horrific slaughterhouses that make one shudder with shame,” he said.

“It is deeply regrettable to witness, right before our eyes, these scenes where hundreds, even thousands, of misled individuals are sent off — unaware of where they are going or whom they are fighting.”

Al-Aradah accused the Houthis of reigniting the war through their latest military escalation and blamed Iran for encouraging the group to reject peace efforts.

He also praised Saudi Arabia for its support for Yemen’s internationally recognized government.

“Our Arab brothers, foremost among them Saudi Arabia, provide great support to the Yemeni people in all fields,” he said.

“They stand by Yemen’s constitutional legitimacy and support the Yemeni people in addressing their economic and humanitarian hardships. They also stand by us in our efforts to achieve stability and prosperity under a legitimate state.”

The renewed attention on Marib comes as the battlefield has widened following Houthi advances in western Yemen.

The militia’s gains around Mokha and Bab Al-Mandab have increased pressure on government forces and raised questions over where the Houthis will seek to concentrate their next major offensive.

For government commanders, however, the stated objective now extends beyond simply defending Marib.

“The priority now is to restore the Yemeni state and rid Yemen of terrorist organizations, foremost among them the Houthis, regardless of their form or nature,” Al-Aradah said.

“This is an irreversible commitment tied to the will of the people. There will be no turning back until the state is restored, whatever it takes.”

RIYADH: A total of 114 racing camels worth an estimated SR270 million to SR492 million ($72 million to $131 million) entered to compete in the four final rounds of the Crown Prince Camel Festival in Taif, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

The festival’s closing program featured four championship races, with 35 camels entered in the first round, 13 in the second, 46 in the third, and 20 in the fourth.

The event, organized by the Saudi Camel Federation under the patronage of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, offered SR50 million in prize money and attracted leading owners and competitors from across Saudi Arabia and the Gulf.

The festival’s most prestigious trophies, Al-Saif (Sword) and Al-Bunduq (Rifle), are awarded in the elite Hiyl (female camel) and Zumoul (male camel) championship races. Winning either title significantly enhances a camel’s prestige, breeding value, and market price.

Camel owner and racing specialist Abdullah Al-Sharif said the market value of a single camel competing in the Hiyl category typically ranges from SR3 million to SR6 million.

In the Zumoul category, camels are valued at between SR1.5 million and SR2 million.

Some elite camels command prices ranging from SR7 million to SR8 million, depending on their racing record, results, and bloodlines.

Qualifying for the closing championship trophy rounds can significantly increase a camel’s value, with previous achievements, breeding potential, lineage, prize money, and the level of competition all influencing market prices, Al-Sharif added.

Saudi Camel Sports spokesperson Murdhi Al-Khamaali said the festival has helped promote authentic Arab culture globally by bringing together traditions from Saudi Arabia, the Gulf, and the wider Arab world.

He said the event has grown beyond a sporting competition to become an economic, social, and cultural movement, while also helping revive Taif’s historical and cultural heritage.

Al-Khamaali added that bearing the name of the crown prince has transformed the festival into a cultural and economic destination for camel owners from across the Kingdom and the Gulf.

He said the festival’s rapid growth reflects its expanding importance as a platform for preserving heritage and supporting economic activity. Since its launch in 2018, the event has attracted more than 100,000 camels and earned multiple Guinness World Records titles.

The seventh edition in 2025 marked a major milestone, with participation surpassing 100,000 camels, building on the nearly 99,000 camels recorded across earlier editions.

The festival was recognized by Guinness World Records in 2024 for hosting the world’s largest camel race, with 21,637 camels participating. Held during the Kingdom’s “Year of the Camel,” the event highlighted the animal’s enduring cultural significance across the Arabian Peninsula.

The festival has also received several major accolades, including four Guinness World Records titles and the Makkah Economic Excellence Award in 2023, recognizing its contribution to cultural preservation, economic development, and the promotion of Saudi heritage.

In a separate update issued ahead of the finale, festival results showed Saudi-owned camels leading the standings with victories in 131 heats during the eighth edition.

Saudi-owned camels recorded 47 wins in the Al-Haqayiq category, 21 in Al-Laqaya, 15 in Al-Jadha’a, and nine in Al-Thnaya, for a combined total of 92 victories. They also secured 35 wins in the Intaj Al-Saudiyya races and four in the Sibaq Al-Hajjanah category, bringing their overall tally to 131 wins.

Emirati-owned camels ranked second with 35 victories, followed by Qatar with 27. Kuwaiti and Omani owners recorded three wins each, while Bahrain registered one victory.

RIYADH: Saudi Arabia’s Tadawul All Share Index slipped on Sunday, losing 142.70 points, or 1.30 percent, to close at 10,864.57. 

The total trading turnover of the benchmark index was SR3.83 billion ($1.02 billion), as 42 of the stocks advanced and 221 retreated.   

Similarly, the Kingdom’s parallel market Nomu lost 53.44 points, or 0.25 percent, to close at 21,579.19. This comes as 25 of the stocks advanced while 47 retreated.   

