Hungary

Defending champion Norris wins his first race of the year as Verstappen finishes second and leader Antonelli is third.

Lando Norris has ended an eight-month wait for a Formula One victory with strong pace and a dose of good fortune to win the Hungarian Grand Prix on Sunday.

McLaren’s defending champion finished ahead of Max Verstappen in Red Bull and teenage sensation Kimi Antonelli at the Hungaroring circuit in Budapest on Sunday.

Norris was on pole but lost the lead to his McLaren teammate Oscar Piastri when he ran wide at the second corner, before reclaiming the lead after Piastri was delayed by a collision with Carlos Sainz Jr during a lap.

This allowed Norris to come out of the pits ahead of his teammate and cruise to a win.

“The car was unbelievable today, well done guys, incredible. We were flying,” Norris said. “Nice to finally be able to do it all for you. Feels like it’s been a while.”

Piastri then stopped with a broken gearbox, paving the way for Verstappen to take second, with Antonelli third.

Antonelli increased his standings lead, with title rival Lewis Hamilton finishing fifth after a penalty for speeding in the pits and George Russell seventh after a near-stall at the start.

Norris hadn’t won a full Grand Prix race since Sao Paulo in November, though he did win a sprint in Miami in May.

Hungary was the last race before the mid-season break. The next race is the Dutch Grand Prix on August 23.

OUR Spotlight On column gives you the lowdown on what to see and do in your favourite holiday hotspots.

This week we are focusing on Budapest, with the city set to host the F1 Grand Prix this weekend.

Hungary‘s vibrant capital straddles the Danube and packs a punch when it comes to value, culture and nightlife.

From thermal baths (leading to its nickname the City of Spas) to ruin bars, this city break has something for everyone – and often for less than you’d pay elsewhere in Europe, so here are our top tips.

MUST SEE / DO

Soak in the thermal waters at Szechenyi Baths, one of Europe’s largest spa complexes, with 18 pools.

Make sure to book in advance, and pick early morning or late evening slots for the quietest times.

JET SET GO

10 seriously cheap European city breaks you can book right now from just £69

BEACH KEEN

On the Beach drops HUGE surprise sale – with 50% off city breaks and hotels

The outdoor pools are heated year-round and the bright yellow neo-Baroque buildings make a perfect selfie spot.

HIDDEN GEM

Head to the lesser-known Kobanya underground cellar system – once a beer-brewing hub, now used for everything from mushroom-growing to film shoots.

Tours explore its eerie, kilometre-long tunnels beneath Budapest’s 10th district.

BEST VIEW

Catch the sunset from the top of the dome at St Stephen’s Basilica, below.

It’s 96 metres high and offers panoramic views across both Buda and Pest – a great place to spot Parliament and Castle Hill from above.

RATED RESTAURANT

For a taste of modern Hungarian cuisine with a Michelinstar twist, head to Stand.

Led by chef duo Szulló and Széll, this sleek yet unpretentious restaurant blends local ingredients with inventive techniques.

Expect elevated versions of traditional favourites such as goulash or cabbage rolls, served with exceptional Hungarian wines in a refined riverside setting.

BEST BAR

No trip is complete without a drink at Szimpla Kert – the original ruin bar that kickstarted a nightlife trend.

Expect mismatched furniture, quirky art installations and a vibe that’s hard to beat.

Beers, including local brew Dreher, are around five euros.

As the original and best-known of the city’s ruin bars – with crumbling plaster and graffiti-covered walls – it can get very busy at night.

Head there on a weekday afternoon for a less crowded experience.

HOTEL PICK

Try the Hotel Rum Budapest – a boutique stay, with cool interiors, great service and a rooftop bar that’s ideal for cocktails at sunset.

It’s central, affordable and perfect for a long weekend in the city.

Rooms from £90 a night. See hotelrumbudapest.com.

Three nights at Hotel Rum Budapest, including flights from Stansted on June 30, is from £189pp. See loveholidays.com.

If you’re looking for a budget-friendly city break this summer, a study has shown some of the cheapest options across Europe, and one country dominates the top ten with a huge selection of inexpensive cities

Summer is a great time to enjoy a city break. While some people prefer to head to the beach, the sunny weather can be a nice time to see a new city, as you can explore outside and enjoy a more relaxed vibe.

But city breaks can be expensive. If you’re looking for budget options, there’s one country in particular that should be top of your list. It has six out of the ten cheapest city breaks in Europe, and makes up the entirety of the top five named in the study.

The research, carried out by virtual card provider Getsby, looked at data from travel cost site Budget Your Trip and worked out the average cost for two people for a mid-range city break in 100 different European cities. It crunched the numbers on the daily cost for two people for two days, including mid-priced meals, a hotel stay, and using local transport.

