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The annual ritual that is the Victory Day Parade in Moscow serves a dual purpose. It reminds Russia’s citizenry and the Kremlin’s audience across the former Soviet Union of the glorious past. The muscle flexing on May 9 each year benchmarks Russia’s geopolitical fortunes.

Last year on the 80th anniversary of the Soviet triumph over Nazi Germany, Russian President Vladimir Putin was flanked by foreign dignitaries from far and wide: Chinese President Xi Jinping, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico, Serbia’s Aleksandar Vucic, Nicolas Maduro of Venezuela, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of Egypt and Mahmoud Abbas, the head of the Palestinian Authority.

This year, the lineup was much less impressive. Leaders from Belarus, Kazakhstan, Laos, Malaysia and Uzbekistan attended – with Republika Srpska, Abkhazia and South Ossetia for some added flavour – but no heavy hitters like India or China.

The talk of Russia as a linchpin of a new multipolar world order rings a tad hollow today, not least because no heavy equipment was marched through during the parade out of fear of Ukrainian drone strikes. On top of it, United States President Donald Trump claimed credit for a three-day ceasefire between Moscow and Kyiv.

The relatively dull affair that was this year’s parade speaks volumes about Russia’s current state. On paper, everything is going just fine. Trump has not wholly abandoned the idea of a deal to freeze the war in Ukraine, even at the cost of major concessions by Kyiv. The current US National Security Strategy calls for “strategic stability” with Russia while blasting Europe’s “woke” policies.

The inconclusive war against Iran, meanwhile, has exposed the limits of US military might. Oil prices have jumped, filling Russia’s coffers and improving its fiscal balance. On top of it, Trump has removed sanctions on some Russian oil to increase the global supply. Meanwhile, the Europeans are signalling they want to talk to Moscow.

In reality, the mood is gloomy. The Russian war effort in Ukraine continues to be stalled no matter how much money, materiel and human lives the Kremlin throws into the meat grinder that is the so-called special military operation (SVO). Ukrainian drones have hit deep inside the Russian homeland with even Red Square apparently not being immune to aerial attack.

Trump has lost interest in wooing Putin. With Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban gone, the European Union has consolidated ranks. In Russia itself, economic growth has plummeted from 4 percent in 2024 to a projection of just over 1 percent this year.

The prospects for long-term development, productivity growth and technological innovation are lacklustre. There are modest signs of discontent within the Russian elite. Even Putin’s sky-high popularity ratings are slightly down, according to pollsters.

The stifling of the mobile internet in Moscow and other big cities has been met with dismay. Russians could be excused for puzzling over how the SVO, sold as a glorious repeat of the 1941-1945 Great Patriotic War, has gone on longer than the latter with no end in sight. It is no wonder Putin felt compelled to say on Saturday that “the matter” is coming to an end.

While its resources are focused on Ukraine, Russia is on the back foot in what it still calls its “near abroad” too. The past week showed that Europe is gaining momentum there.

On Monday, Armenia hosted the annual summit of the European Political Community (EPC), where European leaders gathered. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was in attendance too. Once Moscow’s loyal client and member of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation and Eurasian Economic Union, Yerevan is now strengthening ties with the West.

Even if the EPC is dismissed as a pan-European talking shop – or maybe a transatlantic one, given that Mark Carney, the Canadian prime minister, came as well – observers cannot ignore the fact that it was followed by the first EU-Armenia summit.  The high-profile meeting signalled in no ambiguous terms that Yerevan sees its future in the EU. Strategically, it is looking at joining the trio of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia.

The EU is reciprocating: The summit discussed up to 2.5 billion euros ($2.95bn) in investment in Armenia; cooperation on energy, transport and digital infrastructure; and visa liberalisation.

In parallel, both Armenia and Azerbaijan are courting the Trump administration. The two countries have welcomed the US as a peacebroker as they move closer to normalising ties. In August at the White House, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev signed a joint declaration pledging to seek peace.

In February, JD Vance became the first sitting US vice president to visit Yerevan and then hopped over to Baku. Armenians and Azeris are negotiating the opening of the Zangezur corridor running between Azerbaijan proper and its exclave Nakhchivan (from where the Aliyev family hails). The project has a name – Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity.

In short, the US has scored a couple of points in Russia’s back yard with the help of Pashinyan and Aliyev. Moscow is watching from the sidelines as a former satellite drifts away from its embrace. And the EU but also Turkiye are to benefit because Armenia’s opening and interconnection with its neighbours favours their pro-integration agenda.

Of course, this does not mean that Armenia could simply jump ship from Russia to the West. Moscow retains stakes in the Armenian economy and, therefore, political leverage.

This will be put on display in the June general election, which will pit Pashinyan’s Civil Contract against the Armenia Alliance of former President Robert Kocharyan and Strong Armenia associated with the Russian-Armenian billionaire Samvel Karapetyan. Both Kocharyan and Karapetyan have strong connections to Moscow.

Public opinion is in favour of diversifying relations but not a complete break-up. That is a pragmatic position shared by Pashinyan too despite his focus on deepening ties with the West.

Russia failed to – or was reluctant to – support Armenia against Azerbaijan and prevent the loss of the Nagorno-Karabakh region, and Armenians are right to look for alliances elsewhere. But without a peace treaty with Azerbaijan and without full normalisation with Turkiye, one has to tread carefully and not burn bridges.

The Armenian leadership has to also factor in neighbouring Iran, with whom it enjoys positive ties. An escalation of the US-Israel war on Iran could threaten cross-border energy trade.

Putin would have loved to see Armenia and Azerbaijan attending Saturday’s parade. Ditto for Moldova, where pro-EU forces prevailed in the 2025 parliamentary elections. Or Georgia, which still has no diplomatic relations with Russia despite the rule of the authoritarian-minded Georgian Dream, a party viewed positively in the Kremlin.

The chances of those countries turning up next year are slim too. Even Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will probably not confirm until the last minute, as they have been doing for years.

These days, Russia’s near abroad is much more abroad than near.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The fall may not have been deep, but the landing has been hard.

A second trophy-less season for Real Madrid, the most successful La Liga and Champions League club, was confirmed in the worst way possible: a defeat at Barcelona, who, with their win, defended the Spanish title.

Los Blancos kept the title race alive by their fingernails as they crawled their way to Catalonia, knowing that doing so could result in the cruellest of heartbreaks for their fans. And so it came to pass.

Down by two at half-time at Camp Nou – and it could have been a lot more –  hanging in there to limit the damage and humiliation was key, but the 2-0 defeat will have cut deeply for a club that has lifted 36 league and 15 Champions League titles.

The defeat means Real will finish second this season, not an unusual circumstance in what has regularly been a two-horse race in La Liga. The manner, however, of their failure this season – including their quarterfinal exit from Europe’s top table – has left far more questions than answers in the Spanish capital after another season of discontent.

How do Real solve a problem like Mbappe?

The signing of Kylian Mbappe from Paris Saint-Germain two seasons ago was seen as a return to the days of collecting the world’s finest talents and collectively calling them “galacticos”.

Real had just completed the league and European double under the illustrious Carlo Ancelotti, the most successful manager in European history and no stranger to managing the top names, having led a list of galacticos in his previous spell as Los Blancos manager.

Last season did not go to plan, though.

Mbappe’s arrival broke up the 4-3-3 formation that had served Real so well for so long, with English midfielder Jude Bellingham playing a key, advanced role, while Vinicius Junior thrived in front of and around him.