The MSCI Tadawul Index lost 18.52 points, or 1.25 percent, to close at 1,458.75.     

Top gainers, losers 

The best-performing stock of the day was Armah Sports Co., whose share price surged 9.95 percent to SR71.85.   

Other top performers included Arriyadh Development Co., whose share price rose 5.68 percent to SR16.75, as well as Saudi Reinsurance Co., whose share price surged 3.67 percent to SR28.82.

Saudi Aramco Base Oil Co. recorded the most significant drop, falling 9.97 percent to SR127.30. 

Knowledge Economic City also saw its stock price fall 5.08 percent to SR18.88. 

Allied Cooperative Insurance Group also saw its stock price decline 4.96 percent to SR7.85. 

Corporate announcements 

TAM Development Co. received an amendment letter to the award letter for the “Provision of Advisory Services for Community Engagement and Event Management for Green Riyadh Program” project, awarded by the Royal Commission for Riyadh City. 

According to a Tadawul statement, the amendment involves the cancellation of an operational line item and will not affect the project’s overall profit margins. The total contract value has therefore been revised to SR12.5 million, inclusive of VAT, while the remaining scope of work will continue under the amended contract with no other changes. 

The financial impact will be reflected in the company’s financial results based on implementation progress and the periods in which the related revenue and costs are recognized. The ultimate impact on net profit will depend on the costs associated with the excluded scope and those incurred in completing the remaining work. The company said it will announce any material developments in due course. 

TAM Development ended the session at SR59.50, down 0.25 percent. 

Anmat Technology for Trading Co. announced the signing of a SR51 million contract with the Oversight and Anti-Corruption Authority, or Nazaha, to supply and install specialized equipment at one of the authority’s premises. 

According to a bourse filing, the contract has a duration of 150 days. 

Anmat Technology for Trading Co. ended the session at SR9, down 3.33 percent. 

DUBAI: French actress Melanie Laurent made a dramatic red-carpet statement in an Elie Saab Haute Couture Fall/Winter 2025–26 gown at the Venice Film Festival.

The sculptural black creation from the Lebanese couturier hugged her silhouette before cascading into a floor-skimming skirt, while intricate silver embellishments illuminated the bodice and skirt with a liquid-metal effect.

Meanwhile, the Venice Film Festival awarded its top prize on Saturday to a drama directed by Danish-Egyptian filmmaker May El-Toukhy about a woman trying to hide a wartime relationship with a Nazi — the only feature film with a female director in the competition.

“Woman Unknown” was a major talking point at the festival because of its subject matter, which has rarely been explored in film, and because El-Toukhy was one of only two female directors in the event.

Only one other woman — Israel’s Rachel Szor, co-director of the chilling documentary “NAZA” about Israel’s war on Gaza — was behind the 21 films vying for prizes at the star-studded closing ceremony in Venice.

“‘Woman Unknown’ is about the female body as a battleground and a public matter. And at the same time, the film tells the tale of women who are invisible, unseen and voiceless,” El-Toukhy, who grew up in Denmark with a Danish mother and Egyptian father, told the ceremony.

The head of this year’s jury, American actor-director Maggie Gyllenhaal, had questioned the dearth of women-directed films on the opening day, but she declined to discuss the issue further at a final press conference.

“I think I’m tired of talking about this same subject over and over,” she said. “I just want to celebrate a brilliantly made movie that I felt was like a laser beam.”

The second-place Silver Lion went to “Possible Love,” a poignant relationship study by South Korean auteur Lee Chang-dong that was one of the most highly praised movies of the festival.

The best director prize went to Russian-born Ilya Khrzhanovsky for his vast, riotous and experimental cinema project “DAU,” which chronicles the life of the troubled father of the Soviet nuclear program, Lev Landau.

JEDDAH: Oman’s refinery output fell 3.7 percent year on year to about 129.1 million barrels through July, with diesel production declining 6.8 percent, according to preliminary data from the National Centre for Statistics and Information. 

The latest figures showed that total motor-fuel production declined 1.4 percent through July, Oman News Agency reported, citing NCSI data. 

Diesel production fell to 43.31 million barrels from 46.48 million barrels a year earlier. Domestic sales declined 8.3 percent to 11.11 million barrels, while exports fell 11.8 percent to 33.33 million barrels. 

The decline in refinery output comes as Oman continues to develop its downstream energy and petrochemical industries as part of its economic diversification strategy. Invest Oman describes the petrochemical sector as a key pillar of Oman Vision 2040, with major projects including the Duqm Refinery and Liwa Plastics supporting the production of higher-value products from the country’s hydrocarbon resources. 

Production of regular gasoline, or 91-octane petrol, fell 4.5 percent to 9.63 million barrels through July, compared with 10.09 million barrels during the same period in 2025. Sales declined 4.6 percent to 10.04 million barrels, while exports rose 9.8 percent to 1.98 million barrels. 

“By contrast, production of premium gasoline, or 95, rose 2.6 percent through the end of July 2026 to 8.32 million barrels, compared with 8.11 million barrels during the same period in 2025,” ONA reported. 