Coming in with a daily average cost of £35 per person was Wroclaw in Poland, making it the cheapest option out of all the cities studied. Wroclaw, set in the southwest of the country, was built on 12 islands across the Odra River and its neighbourhoods are connected by over 100 bridges. It’s sometimes called the Venice of Poland thanks to its sprawling network of canals that offer you the chance to go sightseeing by boat.

Ostrów Tumski, or Cathedral Island, is the oldest part of the city, made up of cobblestone streets that are illuminated by 102 gas lamps, each one lit by hand every evening by a man in a cape. Just across the water is Rynek, one of the largest medieval squares in Europe, where you’ll find a towering Gothic old town hall and traditional tenement houses painted in soft pastel tones.

Centennial Hall is another of the city’s architectural masterpieces. Built in the 1910s, this vast concrete building was used as a filming location for Hunger Games prequel The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes, its distinctive high dome making it perfect for the Capitol Arena.

Eating out is inexpensive in Wroclaw, and you can find plenty of hearty, cheap eats. Fill up on kluski sląskie, soft potato dumplings, or zurek, a tangy soup often served in a bread bowl. The city is also a popular place to visit during the winter months, where the icy weather gives it serious cosy vibes.

Rynek becomes the site of the city’s Christmas market from late-November until early-January, and opens late in to the night. You can try traditional Polish food and enjoy hot mulled wine served in ceramic, boot-shaped mugs that have become a collector’s item.

But Wroclaw isn’t Poland’s only inexpensive destination. The top five cheapest breaks are all in the country: Poznań, Katowice, Gdańsk, and Kraków, making up the list. Warsaw, the country’s capital, also comes in at number ten.

Outside of Poland, four other cities complete the top ten. These are Sofia in Bulgaria, Zagreb in Croatia, Malmö in Sweden, and Budapest in Hungary, putting the majority of cheap destinations in Eastern Europe.

The 10 cheapest European cities for a weekend getaway

1. Wroclaw, Poland
2. Poznań, Poland
3. Katowice, Poland
4. Gdańsk, Poland
5. Krakow, Poland
6. Sofia, Bulgaria
7. Zagreb, Croatia
8. Malmö, Sweden
9. Budapest, Hungary
10. Warsaw, Poland

Have a story you want to share? Email us at webtravel@reachplc.com

Hungarian parliament passes amendment that would remove President Sulyok, appointed under ex-Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

Hungary’s parliament has approved a constitutional amendment to remove President Tamas Sulyok from his largely ceremonial position, the latest move to dismantle the power of figures associated with former Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

The measure, passed on Monday with 139 votes in favour and only six opposing, would immediately bring an end to Sulyok’s term in office and pave the way for parliament to elect a new president.

Hungarians voted out the right-wing nationalist Orban in April, with new Prime Minister Peter Magyar’s Tisza Party winning in a landslide. The election result ended 16 years of power for Orban’s Fidesz party, which had come to dominate many aspects of the country.

Since Magyar’s victory, he has sought to erode that power, including by removing the current president. The constitutional amendment also introduces a series of judicial reforms, creates a body to investigate alleged financial abuses under the previous government, and imposes a 12-year term limit on lawmakers.

Sulyok now has five days to sign the constitutional amendment passed by parliament. Magyar has said that parliament will launch an impeachment procedure against Sulyok if he does not sign it.

The president and other members of Fidesz boycotted Monday’s parliamentary session.

Sweeping away the old order

The parliament elected Sulyok, a former chief of the Constitutional Court of Hungary, in February 2024. He was nominated to replace Katalin Novak, who resigned after pardoning a man convicted of covering up child sexual abuse.

But days after Magyar’s centre-right Tisza Party won a two-thirds parliamentary super-majority in April, the new prime minister declared Sulyok “unworthy to embody the unity of the Hungarian nation” and demanded that he leave office once the new government was formed.

In June, after the deadline to resign had passed, Magyar branded the president a “puppet” of Orban and promised to strip him and other holdovers from office by constitutional means. Weeks later, he unveiled a reform programme, dubbed “Operation Cleansing Fire”, which seeks to install a new constitution, purge state institutions and establish an anticorruption office.

While the presidency is a largely symbolic post, it is empowered to approve laws and can refer them to the Constitutional Court for review, raising fears that Sulyok might use his presidential powers to stymie Tisza’s ambitious reform agenda.

EasyJet has announced 13 new routes, including new city breaks for UK tourists

EasyJet has today revealed 13 brand-new UK routes set to launch this winter. Among them are flights and package holidays to a never-before-served destination in Germany.