Both were forced to shift position to accommodate Mbappe, who prefers to drop deep from his central position to link up play or run with the ball.

It trod on the toes of the two key performers. Even Ancelotti was not immune to the famed Real chop as rumours circulated all season that his failure to gel the team would bring to an end the Italian’s Spanish love affair.

Enter Xabi Alonso.

Heralded as the answer to Madrid’s problems after sweeping through German football with Bayer Leverkusen, Alonso is also hailed as a midfield maestro as a player for both Madrid and the Spanish national team.

Rumours were rife from the off that the players did not buy into Alonso’s system, and friction was often apparent with Mbappe, despite the forward’s refound scoring ability. His 24 goals have him two clear at the top of this season’s Spanish scoring chart.

Alonso’s time was clearly up long before the end came, just after the clock ticked in the new calendar year. Alvaro Arbeloa was given the task of guiding the seemingly rudderless ship to the end of the season as interim head coach.

Mbappe’s troubles were only just beginning, though. By the end of the season, a “Mbappe out” petition raised more than 33 million signatures, and the Frenchman was the latest focal point of the Madridistas’ displeasure.

Reconnecting Mbappe with the fans and connecting him with his teammates’ style of play will be the number one focus for the new season.

Can Real resolve Vinicius Jr’s fallout with fans?

Prior to the campaign waged against Mbappe, Vinicius fell foul of the home support, with boos for the forward ringing around a series of performances either side of the Champions League exit at the hands of Bayern Munich.

The Brazilian went on a 19-game run without a goal for club and country between October 10 and January 11.

Ironically, he broke his unwanted streak in the 3-2 Spanish Super Cup final defeat by Barcelona, Alonso’s last game in charge.

The ruptures were apparent, however, and rumours abounded that the 25-year-old’s stay at the only club he has ever known could be coming to an end.

Manchester United were the first to be linked with a move for the versatile forward, but all of Europe’s elite will be on red alert should there be any indication that Real may consider Vinicius as the way to reshape the team around their most bankable asset on and off the field: Mbappe.

Will Valverde and Tchouameni survive dressing-room bust-up?

As the day of destiny at Barcelona approached, the last thing Real needed were more unwanted headlines, let alone from two of the brighter spots in an otherwise dark campaign.

Uruguay’s Federico Valverde and France’s Aurelien Tchouameni were involved in a training-ground bust-up on Thursday, which left the former needing a trip to hospital for a head injury, ruling the midfielder out of the coming weeks.

Real swiftly fined both players on Friday, but Tchouameni was still named in the starting lineup at Barcelona.

Should Real decide that one or both were required to leave to avoid a potential toxic fallout in the dressing room, then, much like in the case of Vinicius, the phone lines of Europe’s top clubs will be working overtime to seal one or the other.

Is Jose Mourinho’s return the answer for Real?

Cometh the hour, cometh the man?

Given the extent of the discontent across the club, the job of replacing Alonso on a full-time basis will require something not far short of a miracle.

Mourinho was not a popular choice in his time in the Real dugout, given his pragmatic tactics, seen as defensive by some, which were out of keeping with Real’s free-flowing philosophy.

Given the chasm between Los Blancos and Barca – not to mention the German and French top teams and the financial power of the English Premier League – Real fans may find themselves being a little more forgiving of Mourinho’s style.

The return of Ancelotti – a man born out of an Italian Serie A that only knew a defence-first mindset – proved successful and popular, and Real are known for their desire for managers with lengthy and proven track records.

Mourinho, who says there has been no contact to date with Real, would ruffle feathers, as his stint at Manchester United proved. But he regarded his second-placed finish behind cross-city rivals City with the Old Trafford club as one of his greatest achievements.

Lifting Real one place from their successive runner-up spots in La Liga may not be beyond the 63-year-old, who won La Liga, the Copa Del Rey and the Spanish Super Cup with Real in his 2010-2013 stint. The spell also resulted in three Champions League semifinal appearances.

The Portuguese also provided an early-season wake-up call for Real in this campaign, when his Benfica side claimed a 4-2 league-phase win that pushed Los Blancos into the Champions League playoffs, which they did eventually progress from with a win against Benfica in a rerun over two legs.

Who else could be the next Real manager?

The rally-rousing Jurgen Klopp would certainly help with the reconnection Real so desperately need with their fans. He is renowned in his title-winning spells, both domestic and European, with Borussia Dortmund and Liverpool, for uniting the players and fans in a shared, focused mindset. It could be the antidote for the current malaise, a cathartic approach that contrasts with the momentum building behind Mourinho’s latest comeback.

Another widely respected German is Julian Nagelsmann, who is currently in charge of his country’s national side, but may call time on the role after the 2026 World Cup.

At 38 years old, it may be seen as a risk – not dissimilar to the 44-year-old Alonso – but a three-year stay with Bayern Munich, prior to taking on the German job in 2023, may count in his favour.

It is thought that Didier Deschamps may also be coming to the end of his time in charge of the France team, and his former French international teammate Zinedine Zidane is also linked with a second spell at Real. Despite his 57 years, Deschamps has limited experience as a club manager, a contrast with another of the perceived frontrunners, Massimiliano Allegri, who led Juventus to five consecutive league titles in his native Italy.

The task of leading one of the most successful clubs in football is becoming unenviable. But the rebuild begins now, and the rise will start out of the ashes of the crash and burn that culminated in Sunday’s defeat, deep in enemy territory, at Camp Nou.

Barcelona clinched their 29th La Liga title with a 2-0 El Clasico victory over bitter rivals Real Madrid, opening an unassailable 14-point lead at the top of the table with three games remaining.

Marcus Rashford and Ferran Torres struck in the first half on Sunday to help Hansi Flick’s side clinch La Liga in consecutive years, while consigning Madrid to a trophy-less season.

This was only the second time the outcome of La Liga has been decided directly by the result of a Clasico, with record 36-time champions Real Madrid winning their first title in 1932 after a draw with Barca.

Flick’s team were disappointed to be knocked out in the Champions League quarterfinals by Atletico Madrid in April, but still determined to celebrate in style.

“This title is more special for winning it at home against Madrid. Now we have to enjoy it with the fans,” Barca midfielder Frenkie de Jong told Movistar.

“We have been the best team in Spain. Of course, we [also] want to win the Champions League – that’s the objective.

“Next year, we will have another opportunity.”

Madrid arrived at the match embroiled in chaos after midfielder Fede Valverde was ruled out with a head injury following a training ground scuffle with teammate Aurelien Tchouameni, who started.

Barca coach Flick also received bad news before the game, with his father passing away, but he still took his place on the touchline to oversee his side’s comfortable triumph.

The German opted for the energetic Rashford, on loan from Manchester United, on the right wing in place of the injured teenage star Lamine Yamal.

The Catalans, who only needed to avoid defeat, came out with their eyes firmly locked on the prize, racing into a two-goal lead inside 18 minutes.

Rashford opened the scoring with a superb free kick, whipping the ball into the top left corner from 20 yards out, right of centre.

Torres doubled the hosts’ advantage at a jubilant Camp Nou, the 62,000-strong crowd enjoying the first Clasico back there since the stadium was reopened.

Dani Olmo produced a clever backheel to allow Torres to burst into the box and ram past Thibaut Courtois.

Gonzalo Garcia, playing in place of injured Madrid superstar Kylian Mbappe, prodded narrowly wide after racing in behind Barca’s high defensive line.