It added that M95 sales, however, fell 10.6 percent to 8.86 million barrels, from 9.90 million barrels, while exports dropped 33.9 percent to 362,900 barrels, compared with 549,100 barrels a year earlier. 

The figures extend a trend seen earlier in the year. Through June, Oman’s total refinery output had fallen 5.1 percent to 108.85 million barrels, with diesel and regular petrol production declining while jet fuel and naphtha output increased. 

Jet fuel, naphtha rise 

Jet fuel production increased 12 percent to 16.79 million barrels through July, from 14.99 million barrels a year earlier. Sales fell 9.2 percent to 2.57 million barrels, while exports rose 27.4 percent to 14.52 million barrels. 

Naphtha production increased 4.5 percent to 22.61 million barrels, while sales rose 3.2 percent to 8.33 million barrels and exports increased 2.6 percent to 14.66 million barrels. 

LPG and other refinery products 

Liquefied petroleum gas production declined 3.3 percent through the end of July to 6.46 million barrels, compared with 6.68 million barrels during the same period in 2025. 

“Its sales also fell 22 percent to 1.76 million barrels, compared with 2.26 million barrels. By contrast, its exports increased 3.9 percent to 2.06 million barrels, compared with 1.98 million barrels,” ONA stated. 

Production of other refinery products fell 15.9 percent to 21.97 million barrels, compared with 26.12 million barrels a year earlier, with sales of those products declining 21.7 percent to 18.32 million barrels and exports falling 3.1 percent to 5.62 million barrels. 

Petrochemical production 

In the petrochemical sector, benzene production increased 7.3 percent to 109,900 tonnes through July, compared with 102,400 tonnes during the same period of 2025, while exports of the aromatic chemical rose 11.3 percent to 108,000 tonnes, according to the statistics. 

Paraxylene production increased 9.6 percent to 370,500 tonnes, compared with 338,000 tonnes a year earlier, with exports rising 1.7 percent to 372,400 tonnes. 

Polypropylene production, meanwhile, fell 25.4 percent to 149,900 tonnes from 200,800 tonnes during the same period last year. 

Despite the decline in output, sales of the key plastic material rose 32.1 percent to 23,500 tonnes, while exports fell 17.9 percent to 122,300 tonnes, compared with 148,900 tonnes. 

The Ukrainian Navy is claiming one of its uncrewed surface vessels (USV) sank a Russian USV, marking the first time one of these weapons, also known as drone boats, destroyed another. The engagement is the latest iteration in the use of combat drone boats, which Ukraine has employed to devastating effect against Russia’s Black Sea Fleet vessels and facilities, forcing the general evacuation of Russian naval assets from occupied Crimea to bases in Russia proper. The use of weaponized USVs is now proliferating around the globe at an increasing rate.

The incident took place somewhere in the Black Sea, said the Ukrainian Navy, which provided no details about when it happened or exactly where. TWZ cannot independently verify this claim; however, we cannot find any evidence of a drone boat killing another drone boat in the past.

“Units of the Main Intelligence Directorate (GUR) detected the target,” the Ukrainian Navy stated on Telegram. “The Ukrainian Navy’s ‘Sargan 3000’ unmanned boat, equipped with a remotely operated weapon station (RWS) Protector 12.7 mm, successfully destroyed it. This is the first naval battle in history between unmanned boats.”

An 81-second video released by the Ukrainian Navy opens with a view from the Sargan 3000’s onboard camera. It shows the Ukrainian USV acquiring, then engaging the Russian USV with its machine gun. It then cuts to a closer view of the Protector gun system firing at the Russian drone boat. At about the 30-second mark, the view switches to a feed from an aerial platform, though it is unclear if it is piloted or a drone. The video continues with the Sargan 3000 raking the Russian USV with its heavy machine gun until pieces start flying off and it eventually sinks, stern first.

The Sargan 3000 (the name means needlefish in Ukrainian) was first introduced by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in April as a “multi-purpose platform that has undergone testing and entered service with the Ukrainian Navy. These uncrewed vessels are highly maneuverable and capable of carrying out strike missions.”

Though initially designed as a kamikaze weapon, it evolved into a platform for remote-controlled weapons, according to the Russian AmalNews outlet.

“The maritime drone features a specialized low-profile hull with distinctive hydrodynamic lines and is constructed from materials that reduce its radar signature,” the publication explained. “The Sargan-3000 USV is equipped with a waterjet propulsion system (presumably powered by a diesel or hybrid engine to ensure a long operational range).”

AmalNews states that the Sargan 3000 is 6.9 meters (about 22.6 feet) long, 2.2 meters (about 7.2 feet) wide, with an operational radius of up to 1,600 km (about 994 miles) and can carry a payload of 450 kg (about 992 pounds). It travels at an estimated speed range of 40-55 knots.

During operations, the Sargan 3000 connects to Ukraine’s Delta situational awareness system, “enabling the real-time transmission of target data, video feeds, and telemetry to operators,” AmalNews noted. “It features multi-channel control capabilities, including redundant satellite communication terminals (utilizing secure Western commercial networks and NATO military networks).”