This festive season, EasyJet will launch flights and packages to Nuremberg. Services will be departing from Manchester from 2 November on Mondays and Fridays, London Gatwick from 19 November on Thursdays and Sundays and London Luton from 23 November on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.

Nuremberg is home to one of Europe’s oldest and most celebrated Christmas markets. The iconic Christkindlesmarkt, which dates back to the 16th century, draws visitors from across the globe to soak up the festive atmosphere of one of Germany’s most beloved seasonal destinations.

EasyJet will also be expanding its offering from its London airports, with fresh routes launching to Morocco, France and Egypt. Flights from London Luton to Rabat get under way on 5 November, followed by London Southend to Lyon from 3 December, running on Thursdays and Sundays.

Completing the new additions, flights from London Southend to Sharm El Sheikh will kick off on 4 January, departing on Mondays and Fridays. The airline is also expanding its connections to Hungary, with fresh flights and package holidays to Budapest taking off from three UK airports.

Services from Bristol and Belfast International will commence on 17 November, operating on Tuesdays and Saturdays, while flights from Liverpool will get under way on 19 November, running twice weekly on Thursdays and Sundays – perfect for a festive weekend getaway.

In Scotland, a brand new service from Edinburgh to Tromsø in Norway will launch on 30 November, operating twice weekly on Mondays and Thursdays and providing passengers with the only direct route to the ‘Gateway to the Arctic’. Meanwhile, in time for the festive period, flights from Glasgow to Krakow in Poland will commence on 13 November, with departures twice weekly on Mondays and Fridays.

EasyJet will enhance its Manchester network with a fresh service to Vienna in Austria, launching on 19 November with departures up to twice a week on Mondays and Fridays. Additionally, EasyJet is introducing its first international route from the Isle of Man, with a new weekly service to Geneva starting on 19 December, operating on Saturdays. The route will offer the only direct link between the Isle of Man and Switzerland.

The new routes take the airline’s total number of winter services introduced over the past fortnight to 26. Last week’s announcement featured a new direct service from Manchester to Sphinx Airport, alongside the carrier’s first ever international route from Cornwall Airport Newquay to Geneva. The airline says that package holidays can be booked through EasyJet holidays on all new routes with the exception of Luton to Rabat. All packages include flights and hotel, plus 23kg luggage and transfers on beach destinations such as Sharm El Sheikh, they say.

Holidaymakers can reserve their winter getaway with a deposit of £60 per person and until 1 July 2026, can save money on new bookings using the code FOOTBALL26.

Kevin Doyle, EasyJet’s UK Country Manager, said: “We’re thrilled to be announcing a further 13 new routes this winter, bringing the number of new routes on sale over the past two weeks to a total of 26. A real statement of our commitment to giving customers across the UK more choice from their local airport.. From winter sun escapes to magical Christmas market breaks, there’s never been a better time to book a flight or package holiday with EasyJet. We look forward to welcoming even more customers on board for their winter holidays.”

EasyJet and EasyJet Holidays say they have introduced their Book with Confidence Promise to reassure customers on their travel plans. The airline says that the pledge guarantees that flight and package prices will not increase in price once booked and confirms that EasyJet intends to operate a full schedule across its network, despite competitors cutting routes, as EasyJet prepares to fly over 50 million passengers this summer.

Full list of new EasyJet routes and dates

• London Gatwick to Nuremberg – 19 November
• London Luton to Nuremberg – 23 November
• London Luton to Rabat – 5 November
• London Southend to Lyon – 3 December
• London Southend to Sharm El Sheikh – 4 January
• Bristol to Budapest – 17 November
• Liverpool to Budapest – 19 November
• Manchester to Nuremberg – 2 November
• Manchester to Vienna – 19 November
• Edinburgh to Tromso – 30 November
• Glasgow to Krakow – 13 November
• Belfast to Budapest – 17 November
• Isle of Man to Geneva – 19 December

The raft of proposed changes includes a new constitution and anti-corruption office, and the ousting of the president.

Hungary’s Prime Minister Peter Magyar has launched a wide-ranging reform drive aimed at pulling the state out of the captivity into which it was forced by former Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

In a fiery speech to parliament on Monday, Magyar announced a raft of economic, political and legal measures dubbed “Operation Cleansing Fire”. The plan will see the Tisza Party government install a new constitution, purge the country’s institutions, establish a new anti-corruption office, and unseat the president.

“We will free our country from the captivity of the political and economic mafia that has ruled for the past 16 years,” Magyar said.

Magyar took office in April, unseating the former prime minister after 16 years of rule. Orban’s Fidesz party had spent that time using its majority to seize control of virtually every lever of power in Hungary. It was also accused of organising systemic corruption, pushing Hungary closer to Russia, and sowing discord within the European Union.