Urged on by coach Alvaro Arbeloa on the touchline, unlikely to be at the helm next season, Madrid battled to stem the bleeding.

Rashford could have added a third before the break but fired wide, with Fermin Lopez unmarked and well placed to finish.

Torres should have struck early in the second half but Courtois saved from the Spain international as he ran through.

Jude Bellingham put the ball in Barcelona’s net but the goal was ruled out for offside, while Joan Garcia thwarted Vinicius Junior as Madrid threatened.

Barca fans batted inflatable beach balls around to taunt the Brazilian over his unfulfilled Ballon d’Or ambitions, and lapped up the party atmosphere.

Courtois saved from substitutes Raphinha, back after injury, and Robert Lewandowski as Madrid saw out the remainder of the match without taking further damage.

Flick’s side remain on course to match the record of 100 points in a league season and can win all their home matches if they defeat Real Betis in the one remaining.

Barcelona’s boss told La Liga TV that he “will never forget this day” following the match.

“It was a tough day for me to start – my father passed away. But my team is fantastic. It is like a family,” Flick said.

“They gave everything today. I am proud of the fans. It is amazing [to win] in this stadium and in an El Clasico against Real Madrid to win La Liga.

“It was not easy. Everyone thought we could win this, but Real is a fantastic team. We played really good and made the goals in the right moment.”

Meanwhile Madrid finish a second consecutive season without a major trophy, staring down the barrel of a summer reshuffle, including former coach Jose Mourinho being linked with a potential return.

Arbeloa congratulated Barcelona and said his side would “learn from what happened this season and work even harder” in comments to the media after the game.

“I feel a greater responsibility now, knowing that our season ended today. The one thing we can’t do is give up, absolutely not,” he said.

“There are three matches left that we must go out and win. Here, we’re defending something much bigger than all of us and much bigger than our personal pride; it’s the Real Madrid crest and millions of fans.”

Winger Leandro Trossard scores the only goal of the match as Arsenal survives VAR controversy to win at West Ham.

Arsenal cleared arguably the most dangerous ‌remaining obstacle in their path to the Premier League title by the skin of their teeth as Leandro Trossard’s late goal secured a ⁠dramatic 1-0 win at West Ham ⁠United to restore their five-point lead on Sunday.

The visitors were living dangerously at the London Stadium, but Trossard guided home a low shot from Martin Odegaard’s pass in the 83rd minute to spark delirium amongst the Arsenal fans and despair in the home ranks.

Arsenal ⁠rode their luck and survived a huge scare deep in stoppage time as West Ham substitute Callum Wilson had an equaliser ruled out for a foul after a long video assistant referee (VAR) review.

Victory put Arsenal a step closer to a first Premier League title since 2004, and they will be crowned football champions if they win their ⁠last two games at home to Burnley and away to Crystal Palace on the final day.

Arsenal have 79 points from 36 games with Manchester City, who have a game in hand, on 74.

For West Ham, it was a bitter pill to swallow as defeat left them staring at relegation, and they could find themselves four points from the safety zone with two games left if Tottenham Hotspur beat Leeds United on Monday.

If Arsenal do go on to lift the title, the incident in stoppage ‌time described by Sky Sports pundit Gary Neville as the “biggest VAR call in the history of the Premier League” will be just a detail in a season-long slog with Manchester City.

But it could have serious implications for West Ham, who would have deserved a point for a gritty display.

With time almost up and even West Ham keeper Mads Hermansen up for a corner, the ball broke for Wilson, who slammed a shot through a forest of legs and over the line.

West Ham fans went wild, and Manchester City’s probably did, too. Arsenal manager Mikel Arteta looked aghast, but when the VAR instructed referee Chris Kavanagh to look at a possible foul by West Ham substitute Pablo on Arsenal keeper David Raya in the build-up, the stadium fell silent.

He ⁠returned to announce that the goal was disallowed and Arsenal could breathe a huge sigh of relief.

Follow the build-up, analysis and live text commentary of a crucial Clasico as Barcelona need a point to win La Liga.

As Russia held its most scaled-back Victory Day parade in years with Vladimir Putin suggesting the war on Ukraine is ‘coming to an end’, Theresa Fallon argues Volodymyr Zelenskyy has played a bad hand of cards very well in order to gain momentum against Moscow.

Caught between rising inflation and slowing growth, the United States Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank and the Bank of England are keeping interest rates and borrowing costs steady.

That’s despite rising energy bills, fuel and food costs squeezing businesses and households worldwide.

The International Monetary Fund is warning of a global slowdown, and no one knows how long the energy shock set off by the US-Israel war on Iran will last.

The impact will be felt hardest in emerging markets and developing nations. Central banks face a tough choice: fight rising prices or support a weakening economy.

SITTING between two eastern European countries is a place nicknamed the ‘Galapagos of Europe’.

Despite being thousands of miles from the Galapagos Islands, Lake Ohrid is often compared to the region famous for its wildlife.

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It has incredible deep blue waters and can be accessed from both parts of both North Macedonia and Albania.

The lake is considered one of the oldest in Europe with historians tracing its roots back to as far as five million years ago.

As for what you’ll find lurking in its waters, the lake is considered the ‘Galapagos of Europe’ due to the high number of species – some of which are unique to the lake.

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Lake Ohrid has even been described by scientists as “a museum of living fossils.”

One of the rare creatures that you’ll only find in the lake is the Ohrid trout, otherwise known as ‘koran’.

Fishermen are often up early to catch the trout which is a delicacy in the surrounding cities, towns and villages.

Other rare animals living in and around the lake include the Balkan whip snake.

There are also eels, various endemic snails, and birds like Dalmatian pelicans.

Despite the wildlife, Lake Ohrid is safe for swimming and is very popular during the summer months.

The water can be chilly though, ranging from between 14C to 24C depending on the season.

There’s plenty of room to explore as the lake is around 19 miles long and nine miles wide, with a shoreline that stretches on for around 54 miles.

It’s also one of the deepest lakes on the continent with a maximum depth of nearly 300 metres.

Visitors can explore the lake by hiking or biking along the shoreline, or get on the water on a boat cruise.

On Tripadvisor, one visitor described Lake Ohrid as a “piece of paradise”.

Another added: “This is a beautiful part of the world that once seen, is never forgotten.”

Back on shore, Lake Ohrid is surrounded by three main towns – Ohrid and Struga in North Macedonia, and Pogradec in Albania.

Other must-visit spots around the lake include some of the pretty villages.

In North Macedonia, Trpejca is considered one of the most charming and traditional villages.

It’s even been referred to as the ‘Saint-Tropez‘ of the lake thanks to its white shingle shoreline and beautiful waterfront houses.

Other top spots include the Albanian fishing village of Lin which has stone houses, narrow cobbled streets, and incredible views across the lake.

One convenient route for Brits to explore the lake is by flying into Tirana which can be done in under 30-minutes and as little as £13 with Wizz Air.

From there, Lake Ohrid is a 90-minute drive away.

The cruise ship hit by a deadly hantavirus outbreak has arrived near the Port of Granadilla in Tenerife in the Canary Islands.

The Dutch-flagged MV Hondius arrived at the Spanish port early on Sunday, escorted by a Civil Guard vessel, according to data from the maritime tracking service VesselFinder.

The ship had left for Tenerife on Wednesday from the coast of Cape Verde after the World Health Organization (WHO) and European Union asked Spain to manage the evacuation of its passengers after the hantavirus outbreak was detected.