It is also equipped with “an autonomous inertial and optical navigation system to ensure operation in the event of GPS jamming, and it incorporates electronic countermeasures (ECM) modules.”

There are several variants of this USV. They include those equipped with machine guns; rockets; FPV drones; an electronic warfare version and one that lays mines, the publication added.

The Sargan 3000’s Protector remote weapon station is made by Kongsberg.

The drone boat’s first publicly known combat engagement took place in July, when one “destroyed the Russian Federation’s FSB border guard ship Izumrud,” the Ukrainian Navy stated at the time.

“Ukrainian naval sailors sank the border guard ship of the 2nd rank with the Sargan-3000 maritime unmanned complex near Novorossiysk,” the Ukrainian Navy claimed on Facebook. “Among the crew of the ship are dead and wounded.”

It is unclear whether the USV acted as a kamikaze vessel or a weapons platform, although the former is most likely.

“It was Izumrud that on November 25, 2018, participated in the attack on the ships of the Ukrainian Navy in the Kerch Strait,” the service added. “Revenge is inevitable.”

One sea drone killing another is a notable development given the damage these systems can inflict and the challenge of locating and destroying them on open waters. Being able to operate on the water over long distances and timeframes, they can be used to hunt down other drone boats, as what appears to have taken place in this engagement, or serve as a picket line of sorts to protect harbors, vessels and other targets that have been attacked by USVs in the past.

The Russian drone boat, which is not identified, did not appear to be armed.

The Houthi rebels of Yemen actually pioneered the operational use of kamikaze USVs years ago. We first reported about this capability in January 2017, when an explosive-laden Houthi USV struck a Saudi frigate. Before that, Iran developed various crude kamikaze USVs and those capabilities soon migrated to its Houthi proxies, which put them to use in the Red Sea for the first time.

Ukraine has led the way in advancements of these systems, first employing them as kamikaze weapons, but then adding machine guns and rockets and later missiles, which were used to shoot down Russian helicopters and jets. Ukraine has also used these to launch FPV and bomber drone attacks as well as deliver uncrewed ground vehicles (UGV) into enemy territory.

You can see that delivery in the following video.

In the wake of the Ukrainian success with these weapons, Russia developed its own drone boats, and in August 2025, launched its first attack on a Ukrainian vessel.

The U.S. used drone boats as kamikaze weapons for the first time in July, during an attack “on a submarine and ship maintenance facility in Iran,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced on X at the time.

Regardless, it looks like history was made with this incident in the Black Sea. But this involved a sea drone hunting down and destroying another that couldn’t fight back. Given the rapid pace of weapons development by both sides in the Ukraine war, it seems inevitable that a duel between two armed drones boats could soon follow.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com

RIYADH: Saudi Arabia’s first automotive company and original equipment manufacturer, Ceer, will unveil its first flagship electric vehicles, a sedan and an SUV, on Sept. 21, marking a major milestone in the Kingdom’s efforts to establish a domestic automotive industry.

The reveal comes as Saudi Arabia accelerates its push to develop advanced manufacturing capabilities and build an electric-vehicle ecosystem under Vision 2030, supporting economic diversification and strengthening the Kingdom’s position in the global automotive industry.

Established in 2022, Ceer is moving from vehicle development to the unveiling of its first models as Saudi Arabia seeks to establish itself as a regional hub for electric-vehicle manufacturing.

James DeLuca, CEO of Ceer, said: “At the beginning of this year, we said that 2026 is the year of Ceer. I am happy to announce that we’ve set the date for the reveal of our first flagship vehicles.”

He added: “The world is about to witness a historic moment, the result of an incredible journey from initial design and intensive engineering to the buildup of one of the most advanced manufacturing facilities in the world, in record time.”

Saudi Arabia’s EV push

The Public Investment Fund is driving the Kingdom’s electric vehicle ambitions through investments in companies including Ceer and Lucid, while supporting a broader ecosystem covering manufacturing, infrastructure, technology and supply chains.

Ceer was established as a joint venture between PIF and Foxconn to develop Saudi Arabia’s automotive industry. The company designs, engineers, sources, validates and manufactures vehicles, with plans to sell and service them in the near future.

Workforce and local impact

Since its establishment, Ceer has expanded its workforce from 20 to 2,300 employees, bringing together Saudi talent and global automotive experts.

The company has secured partnerships with international companies including BMW, Hyundai Transys and Rimac, as well as Siemens, Sabelt, Isoclima, ANDRITZ Schuler, Durr and XYG.

These partnerships support Ceer’s target of achieving 45 percent local content by 2034. The company is also developing an advanced manufacturing complex and vehicles tailored to the needs of Saudi Arabia and the wider region.

Ceer is expected to contribute around SR30 billion ($8 billion) to Saudi Arabia’s gross domestic product, improve the trade balance by SR80 billion and create about 30,000 jobs, with Saudis accounting for 80 percent of direct employment.