Tisza now faces a daunting task to untangle that web, to rid Hungary of corruption and to remove key Orban allies throughout the power pyramid.

The proposed changes are part of a reform race for Magyar’s government. Using Tisza’s constitutional majority, he is pushing to fulfil a deal with the EU to implement reforms that would unlock a total of 16.4 billion euros ($19bn) in funds – frozen due to rule of law concerns during Orban’s reign – by the end of August.

Key to that drive is the removal of President Tamas Sulyok. Magyar has called on the head of state – appointed by Orban – to resign, and on Monday proposed a constitutional amendment for his removal.

The president of Hungary has few formal powers, but can slow the adoption of legislation by returning it to parliament or forwarding it to the Constitutional Court.

Sulyok has maintained he had no political agenda. Fidesz lawmaker Gergely Gulyas called Magyar’s speech on Monday “slanderous and appalling”.

Magyar’s plans would see the election of a new president, for a maximum of five years, if Sulyok is removed.

A constitutional review, complete with public discussions, would, meanwhile, kick off in September and be subject to a referendum.

Other changes would set an age limit of 70 for judges at the Constitutional Court, forcing Orban ally Peter Polt to retire as head judge, and limit lawmakers’ terms to 12 years.

Citing figures that corruption has cost Hungarians 8 to 10 percent of gross domestic product in recent years, Magyar vowed that Hungary’s top talent would field the new anti-corruption authority.

“The best police officers, the best investigators and the best experts will work for this agency,” Magyar said.

Earlier this month, the Hungarian parliament passed a constitutional amendment limiting prime ministerial terms to eight years, effectively preventing Orban from returning in the future.

MPs also voted to scrap a provision underlying the establishment of the so-called Sovereignty Protection Office, which was created in 2023 to protect Hungary from “foreign influence” and was used to investigate critics of Orban.

Closing the office was among the priorities that rights group Human Rights Watch recommended in April, alongside “moving quickly to meet the rule of law milestones” required for the EU funds, including judicial independence and anti-corruption safeguards.

Walking through Budapest, it is impossible not to notice the contradictions. Hungary is a member of NATO, a member of the European Union, and a beneficiary of decades of Western integration. At the same time, Chinese companies are building multibillion-dollar factories, Russian energy remains essential, and Viktor Orbán spent years cultivating close ties with both Moscow and Beijing. 

From Caracas, many would interpret this reality as an anomaly. Perhaps for a country so accustomed to contradictions, it is a window into the world that is coming. Or into the world that already arrived.

For decades, international politics was dominated by a relatively straightforward question: whose side are you on? The Cold War forced countries to choose between Washington and Moscow, although Venezuela took a novel approach in the second half of its democratic period. Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the American unipolar moment sustained the assumption that development, prosperity, and international integration were ultimately synonymous with Westernization.

The twenty-first century has proven more complicated. Turkey purchases Russian weapons while hosting American bases as a NATO member. India participates in strategic partnerships with the United States while maintaining longstanding military and energy ties with Moscow. The United Arab Emirates hosts capital, companies, and citizens from virtually every geopolitical camp. Hungary, home to CPAC Europe and a destination for both Chinese investment and Western conservative movements, has perhaps turned this logic into a national strategy more successfully than any other European country.

These countries are not neutral. Nor are they non-aligned in the classical Cold War sense. They are states that have learned to maximize their options in a multipolar world.

Time to embrace multipolarity?

For years, discussions about Venezuela’s future have been framed as a choice between opposing models. Would the country resemble Cuba or Colombia? Nicaragua or Costa Rica? Would a transition imply a return to the Western consensus that shaped much of Latin America after the Cold War?

Five months after January 3 and the beginning of a period of unprecedented American tutelage, those questions appear increasingly outdated.

The symbolism of recent weeks is difficult to ignore. While Delcy Rodríguez was in India seeking to deepen energy ties with one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, General Dan Caine was simultaneously in Caracas discussing security cooperation with Venezuelan authorities. In the traditional chavista worldview, these developments would have belonged to rival geopolitical universes. In today’s Venezuela, they increasingly appear as part of the same strategy.

Venezuela arrives at this reality from a different place. Questions of external influence, compromised sovereignty, competing centers of power, and tutelage have played a far larger role here than among our neighbors.

The concept of regime learning refers to the ways political systems adapt in order to survive. In Venezuela, that process has already transformed the country’s economic model. Price controls have largely been abandoned. The private sector is in a slow process of rehabilitation. In short, revolutionary orthodoxy has repeatedly yielded to political necessity.