The WHO said on Friday that at least eight people on the ship had fallen ill, including three who died – a Dutch couple and a German national. Six of these people are confirmed to have contracted the virus with another two suspected cases, the WHO said.

All passengers on the luxury cruise ship are being considered high-risk contacts as a precautionary measure, Europe’s public health agency said late on Saturday as part of its rapid scientific advice.

In Tenerife, the passengers will be tested by Spanish health authorities to ensure they remain asymptomatic and will then be transported to land in small boats, according to Spanish officials.

Sealed-off buses will take the passengers to the Spanish island’s main airport about 10 minutes away, where they will board planes heading to their respective countries.

The evacuation is expected to begin between 7:30am and 8:30am (06:30 and 07:00 GMT), according to Spanish authorities.

Spanish nationals are set to disembark first with other nationalities to follow in groups, government officials said. Thirty crew members will remain on board and will sail to the Netherlands, where the ship will be disinfected.

‘This is not another Covid’

Hantavirus is usually spread by rodents but can in rare cases be transmitted person to person.

WHO Director General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus arrived on Saturday evening in Tenerife with Spain’s interior and health ministers and its minister for territorial policy to coordinate the arrival of the ship.

He gave people in Tenerife assurances and thanked them for their solidarity.

“I need you to hear me clearly,” Tedros wrote in an open letter to the people of Tenerife on Saturday: “This is not another Covid.”

WHO’s epidemic and pandemic preparedness and prevention director, Maria Van Kerkhove, said that while everybody on board will be classified as “a high-risk contact”, the risk to the general public and the people of the Canaries remained low.

In the city of Granadilla de Abona early on Sunday, life appeared largely normal. Some people were swimming, others shopping at the market or sitting at cafe terraces.

“There are worries there could be a danger, but honestly, I don’t see people being very concerned,” David Parada, a lottery vendor, told the AFP news agency.

Tracking and tracing around the world

The MV Hondius left Ushuaia, Argentina, on April 1 for a cruise across the Atlantic Ocean to Cape Verde.

Argentinian provincial health official Juan Petrina said there was an “almost zero chance” the Dutch man linked to the outbreak contracted the disease in Ushuaia based on the virus’s incubation period, among other factors.

Health authorities in several countries have been tracking passengers who had already disembarked and anyone who may have come into contact with them.

A flight attendant on the Dutch airline KLM, who came into contact with an infected passenger from the cruise ship and later showed mild symptoms, tested negative for the hantavirus, the WHO said on Friday.

The passenger, the wife of the first person to die in the outbreak, had briefly been on a plane bound from Johannesburg to the Netherlands on April 25 but was removed before takeoff. She died the following day in a Johannesburg hospital.

Spanish authorities said a woman on that flight was also being tested for the hantavirus after having developed symptoms at home in eastern Spain. She is in isolation in hospital, Secretary of State for Health Javier Padilla said.

Two Singapore residents who had been on the ship tested negative for the disease but will remain in quarantine, the city-state’s authorities said on Friday.

British health authorities also said on Friday that there was a suspected case on Tristan da Cunha in the South Atlantic, one of the world’s most isolated settlements with about 220 residents. The MV Hondius had stopped there on April15.

Paris seeks to repair economic and security ties while countering rising anti-French sentiment across Africa.

French President Emmanuel Macron has started a tour of East Africa as Paris seeks to rebuild its influence on the continent after a series of setbacks, especially in its former West African colonies.

Macron began the three-country tour in Egypt on Saturday, which will also take him to Kenya and Ethiopia.

He will cohost a summit in English-speaking Kenya on Monday and Tuesday as France seeks to redefine its role in Africa, moving away from its postcolonial role towards closer cooperation.

The summit will bring together African leaders and business executives, with several agreements between French and Kenyan companies set to be signed during the visit to boost economic and commercial cooperation.

The “Africa Forward” summit will be the first in an Anglophone country attended by Macron since he took office in 2017.

The French president will wrap up his tour in Addis Ababa on Wednesday, where he will hold meetings with Ethiopian officials and take part in talks at the African Union headquarters on peace and security in Africa.

The tour is widely seen as a bid by Paris to repair economic and security ties and counter rising anti-French sentiment across parts of Africa.

Africa’s changing balance

France colonised large parts of West and Central Africa, and maintained excessive political and economic influence long after independence.

France, once widely accused of supporting unpopular leaders for strategic gain, is no longer the dominant foreign power it once was in Francophone Africa.

Across the continent, there is a growing push for more equal, win-win partnerships, tighter control over natural resources and broader alliances beyond traditional Western partners.

Sahel turning point

Anti-French sentiment has generally grown alongside political instability, military coups and rising competition from other international powers.

The sharpest rupture has come in the Sahel region, where Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have seen coups followed by rapidly deteriorating relations with France.

French forces were subsequently expelled after years of military operations against armed groups that many local governments and segments of the public viewed as ineffective.

In the vacuum, the region’s military rulers have turned to new security partners, particularly Russia, highlighting France’s declining influence in the region.

Russian influence, including through the Wagner Group and its successor networks, expanded in part by exploiting anti-French sentiment.

Can Macron succeed in reshaping France’s Africa policy?

Macron is seeking to reshape France’s Africa policy, replacing traditional influence with what he calls partnerships.

He is also pushing for deeper cultural and educational cooperation focused on entrepreneurship, climate and youth engagement.

Such efforts are seen as France’s attempt to reinvent its postcolonial relationship with African states and compete with powers like China and Russia.

Paris is, in fact, trying to shift its Africa policy; questions over its influence on the continent, however, persist.

Daniel Dubois recovered from two knockdowns to win a second world heavyweight title with a stoppage of Fabio Wardley.

Daniel Dubois ⁠came back from two ⁠knockdowns to deal Fabio Wardley a brutal and bloody first defeat as a professional and take the WBO heavyweight title in a thunderous all-British clash in Manchester, United Kingdom.

Referee ⁠Howard Foster finally stepped in at the start of the 11th round to signal the end of the fight at the Co-Op Live Arena on Saturday. Wardley was bleeding heavily from the bridge of the nose, with his right ⁠eye almost closed .

Dubois rose twice from the canvas, including being dropped by a right hook in the first 10 seconds of the fight, to pulverise Wardley and become a world heavyweight champion for the second time in his career.

“It was a war. We came through the sticky moments. Thank you Fabio for that,” ‌said Dubois, who was previously IBF champion after the belt was vacated by Oleksandr Usyk in 2024, with the Ukrainian winning it back in July 2025.

“What a great fight. What a great battle, man”.

The win was Dubois’s 23rd as a professional in 26 fights while Wardley now has a 20-1-1 record.

Veteran promoter Frank Warren, who manages both men, said it was the best heavyweight fight he had ever put on and confirmed there was a rematch clause in the contract.

For ⁠some viewers, however, it was also an uncomfortable watch that could have ⁠been stopped earlier.

The 31-year-old Wardley, who was promoted to WBO champion last November after Usyk vacated the title, was making his first defence and showed immense heart as he took a tremendous beating yet refused to capitulate.

He had his opponent ⁠on the floor, a blow Dubois, 28, later dismissed as a ‘flash knockdown’, almost with the opening bell still sounding.

Dubois was back on one knee in ⁠round three but came close to a stoppage in the ⁠sixth with the reigning champion bleeding heavily and on the ropes.

The Londoner continued to land blow after blow on Wardley, who wobbled but refused to give up.

His corner inspected the facial wounds after the eighth and doctors and the referee took a ‌look in rounds nine and 10 but still the fight continued, with Wardley increasingly struggling to stay on his feet and fighting on instinct.