The company also supports the Saudi Green Initiative’s target of achieving net-zero emissions in the Kingdom by 2060.

RIYADH: Hail Municipality has unveiled five new investment opportunities for investors, aiming to boost investment prospects in the region, develop commercial, agricultural and recreational activities, and make use of municipal sites in ways that support economic development and improve the urban landscape.

The investment opportunities include the establishment, operation and maintenance of a mixed-use site in the Al-Nuqrah district covering 5,129 sq. meters, with a contract term of up to 20 years, the Saudi Press Agency reported.

They also include an agricultural nursery site in the Al-Rawabi Al-Awwal district covering 9,999 sq. meters, with a contract term of up to 10 years, and a second nursery site covering 16,828 sq. meters, with a term of up to five years.

The opportunities also include the establishment, operation and maintenance of a commercial complex in the Hittin district covering 6,297 sq. meters, with a contract term of up to 20 years, and the establishment, operation and maintenance of a mixed-use site on Jubbah Road covering 20,326 sq. meters, with a contract term of up to 20 years — offering investors diverse opportunities in commercial, agricultural, recreational and tourism activities, and supporting the development and investment of municipal sites in the region.

The Hail Municipality said the opportunities build on its efforts to empower the private sector, encourage investment, and develop commercial, agricultural, recreational and tourism activities, in line with the goals of Saudi Vision 2030 to strengthen partnership with the private sector, support sustainable development and improve quality of life. It invited the public to view details of the opportunities through the municipality’s investment platform.

Saudi Arabia has closed its East-West oil pipeline due to a drone attack linked to Iranian-backed militias in Iraq. This pipeline is crucial for Saudi Arabia, as it allows the country to bypass the congested Strait of Hormuz, which has faced reduced tanker traffic due to an ongoing conflict between the U.S. and Iran. The Saudi Energy Ministry stated that the closure is a precautionary measure; the pipeline typically carries about 4 to 5 million barrels of oil per day, contributing 4% to 5% of global oil supply. The attack caused injuries and damage, but the exact impact on oil exports is still being evaluated.

President Trump, while attending a golf event in Ireland, suggested that Iran was likely responsible for the attack and predicted that oil prices would drop after the upcoming U.S. midterm elections. Recently, oil prices have surged, with diesel prices in the U.S. topping $6 a gallon due to tensions in the region. Reports surfaced that the Houthis, aligned with Iran, seized the strategic Perim Island in the Red Sea.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia reached out to Trump for military assistance against the Houthis, but Washington decided not to intervene directly at that moment, offering intelligence support instead. There were concerns that the attacks on the pipeline and Perim Island could escalate tensions further, especially since diplomatic efforts to resolve the war have stalled.

Iran’s parliamentary committee has stated that negotiations are futile unless the U.S. meets Iran’s demands, particularly concerning recognition of its control over the Strait of Hormuz. The Iranian foreign ministry announced plans for discussions with Gulf states in Oman regarding the strait. Meanwhile, Iraq’s government dismissed a military commander connected to the attack and has closed the Shalamcheh border crossing with Iran as a precaution to prevent further incidents.

The Saudis have not retaliated yet, following a request from Iraq’s prime minister, but they maintain the right to take necessary actions to protect their interests. Saudi Arabia’s oil production has plummeted to its lowest level in over 30 years, partly due to attacks on maritime vessels by Houthi factions. These forces, supported by Iranian guidance, are reportedly planning counterattacks to reclaim territories lost to the Houthis, who have advanced significantly along Yemen’s coast under Iranian direction. The Houthis have claimed that maritime navigation remains safe, except for Saudi vessels, which are subject to a ban.

With information from Reuters

RIYADH: S&P Global Ratings affirmed Saudi Arabia’s long- and short-term sovereign credit ratings at A+/A-1, with a stable outlook, saying the Kingdom’s diversified energy infrastructure and fiscal buffers will help it withstand pressures from the ongoing Middle East conflict.

The stable outlook reflects S&P’s assessment that Saudi Arabia can absorb the impact of regional disruptions while maintaining non-oil growth and fiscal flexibility. The agency highlighted the Kingdom’s ability to redirect crude exports to the Red Sea through the East-West oil pipeline, as well as its substantial oil storage and refining capacity at home and abroad.

S&P expects real gross domestic product to contract 0.9 percent in 2026, before rebounding 8.2 percent in 2027 on higher oil production. Growth is then forecast to average 3.3 percent in 2028 and 2029. The sharp swing reflects the impact of the current disruption on oil activity and the expected increase in production next year.

“The authorities and the country’s sovereign wealth fund are recalibrating the pace of project implementation under Vision 2030, which should help contain fiscal deficits and the pace of general government debt accumulation,” S&P said.

The agency noted that non-oil activities have remained resilient despite regional tensions, supported by continued consumer spending, with the non-oil sector, including government activities, now accounting for around 70 percent of GDP, up from 65 percent in 2018.