Regime learning does not only change how states govern. It changes how they understand the world.

What is becoming apparent in 2026 is that the same process may be transforming Venezuela’s geopolitical posture.

The Bolivarian Revolution was founded on a particular assumption. Venezuela would help construct an alternative pole of power, aligned with actors such as Cuba, Russia, Iran, and eventually China. The goal was not merely to diversify partnerships. It was to build a geopolitical project capable of challenging American influence in the hemisphere.

Twenty-five years later, the lesson learned appears remarkably different.

Arriving late to the game

Russia became absorbed by its invasion of Ukraine. China proved willing to defend its own interests, but not necessarily those of its partners. Iran remained geographically distant and economically constrained. Cuba, despite years of leeching off the Venezuelan state, proved largely incapable of defending the revolution against genuine external pressures. The experience of governing under sanctions, isolation, economic collapse, and great-power competition appears to have produced a different conclusion: dependence on any single external patron creates vulnerabilities.

The logical response is not non-alignment, but rather hedging.

Instead of anchoring Venezuela to a single geopolitical camp, the emerging strategy appears designed to maintain productive relations with several simultaneously. Security cooperation with Washington. Oil exports to India. Commercial ties with China. Investment from the Gulf. Access to Western financial markets. None of these relationships are mutually exclusive. In fact, they reinforce one another.

To some extent, there is nothing uniquely Venezuelan about this. Much of Latin America already operates in a multipolar environment. Governments across the ideological spectrum maintain economic ties with China while preserving political, commercial, and security relationships with the United States. Yet Venezuela arrives at this reality from a very different place. Questions of external influence, compromised sovereignty, competing centers of power, and political tutelage have played a far larger role in Venezuelan politics than in most neighboring countries.

The lesson Venezuela appears to be learning is neither socialist nor liberal, neither anti-Western nor fully Western.

In some respects, the country’s experience over the last quarter century has more in common with the dilemmas faced by some post-communist European states (like Ukraine) than with those of Colombia, Peru, or Ecuador. Venezuela is never going to become Switzerland, nor is it going to become India. It lacks the geography, the institutions, and the scale required for either role. Yet it may be discovering a different path, one better suited to its circumstances: not a great power, not a neutral sanctuary, but a medium-sized energy producer whose strategic value derives from its ability to remain relevant to multiple centers of power simultaneously.

This is what makes Hungary such a useful comparison. Not because Hungary represents a political model for Venezuela, nor because Viktor Orbán and Nicolás Maduro are comparable figures. If anything, a Venezuelan transition led by María Corina Machado would likely have more in common ideologically with a post-Orbán government than with Orbán himself. Yet that is precisely the point. Even a post-Orbán Hungary would remain a member of NATO and the European Union, continue attracting Chinese investment, and remain constrained by the economic and energy relationships accumulated over decades. Hungary is useful because it illustrates a broader phenomenon: the emergence of states whose prosperity depends less on belonging to a bloc than on remaining useful to several at once.

Viewed from this perspective, Venezuela’s current trajectory increasingly resembles neither Cuba nor the Colombia of the early 2000s. It is not moving toward the permanent isolation of the former, nor toward the straightforward Western alignment of the latter under Álvaro Uribe. Instead, it is beginning to occupy an intermediate position, one that may become increasingly common in a multipolar world.

The Bolivarian Revolution aspired to create a twenty-first-century Cuba. Five months after January 3, its most enduring geopolitical legacy may be the emergence of an oil-rich Hungary in the Caribbean.

Regime learning does not only change how states govern. It changes how they understand the world. After 25 years of revolution, sanctions, collapse, and adaptation, the lesson Venezuela appears to be learning is neither socialist nor liberal, neither anti-Western nor fully Western. It is something more pragmatic: in a multipolar world, survival belongs to those who can make themselves useful to everyone.

Béla Guttmann may be the most consequential soccer coach you’ve never heard of. But if it weren’t for Guttmann, you may never have heard of Pelé.

And Brazil may never have become the greatest soccer-playing country on Earth.

That’s because Guttmann changed the shape of modern Brazilian soccer — and changed the sport forever — when he imported the revolutionary 4-2-4 system from Hungary to Sao Paulo in 1957. A year later, Brazil won the first of five World Cups and the joga bonito was born.

But what Guttmann brought to Brazil isn’t nearly as interesting as how he got it there. That’s just one of the fascinating stories in “The Beautiful Game … The Untold Story,” the exhibit that will open the Holocaust Museum LA on Sunday at the Goldrich Cultural Center, a $70-million expansion that will double the size of the Pan Pacific Park museum’s campus to 70,000 square feet.