“You witnessed something special tonight,” Warren told the BBC. “Two men baring ‌their ‌hearts and souls in the ring, gave everything, didn’t leave one bit outside the ring.

“They were getting hit with bombs that would take people out and they stood it.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin has suggested that his country’s war on Ukraine may be “coming to an end” and expressed a willingness to meet his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, in a third country if a peace deal is finalised.

Putin made the comments to reporters on Saturday, hours after promising victory in Ukraine at Russia’s most scaled-back Victory Day parade in years.

The remarks came as Russia and Ukraine began a three-day ceasefire and agreed to exchange 1,000 prisoners, in developments that raised cautious hopes of renewed diplomatic progress.

At the parade, Putin praised Russian troops fighting in Ukraine, framing their mission as a “just cause” against “an aggressive force armed and supported by the entire NATO bloc”.

“Victory has always been and will be ours,” he added, as columns of troops lined up on Moscow’s Red Square.

Speaking to reporters afterwards, Putin blamed Western “globalist elites” for the war, saying they had promised NATO would not expand eastward after the 1989 fall of ‌the Berlin Wall, but then tried to draw Ukraine into the European Union’s orbit.

He then declared, “I think the matter is coming to an end.”

Russia’s annual Victory Day holiday marks the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany in World War II and honours the 27 million Soviet citizens who died in the conflict.

This year’s parade was more subdued than usual, with videos of military hardware shown on giant screens rather than tanks and missile systems rolling through Red Square.

For the first time, Saturday’s parade featured troops from North Korea, a tribute to Pyongyang that sent its soldiers to fight alongside Moscow’s forces to repel a Ukrainian incursion into Russia’s Kursk region.

Russia had declared a unilateral ceasefire for the holiday on Friday and Saturday, while Zelenskyy announced a truce that was supposed to begin on May 6, but neither held, and the parties traded blame for the continuing attacks.

Fears for the festivities eased on Friday, when US President Donald Trump announced that Russia and Ukraine had bowed to his request for a ceasefire running Saturday through Monday and an exchange of prisoners.

“This Ceasefire will include a suspension of all kinetic activity, and also a prison swap of 1,000 prisoners from each Country,” Trump wrote in a Truth Social Post on Friday.

“Talks are continuing” on ending the war, Trump said, adding that “we are getting closer and closer every day”.

“Hopefully, it is the beginning of the end of a very long, deadly, and hard fought War,” he said.

Zelenskyy followed up on Trump’s statement with a decree mockingly permitting Russia to hold its Victory Day celebrations, declaring Red Square temporarily off-limits for Ukrainian strikes.

The Kremlin shrugged off the comments as a “silly joke”.

Zelenskyy has previously proposed to meet with Putin to negotiate a peace deal, but has dismissed the Russian leader’s suggestion that he come to Moscow. On Saturday, Putin told reporters he could meet with Zelenskyy in another country, but only to endorse a comprehensive accord.

“A meeting in a third country is also possible, but only after a peace treaty aimed at a long-term historic perspective is finalised,” Putin said. “This should be a final deal, not the negotiations.”

Putin, who has governed Russia as president or prime minister since the last day of 1999, faces a ⁠wave of anxiety in Moscow about the war in Ukraine, which has killed hundreds of thousands of people, left swaths of Ukraine ⁠in ruins, and drained Russia’s $3 trillion economy.

Russian troops have been fighting in Ukraine for more than four years. That is longer than Soviet forces fought in World War II, known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War of 1941-45.

But Russian forces have so far been unable to take the whole of the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, where Kyiv’s forces have been pushed back to a line of fortress cities. Russian advances have slowed this year, though Moscow controls just under one-fifth of Ukrainian territory.

European Council President Antonio Costa said last week that there was potential for talks between Europe and Russia on the continent’s future security architecture.

Asked on Saturday if he was willing to ‌engage in talks with the Europeans, Putin said the preferable figure for him was Germany’s former Chancellor Gerhard Schroder.

“For me personally, the former chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr Schroder, is preferable,” Putin said.

British anti-royals have staged a ‘No Kings’ protest outside Buckingham Palace in London, chanting “Down with the Crown” and calling for an elected head of state.

WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus told Tenerife residents that the docking of a cruise ship hit by a Hantavirus outbreak does not pose the risk of triggering a Covid-like pandemic.

The World Health Organization says the hantavirus poses a low risk to public health.

Arrangements are underway to repatriate passengers from a cruise ship after three people on board died.

So, how are officials applying the lessons learned during the COVID-19 pandemic to respond to the hantavirus?

Presenter: James Bays

Guests:

Dr Mukesh Kapila – Professor Emeritus of Global Health and Humanitarian Affairs at the University of Manchester

Dr Margaret Harris – Lecturer at the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, former W.H.O. spokeswoman

Nicholas Locker – Professor of Virology at the Pirbright Institute, near Guildford, UK

Niger’s military government has banned many local and foreign reporters since seizing power in 2023.

Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned Niger’s suspension of nine French media publications as the military government continues to crack down on journalists.

Niger announced the suspension on Friday, citing “repeated dissemination of content likely to seriously jeopardise public order, national unity, social cohesion, and the stability of the institutions of the Republic”.

The suspended organisations are France 24, RFI (Radio France Internationale), France Afrique Media, LSI Africa, AFP (Agence France-Presse), TV5 Monde, TF1 Info, Jeune Afrique and Mediapart, according to a TV statement from the National Communication Observatory (ONC).

It added that the decision was “immediate” and it included “satellite packages, cable networks, digital platforms, websites and mobile applications”.

RSF described the decision as “abusive”.

“RSF condemns a coordinated strategy to repress press freedom within the AES [Alliance of Sahel States] and calls for the immediate reversal of this abusive decision,” said a statement posted on X, referring to Niger and allies Mali and Burkina Faso, all ruled by military governments.

Niger’s military seized power in July 2023, toppling the democratically elected government of President Mohamed Bazoum and detaining him.

The government has since targeted local and foreign media outlets, particularly those critical of its policies, by issuing bans or suspensions.

RFI and France 24 were suspended a few days after the coup, and the BBC from Britain was suspended in December 2024.

The targeting of French and other foreign media comes as Niger’s military government has largely severed ties with its former colonial power, France, and turned away from Western allies.

In late 2023, Niger asked leaders in Paris to withdraw thousands of troops involved in missions against armed groups operating in Niger, neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso.

The three AES states have since secured defence partnerships with other countries, notably Russia.

All three have regularly denounced France’s “imperialism”, saying they want to assert their “sovereignty”. French media and other foreign outlets have similarly been suspended or banned by the governments in Bamako and Ouagadougou.

Local journalists have also been affected. Two Nigerien journalists, Gazali Abdou, a correspondent for German broadcaster Deutsche Welle, and Hassane Zada, a regional newspaper editor, were released this week after being detained for months.

In 2024, leaders in the capital Niamey strengthened a law that criminalises the digital dissemination of “data likely to disturb public order”.

The United Nations said in November that 13 journalists were arrested in Niger and urged the government to release them. Local media organisations say six journalists are detained for allegedly “undermining national defence” and for “conspiracy against the authority of the state”.

According to AFP, Niger suspended nearly 3,000 local and foreign NGOs in 2025, accusing them of lacking transparency and supporting “terrorists” and armed groups.