The affirmation follows Fitch Ratings’ July decision to maintain Saudi Arabia’s “A+” rating with a stable outlook, citing strong fiscal buffers. The International Monetary Fund also upgraded its 2027 growth forecast for the Kingdom to 5.5 percent from 4.5 percent in April, citing its diversified export infrastructure.

Fiscal picture

S&P forecasts a fiscal deficit of 5.8 percent of GDP in 2026, narrowing to an average of 3.4 percent of GDP in 2027-29. The agency also identified Saudi Arabia’s substantial net general government asset position as a key credit strength and said foreign-exchange reserves had reached their highest level since early 2020.

Daniel Al Banna, financial market analyst and wealth management specialist at Hewar Group, told Arab News the affirmation is a strong recognition of the Kingdom’s economic resilience and strategic strength.

He noted that Saudi Arabia had demonstrated strong strategic thinking, flexibility and the ability to protect the continuity of its economic activity without becoming directly involved in the conflict.

Al Banna said: “The rating reinforces Saudi Arabia’s position as one of the strongest sovereign credit stories in the region,” describing current geopolitical pressures as “primarily short-term factors” that have not altered the Kingdom’s broader economic trajectory.

The far-right Sweden Democrats party could enter government for the first time if right-wing bloc wins.

Voters in Sweden are heading to the polls in an extremely close general election that will see either the far right enter government for the first time or the centre-left opposition reclaim power.

Opposition leader Magdalena Andersson of the Social Democrats was among the first to cast her ballot after polling stations opened at 8:00am (06:00 GMT) on Sunday.

The 59-year-old, who in 2021 became the first woman to serve as Sweden’s prime minister, voted with her husband at a school in her home municipality of Nacka, south of Stockholm.

Pre-election opinion polls have long credited the four parties in her left-wing bloc with a comfortable lead over conservative Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson’s four-party alliance, which includes the far-right Sweden Democrats.

But the gap narrowed significantly in the final days of the campaign.

“It is now up to the Swedish people to decide which direction our country should take. Should we have a government entirely dominated by the Sweden Democrats? Something that has never happened in Sweden before? Or should we have a government led by me, which will steer Sweden in a new spirit of cooperation?” Andersson told reporters after voting.

Her party has pledged to boost the welfare state and help struggling households cope with the rising cost of living.

Outgoing Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson is seeking a second four-year term at the helm of the European Union nation.

He has led Sweden since 2022 with a three-party centre-right coalition. It relies on outside support from the Sweden Democrats, an anti-immigration, far-right party that has moved towards the political mainstream, for a parliamentary majority.

If the right-wing bloc is re-elected, the Sweden Democrats can expect Cabinet posts in the next government.

Kristersson has promised to focus on improving Swedes’ everyday lives, following his government’s clampdown on organised crime and immigration.

“We want to use our new and far better preconditions to improve the lives of ordinary people … to make Sweden great again,” Kristersson told news agency AFP before the vote.

The Sweden Democrats, a party with neo-Nazi roots, took 20.5 percent of the vote in the 2022 election to become the biggest party on the right.

Kristersson announced in April that his conservative Moderates would allow the party into government if the right has a majority – though he would remain prime minister even if the Sweden Democrats are the stronger party.

Voting stations close at 8:00pm (18:00 GMT) when exit polls are expected to be published, with the first reliable results expected several hours later.

Some eight million people are eligible to vote in the election, in a country of 10.6 million where voter turnout regularly tops 80 percent.

About half of voters have cast their ballots in advance.

Andy Hernández is a Venezuelan economist and grassroots activist. He currently serves in the parliament of the 5 de Marzo Comandante Eterno Commune in El Valle, Caracas, and has played an active role in the Communard Union, a national alliance of communes. In this exclusive interview, Hernández offers his perspective on local, state-backed projects within the current context of undermined sovereignty.

The 5 de Marzo Comandante Eterno Commune immediately mobilized in response to the double earthquake on June 24. Tell us a little about this and other recent initiatives by the commune.

After the twin earthquakes on June 24, community organizations sprang into action immediately. Collection centers were set up even before the government announced them. In our case, we set up a collection center on the premises of our communal social enterprise (EPSDC) Somos Karive.

At the same time, we noticed that around Somos Karive, many elderly people began leaving their homes, frightened, and taking to the streets. We brought them coffee, talked with them, and before we knew it, we had 300 people inside Somos Karive. There, with the support of the Ministry of Communes and the Caracas Mayor’s Office, we set up a shelter for a few days, until the panic subsided and people felt calm enough to return to their homes.

Somos Karive is one of the community’s main projects. How is it currently operating?

This initiative originally arose from a need to have a space to store food and expand our collaboration with the Pueblo a Pueblo Plan, a rural collective that organizes with urban counterparts to deliver produce at fair prices. The project then grew and now has several branches. The main operation, which generates the most cash flow, partly because it’s coordinated with the Ministry of Commerce, is the meat-processing plant. There, various cuts of meat are cleaned and portioned, vacuum-sealed, and then sold retail and wholesale to about 30 grocery stores in El Valle.