A soccer ball from the holocaust is among the items on display in the exhibit “The Beautiful Game … The Untold Story” at the Holocaust Museum LA.

(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)

The exhibit was unveiled during a private reception on Saturday followed by a free preview day open to the public from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. The grand public opening will take place in August.

The show’s launch coincides with eight local World Cup matches, which kicked off with the United States’ 4-1 win over Paraguay on Friday at SoFi Stadium, and it shines a light on the important but largely overlooked relationship between Jewish life and the global game, as well as how Jewish innovators like Guttmann shaped the modern rhythm, style and culture of the sport.

“It was in the same intellectual level as jazz, as art and everything modern and progressive,” journalist Allon Sander, who helped curate the exhibit, said of Jewish participation in European soccer in the years before World War II.

“The origin of the game and how it intersects with Jews and the Holocaust and the impact that these Jewish footballers and coaches had to shape the game and help popularize the sport is so fascinating,” added Beth Kean, the museum’s CEO. “And it’s an unknown history.”

Much of that story can be told through Guttmann, who was born in Budapest in the final year of the 19th century and developed into one of the sport’s first Jewish stars, representing Hungary in the 1924 Olympics and playing for nine teams in two countries before retiring to become a coach.

But none of that success mattered when the Hungarian government began introducing anti-Jewish laws in 1938, costing Guttmann his job and nearly his life when he was sent to a Nazi forced-labor camp, where he was tortured. Just days before he believed he would be shipped to Auschwitz, which meant certain death, he escaped alongside Erno Erbstein, another Jewish coach.

Erbstein revolutionized soccer in Italy before dying in 1949, along with the entire Torino team, when their plane crashed into a hilltop outside Turin. Four years ago, he was inducted into the Italian soccer hall of fame. Guttmann, meanwhile, who lost much of his family in the Nazi death camps, would go on to coach for 42 years in 14 countries, winning championships in six of them yet only staying in a single place for more than two years just once.

“He’s running away from his demons,” said Ronen Dorfan, a journalist and sports historian based in Budapest whose research was instrumental in putting the exhibit together. “His father was murdered, his sister was murdered. You never know how you survived in Budapest during the war so he had guilt feelings.”

A jersey worn by player Max Wozniak and a jersey from the 1930s are displayed in an exhibit called “The Beautiful Game … The Untold Story.”

(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)

The exhibit was designed in three sections, the first devoted to the years before World War II, the second is about the Holocaust and the third is the postwar years. And while it details Jewish participation in, and influence on, global soccer, it also challenges the cliché that Jews were intellectuals, artists and laborers but not athletes.

“We are always trying to challenge stereotypes. Stereotypes that we might have about ourselves and even stereotypes that we believe about others,” said Jordanna Gessler, the museum’s vice president of education and exhibits who helped curate the show. “It’s crucial to help people find their place and their voice and really see the unity, the similarities between people.

“This is a story that was lost in time and we’re really bringing it out,” Gessler added. “To really have this conversation and encourage people to explore stories that they might not know.”

One thing people might not know is that in the 1920s and ‘30s, Europe’s best teams weren’t in England, Germany or France, but in Austria and Hungary, where they were led by Jewish players and coaches such as Hugo Meisl, Jozsef Braun, Arpad Weisz, Marton Bukovi, Gusztav Sebes and Gyula Mandi. Weisz and Braun were both killed by the Nazis.

A soccer ball from the 1974 World Cup is displayed at an exhibit called “The Beautiful Game … The Untold Story.”

(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)

The surge of antisemitism and fascism in Germany, Italy and Eastern Europe helped spread the influence of those revolutionary players and coaches around the world.

“With the rise of the Reich and the Holocaust, the coaches ran away,” Dorfan said. “And they ran to every corner of the world, to Brazil, to Argentina, to Portugal [and] provided coaches to Real Madrid, to Barcelona, to Benfica, to Flamengo.

“There isn’t one of these clubs that doesn’t owe its tactical development in the ‘40s and ‘50s to the Jewish coaches, which came primarily from Hungary.”

The primary tactical development was the shift from the popular but rigid 2-3-5 formation, which required immense physical endurance and tactical discipline, to the fluid 4-2-4, which spread the wingers to the touch line and allowed for improvisation and creativity on the attacking end, a formation pioneered in Budapest in the 1920s.

“They developed a more refined game of passing the ball, keeping it on the carpet rather than the English kick and run, and really put thought into tactical thinking,” Dorfan said.