Niger dropped 37 places in this year’s RSF World Press Freedom Index and now ranks 120th out of 180 countries. RSF and Amnesty International have repeatedly voiced concerns about the “decline” in press freedom in Niger.

Russia has held one of its most scaled-back Victory Day parades in years, citing the threat of attack from Ukraine, where a decisive victory for Moscow’s forces has remained elusive more than four years into the deadliest conflict in Europe since World War II.

The May 9 parade on Moscow’s Red Square is Russia’s most revered national holiday, a moment to celebrate the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany and to commemorate the 27 million Soviet citizens, including many from what is now Ukraine, who were killed during the war.

Once used to showcase Russia’s military might, including its nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missiles, this year’s parade featured no tanks or other heavy military hardware rolling across the cobblestones of Red Square.

Instead, weapons including a Yars intercontinental ballistic missile, the new Arkhangelsk nuclear submarine, the Peresvet laser weapon, the Sukhoi Su-57 fighter jet, the S-500 surface-to-air missile system and a range of drones and artillery were displayed on giant screens on the square and broadcast on state television.

Soldiers and sailors, some of whom have served in Ukraine, marched and chanted as President Vladimir Putin looked on, seated alongside Russian veterans in the shadow of Vladimir Lenin’s Mausoleum. North Korean troops, who have fought against Ukrainian forces in Russia’s Kursk region, also took part in the march.

Fighter jets flew above the Kremlin’s towers and Putin delivered an eight-minute address, promising victory in the war in Ukraine, which the Kremlin refers to as a “special military operation”.

“The great feat of the victorious generation inspires the soldiers carrying out the tasks of the special military operation today,” Putin said. “They are confronting an aggressive force armed and supported by the entire NATO bloc. And in spite of that, our heroes march forward.”

I am a journalist; storytelling is my craft.

Words are the tools I turn to, again and again, to make sense of events and shape them into narratives that do them justice. And yet, when it comes to the genocide in Gaza, my birthplace, language feels wholly inadequate.

There is a limit to what words can say. At a certain point, the instinct to describe, to explain and to make sense of what has unfolded begins to break down under the sheer scale of devastation and pain.

One scene from the start of the war has lingered in my mind: A bulldozer burying 111 unidentified bodies, wrapped in bright blue bags, in a mass grave. It appeared briefly in the endless scroll of social media before it disappeared again, replaced by yet another shocking scene. And another.

A hundred and eleven souls about whom we knew nothing; not their names, not their dreams or what their final moments were. A New York Times headline read: More Than 100 Bodies Are Delivered to a Mass Grave in Southern Gaza. Omission of the perpetrator aside, could that possibly capture the magnitude of such an event?

Every attempt to describe in words what Israel has inflicted on Gaza and its people has felt reductive, compressing something vast, ongoing and staggeringly lethal into language that cannot possibly hold it. What remains is a tension at the heart of the act of telling itself; knowing no account will ever be enough, how do you tell stories of such unspeakable horrors?

This tension lies at the heart of the Gaza Genocide Tapestry, which I am co-curating and which will be displayed at this year’s Venice Biennale. It is an art project that brings together Palestinian women in occupied Palestine and refugee camps in Lebanon and Jordan to document Gaza’s destruction in real time. They tell these stories in the way they know best: Needle and thread.

Through 100 embroidered panels, each composed of 55,000 stitches, these women have created a testimonial that refuses to let the world forget what has been done and to whom.

Each panel tells a fragment of what has happened: A journalist weeping over his child’s dead body; young girls with empty pots being crushed at a soup kitchen; a child crying as her world crumbles around her.

Some of these images forced themselves into the public consciousness, if only for a moment; Khalid Nabhan hugging his dead granddaughter, the “soul of his soul”, for the last time before joining her a year later, or Dr Hussam Abu Safia walking towards a tank on the orders of Israeli soldiers, to then never be seen again.

But most images from Gaza are not granted that pause. They pass without names, context or farewell.

The tapestry defies this. To embroider is to decide something is worth the effort – hours, days and weeks of labour. This is to insist it is not lost to the sheer volume of images that pass briefly before our eyes.

A national archive in thread

The Gaza Genocide Tapestry is a new chapter of the award-winning Palestine History Tapestry Project, which I co-chair alongside Gaza-born designer Ibrahim Muhtadi. Following in the tradition of the famous Bayeux Tapestry and the Great Tapestry of Scotland, it is the largest body of Palestinian embroidery narrating the history of Palestine and its people.

The tapestry was started in 2011 in Oxford by Jan Chalmers, a British nurse who lived and worked in Gaza for two years in the 1960s. An avid embroiderer, Jan was previously involved with the Keiskamma History Tapestry, which chronicles the history of South Africa’s Xhosa people and now hangs in the South African parliament.

Recognising the centuries-old embroidery tradition of Palestinians, tatreez, Jan believed a Palestinian history tapestry was in order. I met Jan in 2013 in Oxford during my postgraduate studies. That is when I first joined this invaluable effort.

Tatreez, recognised by UNESCO in 2021, has long expressed Palestinian heritage and belonging. Its motifs encoded identity, place and social status. After the 1948 Nakba, it became a means of preserving Palestinian culture in the face of attempted erasure. Today it is something else again: Testimony.

Not long after Israel unleashed its devastating military assault on Gaza in 2023, the tapestry found new momentum by merging with the Palestine Museum US, an independent institution founded and led by Palestinian American entrepreneur Faisal Saleh. The tapestry is now housed at the museum in Woodbridge, Connecticut, and travels from there for exhibits worldwide.

It was within this expanded framework that the Gaza Genocide Tapestry took shape. Jan, Ibrahim, Faisal, and I came together to discuss how best to document the genocide. We initially created two panels to mark this dark moment in Palestinian history – Gaza on Fire and The Palestinian Phoenix. Faisal then proposed we do 100 panels focused solely on Gaza.

The challenge of producing in a single year what had previously taken a decade was formidable, but it was an urgency dictated by an unfolding genocide and made possible by the scale, visibility and global reach the museum provided.

United in pain

Women in Gaza were initially among the most active contributors to the Palestine History Tapestry. Their work was vibrant and meticulous, and offered them a means of support. But as bombardment intensified, most became unreachable, often displaced multiple times. Materials could not enter Gaza, and finished panels could not leave.

Gaza’s women became the subjects of the story, rather than its narrators.

But the tapestry, at its core, is a kind of “lam shamel” (Arabic for family reunion), as one embroiderer put it. Despite borders and forced displacement, the labour of Palestinian women everywhere converges into a single visual record of the Palestinian experience.

For Iman Shehabi, Basma Natour and the dozen women in Ein el-Hilweh refugee camp, embroidery is how they make a living. But the tapestry project, they said, “restored” a part of their “dignity”.

“It was a space where heritage pulsed, and where our needles stitched both our pains and our hopes,” they wrote to us in a letter upon completion of their panels.

And it is not only the embroiderers who contributed. One of the panels in the Gaza Genocide Tapestry, embroidered by Shahla Mahareeq in Ramallah, was based on an image of Hind Rajab illustrated by London-based artist Khadija Said.

A panel of blindfolded men, arbitrarily detained by Israeli soldiers in Gaza, was painted by Haifa-based lawyer and rights activist Janan Abdu, a Palestinian citizen of Israel. It was embroidered by Bothaina Youssef in Lebanon’s Ein el-Hilweh refugee camp.

Another artwork by Gaza-based artist Mohammed Alhaj, depicting displacement in Gaza, was also embroidered in Lebanon by Kifah Kurdieh, before a million people in southern Lebanon were themselves displaced.