The second most important activity is our supermarket, which sells groceries and other products. There’s also the café, a space at the entrance that serves coffee, breakfast, and lunch. In fact, we also prepare large-scale lunches on demand. Another project here is a water treatment plant. And finally, a Family Production Unit (UPF) operates here, selling screws and other tools. This UPF contributes to the community through the social reinvestment fund. For now, that fund is used to support community activities. But according to the Law of Communes, the fund must be managed by the communal bank, which we are currently reactivating.

In short, Somos Karive has had its successes and failures, but it is a key initiative. I believe the most complex issue is establishing a management model. While all economic activity must generate a surplus, social property companies propose a different framework for labor relations. There is no boss; rather, there is administrative coordination that answers to the commune. No taxes are paid; instead, contributions are made to the social reinvestment fund. There are no social security contributions, but there must be a fund to support producers and a fund for necessary reinvestments. So we’ve been facing these challenges, in addition to the difficulty of operating EPS in the city, where retail activity makes sense but there is a lot of competition.

The Venezuelan government announced a new popular consultation [for communities to select state-funded projects] for October. What has been the outcome of previous consultations in the commune?

The consultations have led to progress and also provided valuable lessons in our territory. Before the first consultation in 2024, we drew up a wish list without asking ourselves whether those items were feasible or not. Now, after several votes, and with some tools provided by the Venezuelan government for systematic planning, such as the Concrete Action Agenda or the Map of Solutions, we’ve been able to ground the projects in reality. Today we can say that we manage the proposed initiatives and the resources obtained much more effectively. Sometimes we even prepare two reports: one institutional and one community-based.

The most recent one was an extremely complex water project. Our community has gone 30 years without a regular water supply. There are no formal water supply connections, just hoses everywhere. First, the project was formulated: to fix the problem for 291 families without service, and it really did have a significant impact. 

Other initiatives proved more difficult. For example, with a project to purchase water tanks, the funds raised were enough for only 10 tanks, yet hundreds of families needed them. The same thing happened with the project from the last consultation, which was to replace gas cylinders. We’ve managed to replace about 500, but there are 2,700 in total that need replacing. And the biggest challenge was with the rooftops. We needed 16,000 zinc sheets, but the project funds only allowed us to purchase about 850. So in situations like these it is difficult to manage everyone’s needs. In the end, we identified the most vulnerable homes, but we were only able to assist 65. No matter how well we manage the resources, they simply aren’t enough.

So we’ve had our share of setbacks, along with a lot of lessons. People now understand that we have to identify the scope of the problems that can actually be solved through these consultations. Rather than having a wish list, we’re learning to formulate real, concrete, and feasible projects.

What do you think of Acting President Delcy Rodríguez’s proposal to extend consultations to condominium boards and neighborhood associations?

To be honest, I find it interesting. The initial reaction, which I’ve seen in discussions with comrades, is to view it with suspicion, thinking of middle-class condominiums that have never believed in popular power.

The central issue is that a condominium board merely manages infrastructure, whereas the commune must implement policies on health, education, recreation, etc. It must act as the government in the territory, even if we aren’t fully exercising that role. So it might seem that by extending the consultation to condominiums, our presence is being undermined. However, our legislation doesn’t prevent condominium boards from participating in these processes.

Ultimately, the commune is the structure that defines the methodology for these consultations. Perhaps if, at some point, the consultations begin to prioritize the perspective of condominium boards, this concern would be justified. To me, that would indeed be a colossal mistake because it would violate the principle that the citizens’ assembly is the body that decides and has the final say on local projects.

Turning to the national scene, some analysts describe the situation in Venezuela as “tutelage,” while others call it a “protectorate,” where the country’s fate is essentially decided in Washington. In this context, what role should grassroots organizations play? Is it justified to maintain unconditional support for the government?

Here I will speak in a personal capacity, not on behalf of my commune or the Communard Union, because this is a complex and highly contentious debate taking place within social movements, with many different perspectives.

There are several positions: some speak of tutelage, others of a protectorate, and others of a new form of neocolonialism. I believe we must ask ourselves what defines sovereignty. For me, there are two models of sovereignty currently clashing worldwide: one defined by corporations and the other by organized peoples. Now, in more concrete terms, I defend the Venezuelan revolutionary process, our history, and our struggle. I do not agree with some of the government’s decisions, but it remains my government nonetheless.

However, this is a very complex context in the wake of a foreign military intervention. How can a government be evaluated while under military coercion? That is a difficult question to answer. Regardless of whether or not one supports the government, January 3 [US military strikes and kidnapping of Maduro] is a turning point in our process. For me, the central issue is not whether to defend the government or not, but rather to defend our institutions. For example, I do not agree with reestablishing relations with Israel, nor do I agree with the terms of our relationship with the United States. But this is still my government.

I know this may sound illogical or contradictory, but as a popular movement we must understand that sovereignty is being contested on a global scale. Our goal is to build a new form of state, one that has the commune as its foundation. We must strive to ensure that these 5,400 communal circuits form a network for the defense of the territory, fighting for a new hegemony, and with a leadership that allows us to advance and influence national politics. However, this begins with exercising power from the territories in a coordinated manner, managing resources, and sustaining new social relations.