Guttmann, who played or coached for more than two dozen teams in his career — including one, in Romania, that paid him in vegetables during the postwar period — brought the Hungarian approach to Brazil in 1957 when he coached Sao Paulo to a championship. After Vicente Feola, the manager Guttmann replaced at Sao Paulo, took over the national team a year later, he brought the formation with him, popularizing many of the tactics still used in modern soccer, such as fluid defensive wingers, overlapping full backs, the use of a withdrawn striker and an attacking midfield.

The soccer team at the Theresienstadt concentration camp’s flag is displayed in a Holocaust Museum LA exhibit called “The Beautiful Game … The Untold Story.”

(Eric Thayer/Los Angeles Times)

“He is the whole exhibition in one man,” Dorfan said of Guttmann.

“Obviously if we wouldn’t have had the Holocaust, those [coaches] wouldn’t be kept out of Europe, Europe would be much stronger, much more developed. [And] then the development of Brazil or the success of Brazil would be coming much later,” Sander said.

Dorfan spent the better part of two years tracking down many of the more than 100 trophies, uniforms, photos and trinkets that make up “The Beautiful Game” exhibit, a search that required determination, perseverance and more than a little luck. Many of the items, because of their ties to Jewish athletes and teams, were hidden during the war and presumed lost. Others resurfaced only through detective work that sent Dorfan following leads that spanned decades and crossed more than a dozen borders.

That also cost money. So Alan Rothenberg, the man who, as president of the U.S. Soccer Federation, first brought the World Cup to Los Angeles 32 years ago, stepped up to lead an effort that raised more than $1 million to fund the exhibit.

“The story really needs to be told, particularly with what’s going on right now with respect to antisemitism,” Rothenberg said. “It’s really important for people to realize what can happen. And soccer is a great vehicle to draw them in. The one main thing in the museum is bringing schoolkids in.”

The Nazis and their collaborators failed in their attempt to erase the history of Jewish soccer pioneers; in fact, they inadvertently popularized both the men — and women — and their ideas. But the sport also helped other Jews survive a dark period and Kean said that may be the most beautiful and uplifting part of “The Beautiful Game.”

“The main reason we decided to do this exhibition in the first place is because for years so many survivors, when they talk about their life before the war, so many of them talk about soccer. So many of them were passionate and fond of the sport,” she said.

“We knew the exhibit opening was going to coincide with the World Cup. L.A. is going to be on the world stage. This is a great opportunity for the museum to get these stories out.”

The last 100 years have seen a boom in trade, prosperity and wealth across the world, at unprecedented rates in human history. As a species, we are now more wealthy, healthy, and less likely to be killed in conflict than ever before, despite the many horrors we see in the daily news cycle.

This golden age we live in has run in tandem with an ever-expanding population; in the 1920s, there were only two billion people on the planet. A century later, that number has skyrocketed up to eight billion. Yet the increase of prosperity and people has come at a devastating price – global warming, the melting of the ice caps, an epidemic of plastic pollution and the mass destruction of the planet’s biodiversity are all intrinsically connected to population growth. More recently, however, the trend has been bucking. The watchful eyes of demographers have been drawn to data that reveal a world of ageing societies, plummeting birth rates, and dwindling populations. Surely this must be a good thing for the planet and therefore humanity … right? Armed with a file full of “population bomb” headlines – the explosion will happen mid-century, when humans will peak around 8.5 – 9 billion people, followed by drastic falls – we embark on a worldwide exploration with a very unique purpose. What truths and human stories can we discover behind the red flag statistics? What are the population tipping points of fertility, birth and death rates? And how, among the other culprits of climate change, conflict, global health and over consumption, might they make or break the future of our life on earth?

Episode 1: Baby Doomers

Hungary’s political landscape has undergone a major shift following the electoral defeat of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party after 16 years in power. The new governing Tisza party, led by Prime Minister Péter Magyar, is now reversing several institutions created under the previous administration, including the controversial Sovereignty Protection Office.

The office was established in 2023 under former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to monitor what the government described as foreign political interference in domestic affairs.

What Happened

The Tisza party has submitted a bill to parliament proposing the abolition of the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO), arguing that it has no genuine public function and was used for political purposes.

According to the bill, the agency was designed to pressure opposition figures, journalists, civil society organizations, and media outlets by labeling them as serving “foreign interests.”

The SPO did not immediately respond to requests for comment. During its operation, it published studies aligned with the former government’s positions on issues such as migration, Ukraine, and relations with the European Union.

Why the Office Is Controversial

Critics have long argued that the Sovereignty Protection Office functioned as a political tool rather than an independent watchdog. It was frequently accused of targeting government critics and reinforcing narratives favorable to the ruling party at the time.

The European Commission had also launched infringement proceedings against Hungary over the law that created the agency, raising concerns about its compatibility with EU standards on media freedom and democratic oversight.