The process of putting together the Gaza Genocide Tapestry has been painstaking. For more than a year, Faisal, Jan, Ibrahim and I held weekly meetings to research and select representative panels across various themes and coordinate the work. Each panel had to be translated by Ibrahim into a format that could be embroidered, then sent to a woman to stitch through field coordinators in each location.

There were constant questions, both ethical and practical. What do we choose to include, and what is left out? What does it mean to translate suffering into a stitched pattern?

At the Venice Biennale

Starting May 9, the Gaza Genocide Tapestry will be exhibited publicly at Palazzo Mora under the title:
“- – – – – – – – – – -” *
*Gaza – No Words – See The Exhibit

It will be available for viewing through November.

When we were informed in November last year that our biennale submission was selected, I felt a complicated kind of recognition. On one hand, it is an honour and a chance for this work, and the women behind it, to be seen on one of the world’s most prominent cultural stages.

On the other hand, it captured the paradox of a world increasingly willing to name what is happening in Gaza, to look it in the eye, call it a genocide, and yet remain unable or unwilling to stop it. What does it say about humanity when art becomes a primary site of real-time testimony because political systems have failed?

I have no simple answer. What I know is this: Palestinian women continue to tell these stories and demand accountability. Theirs is a collective response to my late mentor Refaat Alareer’s final instruction before he was killed: “If I must die, you must live to tell my story.”

SPAIN

Tamarindos, Es Grau, Menorca

On Menorca’s north-east coast, Es Grau is a low-key village with a crescent of dark sand in a fan-shaped bay, behind which is the s’Albufera des Grau nature reserve. Tamarindos is actually two places: as you reach the Mediterranean, look left to see the bar, with shady tables under the trees; look right for the restaurant, with a terrace on stilts over the duck-egg-blue water.

At the bar, I go for the grilled brioche stuffed with sobrasada sausage, punchy Mahón cheese and local honey with a glass of local merluzo white wine. In the restaurant, my favourite is the paella with Menorcan red prawns, but the artichoke and seaweed version is good, too. Later on, you’ll find me back under the trees with a pomada – Xoriguer gin mixed with lemonade and crushed ice.
Paella from €26 per person
Annie Bennett

La Mar de Fondo, Playa de Frexulfe, Asturias

On one of the least developed stretches of the Spanish coast sits the stunning Playa de Frexulfe. It forms part of a protected landscape of dunes, cliffs and rare coastal flora between the fishing towns of Navia and Puerto de Vega. It’s a rare glimpse of what Spain looked like before tourism; there is virtually no development – except for the best beach bar ever.

La Mar de Fondo is a creaky wooden structure perched on a hill overlooking the near kilometre-long beach. The vibe is as laid-back and wild as the landscape. It serves food and drinks, and though I’ve never stayed for a meal, it holds a special place in my heart as the spot where I spilled out of my first sleepless night of van life. The contrast between a smelly mosquito-filled vehicle and a quiet morning coffee, watching the water sparkle through the eucalyptus trees, goes down as one of my favourite travel moments.
Meal about €30
Alyssa McMurtry

Restaurant La Isleta, La Isleta del Moro, Almería

Teetering on a rocky peninsula on the Cabo de Gata coast, jutting out into the Mediterranean, is a tiny, white-washed fishing village, La Isleta del Moro: population 200. Sleepy and remote, it shot to fame briefly in 2018 when Arnold Schwarzenegger arrived in town to shoot scenes for Terminator: Dark Fate. Its few buildings are clustered on the waterfront, with Restaurant La Isleta in prime position, perched on the rocks by the jetty. Sitting on the terrace under a palm-thatched roof, you can hear the waves lapping beneath you, and watch the fishers haul their boats up the beach.

My arrival was more low-key than Arnie’s, arriving on foot while walking the coast, but the timing was perfect for a sundowner – an ice-cold beer as the sky turned Technicolor over the cliffs. As they say in these parts: I’ll be back.
Average meal €50
Lois Pryce

El Refugio, Zahara de los Atunes, Costa de la Luz

With perfectly framed views of grassy dunes, a sweep of white sand and a sapphire horizon of rippling Atlantic waves, El Refugio is an understated bar-restaurant in the village of Zahara de los Atunes. Wrapped around the simple whitewashed restaurant, a terrace shaded by an immense fig tree offers sun or shadow as well as salty breezes, which sometimes whip up wildly. Later, flamboyant sunsets paint the sky.

Food leans heavily on atun rojo (bluefin tuna), rich and buttery, the much-prized speciality of this coast ever since the Phoenicians introduced the almadraba fishing technique 3,000 years ago. Another local classic is tender, low-fat retinto steak, while salads, gazpacho and affordable Spanish wines help propel the mainly hipster clientele through long, lazy afternoons. No bookings though – El Refugio’s burgeoning popularity has led to a waiting-list system at the door.
Three-course lunch about €35, plus wine
Fiona Dunlop

FRANCE

Le Cabanon, Roquebrune-Cap-Martin, Provence

You can smell the steaming clams and freshly baked focaccia well before you reach the bottom of the 100 steps down to Le Cabanon on the Plage du Buse. The bar-restaurant has had several management changes since I first visited a decade ago, but is always a fabulous place for a summertime drink overlooking the protected bay and headland where designer Eileen Gray built her modernist villa, E-1027, and Le Corbusier his wooden beach hut.

Le Cabanon reopened this April with a new side-hatch serving coffees, sublime gelato and goblets of Aperol spritz to beachgoers. It looks like a beachside conservatory with an open kitchen and a dozen tables upstairs on a shaded terrace. I always sit on its huge trunk of blanched driftwood to watch the cormorants, kayakers and distant super yachts.
Mains €20-30
Jon Bryant

Le Cabanon de Paulette, Marseille

Le Cabanon de Paulette is a seaside watering hole that hooks you in from the first sip. It hugs a stone wall above the Plage de l’Abricotier, a small, sandy cove, and every stool has a front-row view of the Mediterranean and nearby Frioul islands. Though trendy, the bar has a convivial vibe, and the staff exude the warmth of the south.

I recommend the fried squid, octopus salad and famous moules frites de Mamie Paulette (garlic-cream mussels named for the owner’s grandmother). Bottles of rosé mirror the blushing sky at sunset, the golden hour that bathes revellers in a gorgeous glow while being serenaded by guitars. In the distance, ferries head towards Corsica.
Meals €15-20, cash only
Alexis Steinman

Le France, Saint-Marc-sur-Mer, Loire

There’s a beach on France’s Atlantic coast that remains dear to many French people’s hearts thanks to its role in the classic 1953 Jacques Tati film, Les Vacances de Monsieur Hulot. The film follows Tati’s much-loved character as he leaves chaos at every turn of his summer holiday.

I love that Monsieur Hulot is celebrated at the quiet beach with a bronze statue leaning over the railings in his characteristic hands-on-hips style. Beneath, Le France restaurant opens out on to the golden sand, with sun umbrellas and deckchairs giving it a suitably retro feel. The menu features seafood platters and moules-frites, and the service is laid-back – in keeping with the vibe of Tati’s dreamy film.
Mains from €17
Carolyn Boyd

La Cale, Blainville-sur-Mer, Normandy

France’s northern coast, with its stiff breeze and broad sandy beaches, will feel familiar to a British audience – until lunchtime rolls around. Starchy, white-tableclothed restaurants serving up elegant platters of fruit de mer are lovely things, but sometimes on holiday you just want chips on the beach. Enter La Cale, a seaside shack on Normandy’s Cotentin peninsula, where you can enjoy good French cooking with your feet literally in the sand.