The communes are not even at 10% of our potential. Public consultations, for example, are a glimpse of what we can do, but they account for less than 1% of the national budget. This means that social organizations are not managing oil revenues, which are our primary source of wealth. We must develop political awareness not only to identify imperialist interests in our resources but also to create economic models that can scale up so we can challenge the status quo on different terms. For example, we could envision a communal corridor to exploit minerals in an alternative way. This would turn us into a real threat to those who seek to impose corporate sovereignty. 

But returning to the more practical question: should we support the government or not? I believe we must support it because it is the government that establishes our institutional framework, even if it takes the form of a bourgeois state that we want to transcend. Now, should we support every decision? Of course not. But defending sovereignty means defending our institutions against foreign powers that seek to impose themselves upon them. For example, the assassination of Niño Guerrero struck me as a very dangerous precedent.

Finally, I believe it is important to have these discussions, both individually and within our organizations. In the case of the Communard Union, we are preparing a congress where we will need to collectively establish positions regarding this reality and, from there, define the actions we will take to try and revert the situation we are currently facing.

In recent months, we have seen a series of measures and reforms clearly geared toward the interests of transnational capital, such as the reform of the Hydrocarbons Law. What stance should communards take on these issues of national interest?

The reform of the Hydrocarbons Law is an example of this advance of the corporate sovereignty model. And in our context, the coercion and plundering began immediately after January 3. The attacks against Venezuela to seize its resources did not begin a few months ago, but before there was some care about appearances. Now the United States has moved on to directly stealing the country’s export revenues. This is like going back to the 19th century.

It is a complex time for the world. We are sometimes a bit chauvinistic; we believe that Venezuela determines what happens everywhere else. Although we certainly have an impact. We have the world’s largest energy reserves, minerals, fresh water, and other resources. Naturally, without independence there is no commune, and defending the process means defending national independence in order to envision a different world.

Now, what steps should we take to defend ourselves against this plundering? We have our Constitution, but this scheme falls outside even the international legal framework. Some might say the solution is to sabotage our own oil industry, but others would ask whether that would help shift the correlation of forces. Because we’re not just interested in being right. We want to change reality. We could issue a statement from the Communard Union right now, outlining everything we disagree with, and perhaps we should do so, but we must collectively decide what our coherent course of action will be, in terms of politics, communication, and so on, to defend our national project.

Venezuelan communes have also been characterized by their internationalism. How do you assess recent events, ranging from “joint” military operations with the US to the reestablishment of ties with Israel?

We believe that the commune is a civilizational project that we are implementing in a specific territory: Venezuela. Elsewhere, people may call it something else or pursue it with a different strategy, but we believe it is a civilizational project that is being debated around the world. So, based on that, the commune is obviously anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist. However, we are being subjugated and subdued. Not just the communes, but the country as a whole.

I believe that in the aftermath of January 3, elements such as the rapprochement with Israel were imposed on us. January 3 and the subsequent coercion were decisive in shifting the balance of institutional power, both within the Venezuelan state and in its foreign relations. The United States violated the Constitution, subdued our armed forces, and killed more than 200 people, including those extrajudicially murdered at sea, not to mention the piracy of hijacking our oil tankers. Thus, these disastrous changes are an imposition based on the logic of the military victor getting the spoils. In fact, US officials have openly stated this.

But the concept of the commune is and always will be anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, and in support of the self-determination of peoples, with a vision of how resources and community life should be organized, the full exercise of our sovereignty, and so on. In this context, the communes must resist by demonstrating their existence, their socially owned enterprises, their assemblies, and their impact on the territory. Demonstrating that another way of life is possible is a way to fight back both locally and internationally.

CAIRO: An ‌Israeli airstrike on Sunday killed at least two Palestinians in a vehicle and wounded 13 others in the Gaza Strip, medical staff said.

The strike in the Tel Al-Hawa neighbourhood in western Gaza City, left the vehicle mangled, according to footage circulated on social media. Local medical staff told ‌Reuters that ‌they urged people to provide ‌information that could help identify the two people who were killed and whose bodies were dismembered by the explosion.

The Israeli military said the strike targeted two Hamas militants, without giving further information.

An October 2025, U.S.-backed, ceasefire halted large-scale fighting in ‌Gaza, but ‌it has not ended Israeli strikes and ‌there has been little progress on ‌steps towards permanent peace. Hamas accuses Israel of violating the ceasefire and undermining efforts to implement U.S. President Donald Trump’s broader plan ‌to end the Gaza conflict, which includes the Israeli withdrawal from the strip and the disarmament of Hamas. Israel says Hamas has been violating the deal.

More than 1,300 Palestinians, mostly civilians, have been killed in Gaza since the ceasefire took effect, according to the territory’s health officials, while the Israeli military says four Israeli soldiers have been killed.

Hamas does not usually disclose information about fatalities among its fighters.