Opponents compared the SPO to similar legislation in other countries that restrict foreign-funded organizations, warning that it risked undermining press freedom and civil society independence.

Political Shift After the Election

The proposed abolition comes after a major political transition in Hungary, where the Tisza party defeated Orbán’s Fidesz in parliamentary elections, ending more than a decade of uninterrupted rule.

The new government has signaled a broader effort to dismantle institutions seen as politically aligned with the previous administration and restore institutional neutrality in governance.

What Comes Next

The bill will now be debated in parliament, where the Tisza party holds a governing majority. If passed, it would formally dissolve the Sovereignty Protection Office and potentially roll back other measures introduced under Orbán’s leadership.

The move is likely to deepen political divisions in Hungary, where debates over media freedom, foreign influence, and relations with the European Union remain highly contentious.

With information from Reuters.

Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar said he expects to finalize a political agreement with Ursula von der Leyen over the release of billions of euros in frozen European Union funds during talks in Brussels.

The negotiations focus on unlocking financial support that had been suspended under the previous government led by former Prime Minister Viktor Orban due to long standing EU concerns regarding corruption, rule of law standards, and judicial independence.

Hungary is seeking access to approximately 6.5 billion euros in EU recovery grants and 3.9 billion euros in low interest loans before a critical August deadline. Additional structural funds worth around 7 billion euros also remain frozen.

The talks come at a crucial moment for Hungary’s economy, which has struggled with weak growth, fiscal pressure, and budgetary strain over the past three years.

Why It Matters

The potential agreement carries major economic and political significance for both Hungary and the European Union.

For Hungary, securing the release of EU funds is essential to stabilizing public finances, supporting economic growth, and restoring investor confidence. The country’s economy has experienced prolonged stagnation, while high spending pressures and limited fiscal flexibility have increased urgency around external financing.

For the European Union, the negotiations represent an important test of how Brussels balances financial support with enforcement of democratic and governance standards among member states.

The dispute over frozen funds has become one of the most prominent examples of tensions between the EU and governments accused of weakening judicial independence or failing to address corruption concerns.

A successful agreement could signal improving relations between Brussels and Hungary after years of political friction under Orban’s leadership.

Key Stakeholders

Hungary’s Government

Prime Minister Peter Magyar is under pressure to secure financial relief while also demonstrating willingness to meet EU governance expectations.

European Commission

The European Commission must balance political compromise with maintaining credibility on rule of law enforcement and anti corruption standards across the bloc.

Hungarian Economy

Businesses, investors, and public institutions in Hungary are closely watching the outcome because EU funding plays a major role in infrastructure, development, and economic stability.

European Union Member States

Other EU governments are monitoring the negotiations as they could shape future disputes involving rule of law conditions and access to EU financial support.

Analysis

The negotiations reflect a broader shift in Hungary’s relationship with the European Union following the political transition away from Viktor Orban’s administration.

Under Orban, disputes with Brussels became increasingly confrontational, particularly over democratic governance, judicial reforms, media freedoms, and corruption allegations. Peter Magyar appears to be pursuing a more pragmatic approach focused on rebuilding trust with EU institutions while securing urgently needed economic support.

However, the remaining disagreements over anti corruption measures suggest Brussels still wants stronger guarantees before fully releasing funds. This highlights the EU’s growing willingness to use financial leverage as a tool for enforcing governance standards within member states.

For Hungary, the pressure is primarily economic. Frozen EU funds have limited the government’s financial flexibility at a time when growth remains weak and fiscal conditions are strained. Unlocking the money would provide both immediate economic relief and an important political victory for Magyar’s government.

At the same time, the negotiations also carry symbolic importance for the EU itself. Brussels will want to demonstrate that compromise does not come at the expense of accountability, especially after years of criticism over democratic backsliding within the bloc.

Future Outlook

If a political agreement is finalized, Hungary could begin unlocking critical EU funding in the coming months, easing fiscal pressure and improving economic confidence.

However, implementation will remain important. Brussels is likely to continue closely monitoring Hungary’s anti corruption reforms and governance commitments before fully releasing all frozen funds.

A successful deal may also help normalize Hungary’s relationship with the European Union after years of tension, potentially opening the door for broader cooperation on economic and political issues.

At the same time, the outcome could influence future EU disputes involving rule of law conditions and financial oversight, particularly as Brussels increasingly links access to funding with governance standards.

For Hungary, the immediate priority remains economic stabilization. But politically, the negotiations may also determine whether Peter Magyar can establish a more cooperative and sustainable relationship with Europe while distancing his administration from the confrontational legacy of the Orban era.

With information from Reuters.