It serves all the classics, including platters of oysters and pots of moules with crispy frites, plus sausages and gigots of lamb cooked on the open fire, out on a ramshackle terrace that’s all but falling into the dunes. Don’t expect formality – the owner is a character, the bathrooms rustic – and don’t miss the local ciders, or tergoule, a sweetly spiced, very Normande, rice pudding.
Average meal €20-30
Felicity Cloake

L’Oasis, Plomodiern, Brittany

I stopped off at L’Oasis by chance, but this brilliant beachside restaurant on Brittany’s wild Finistère coastline immediately went to the top of my list of favourite discoveries. A striking yellow stone manor house looks out over the Plage de Pors Ar Vag (Breton for “boat cove”), the beginning of a 2-mile stretch of sandy beach. Chilling out on a manicured lawn above the lapping waves, diners sip glasses of chilled muscadet wine or artisan cider.

At sunset, the last surfers and family holidaymakers slowly leave the beach, while the restaurant offers memorable local seafood at affordable prices. Oysters and langoustines are a must, but more surprising are the signature juicy palourde clams grilled with garlic and parsley. And the profiteroles topped with hot chocolate sauce and Chantilly cream are to-die-for.
Three-course menu €27 at lunch, €32 for dinner
John Brunton

Le Marinella, L’Île-Rousse, Corsica

There’s something deeply relaxing about sliding your toes into the sand while having a lazy lunch and drinking Corsican rosé by the sea. Le Marinella sprawls across the wide expanse of L’Île-Rousse’s beach on Corsica’s northern Balagne coast, where there’s also a lovely morning food market worth visiting. While you can sit on one of Le Marinella’s covered terraces, it’s more pleasurable to kick off your flip-flops and linger over a moreish Corsican take on tapas under the shade of a parasol.

Fried balls of brocciu cheese, saucisson, anchovy beignets and tapenade remind me that Corsican cuisine historically leans more inland than towards the sea – piracy made living on the coast too dangerous. But then along comes a bowl of mussels in a sea urchin sauce to take me firmly back to the Mediterranean and, eventually, to one of the restaurant’s sunloungers.
Tapas €22, mussels €20
Mary Novakovich

ITALY

Trattoria Da Patrizia, Naples

Trattoria Da Patrizia is easy to miss, tucked between the smarter restaurants on the peninsula of Megaride, on the Naples seafront. The plastic chairs, chequered paper tablecloths and handwritten menu disguise what I believe to be the best (in all its simplicity) seaside lunch spot in the city. One sweltering August, when most Neapolitans had decamped somewhere cooler, I found myself there almost every day seeking refuge: tomato bruschetta to start, a big bowl of spaghetti alle vongole, and a carafe of cold falanghina white wine.

After lunch, the nearby boulders that line the fringes of the promenade make for a perfect sunbed, a lazy doze in the shadow of the majestic Castel dell’Ovo, and then a dip in the sea alongside the raucous scugnizzi – Naples’ beloved street urchins – terrifying anyone who cares to watch as they jump from the footbridge into the warm shallow water of the Borgo Marinari marina.
Meal from €20
Sophia Seymour

Il Pirata, Termoli, Adriatic coast

From Termoli, capital of Italy’s south-eastern Molise region, the sandy beach stretches for miles, lined with a paved cycle track and footpath. About 15 minutes’ walk from town is a “free” beach called Il Fratino, after the plovers that nest there. The September I was there the water was clear and inviting, the sand golden and warm. But the real triumph came at lunchtime. About 100 metres up the beach, looking like an overgrown shepherd’s hut, is restaurant Il Pirata.

Staff settled us on a balcony table and proceeded to wow us with dish after memorable dish. Mussels pepata (with lemon and black pepper), great pasta (fish bolognese and masterful linguine with shrimps, lime and pistachio) and roast octopus on broccoli rabe and burrata all went beautifully with chilled local trebbiano (white wine). The meal became a family benchmark for beachside lunches. Now, “nearly as good as Il Pirata” is praise indeed.
Two courses about €25
Liz Boulter

Bar Piero, Lavagna, Liguria

It’s not Rapallo, seven miles to the north, nor Sestri Levante, five to the south. In short, it’s not chic. In Italian, Lavagna means slate, which they were quarrying in Roman times. The beach is shale, shelving steeply, but the sea is a dazzling summery blue.

Right above the sea wall, on the promenade, is Bar Piero, a kiosk with white tables under white sunshades. It serves delicious fresh brioches that tend to run out after 10am. By 11am, there’s the sound of ice being vigorously shaken for cocktails, the smell of focaccia wafting from the oven. Then all the standard Italian fare at lunch, afternoon beer and spritz, and meat sizzling in the seaside dusk, with the gentle ebb and flow of strollers along the promenade and the sun melting into sea. Hard to beat.
Panini about €6
Tim Parks

GREECE

Bardis, Loutraki Bay, Crete

The best table I know is perched over shifting Greek seas and backed by lush green hillsides. Bardis is a taverna-cum-organic farm in Loutraki Bay, western Crete (population: three families). This is where I take visitors and Greek friends alike, and all invariably leave raving about it. Husband and wife Theo and Vasiliki serve up traditional food, cooked with great technical skill. Their focus is on freshly caught fish and seafood (try the fish soup), homegrown vegetables and meat classics.

It slopes down to a pebble beach on a gulf where turtles and dolphins can be seen. Stare to sea, the source of that seafood; lie in hammocks among shade-giving trees. Go early, have breakfast, stay the day (or night by arrangement). Lounge, lunch, swim, shower. Do not leave before dinner.
Meal €25-€30
Susan Smillie

Aperanto Galazio, Varkiza, Athens

Greeks are spoilt for choice when it comes to beach cafes and tavernas – even in the capital’s seaside suburbs. Aperanto Galazio (The Big Blue – like the Luc Besson film) began as the canteen for the Varkiza Sea Sports Club (which produces Olympic athletes) and morphed into a popular, unpretentious taverna. It is perfect for sunny off-season lunches; on blustery days, the waves surge across the broad sandy bay and windsurfers speed by. It is also a breezy evening refuge in a heatwave, when tables with oil lamps are placed on the shingle and Athenians cool off in the shallows. As you sip cold beer or an iced ouzo and look out to sea, you feel you’re on an island. The food is reliable rather than gourmet, with a traditional seafood menu: filleted sardines, calamari, fresh salads and vegetables, and homemade tzatziki.
Meal with wine around €30
Sofka Zinovieff

PORTUGAL

Camaleão Beach Bar, Ilha da Armona, Algarve

There’s a fork on the boardwalk on the island of Armona, giving you the choice to head to the Atlantic beach, or to the one along the edge of the Ria Formosa. Choose the left path and you will find a bar with low chairs in the sand and views out over the dunes to the sea.

To my mind, Camaleão has one of the best beach bar locations in the world. So much so that I bought a house on this tiny island, just a five-minute walk from this very spot. It’s the place to drink ice-cold Super Bock, a caipirinha or a pick-me-up espresso martini. The music is a bit cheesy lounge-core, but when you can hear the sea and nip down to it to cool off, it’s a small price to pay. Ilha da Armona is a 15-minute ferry ride from the town of Olhão; Camaleão Beach Bar is a 20-minute walk from the ferry.
Audrey Gillan

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