europe

British anti-royals have staged a ‘No Kings’ protest outside Buckingham Palace in London, chanting “Down with the Crown” and calling for an elected head of state.

WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus told Tenerife residents that the docking of a cruise ship hit by a Hantavirus outbreak does not pose the risk of triggering a Covid-like pandemic.

The World Health Organization says the hantavirus poses a low risk to public health.

Arrangements are underway to repatriate passengers from a cruise ship after three people on board died.

So, how are officials applying the lessons learned during the COVID-19 pandemic to respond to the hantavirus?

Presenter: James Bays

Guests:

Dr Mukesh Kapila – Professor Emeritus of Global Health and Humanitarian Affairs at the University of Manchester

Dr Margaret Harris – Lecturer at the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, former W.H.O. spokeswoman

Nicholas Locker – Professor of Virology at the Pirbright Institute, near Guildford, UK

Niger’s military government has banned many local and foreign reporters since seizing power in 2023.

Media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned Niger’s suspension of nine French media publications as the military government continues to crack down on journalists.

Niger announced the suspension on Friday, citing “repeated dissemination of content likely to seriously jeopardise public order, national unity, social cohesion, and the stability of the institutions of the Republic”.

The suspended organisations are France 24, RFI (Radio France Internationale), France Afrique Media, LSI Africa, AFP (Agence France-Presse), TV5 Monde, TF1 Info, Jeune Afrique and Mediapart, according to a TV statement from the National Communication Observatory (ONC).

It added that the decision was “immediate” and it included “satellite packages, cable networks, digital platforms, websites and mobile applications”.

RSF described the decision as “abusive”.

“RSF condemns a coordinated strategy to repress press freedom within the AES [Alliance of Sahel States] and calls for the immediate reversal of this abusive decision,” said a statement posted on X, referring to Niger and allies Mali and Burkina Faso, all ruled by military governments.

Niger’s military seized power in July 2023, toppling the democratically elected government of President Mohamed Bazoum and detaining him.

The government has since targeted local and foreign media outlets, particularly those critical of its policies, by issuing bans or suspensions.

RFI and France 24 were suspended a few days after the coup, and the BBC from Britain was suspended in December 2024.

The targeting of French and other foreign media comes as Niger’s military government has largely severed ties with its former colonial power, France, and turned away from Western allies.

In late 2023, Niger asked leaders in Paris to withdraw thousands of troops involved in missions against armed groups operating in Niger, neighbouring Mali and Burkina Faso.

The three AES states have since secured defence partnerships with other countries, notably Russia.

All three have regularly denounced France’s “imperialism”, saying they want to assert their “sovereignty”. French media and other foreign outlets have similarly been suspended or banned by the governments in Bamako and Ouagadougou.

Local journalists have also been affected. Two Nigerien journalists, Gazali Abdou, a correspondent for German broadcaster Deutsche Welle, and Hassane Zada, a regional newspaper editor, were released this week after being detained for months.

In 2024, leaders in the capital Niamey strengthened a law that criminalises the digital dissemination of “data likely to disturb public order”.

The United Nations said in November that 13 journalists were arrested in Niger and urged the government to release them. Local media organisations say six journalists are detained for allegedly “undermining national defence” and for “conspiracy against the authority of the state”.

According to AFP, Niger suspended nearly 3,000 local and foreign NGOs in 2025, accusing them of lacking transparency and supporting “terrorists” and armed groups.

Niger dropped 37 places in this year’s RSF World Press Freedom Index and now ranks 120th out of 180 countries. RSF and Amnesty International have repeatedly voiced concerns about the “decline” in press freedom in Niger.

Russia has held one of its most scaled-back Victory Day parades in years, citing the threat of attack from Ukraine, where a decisive victory for Moscow’s forces has remained elusive more than four years into the deadliest conflict in Europe since World War II.

The May 9 parade on Moscow’s Red Square is Russia’s most revered national holiday, a moment to celebrate the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany and to commemorate the 27 million Soviet citizens, including many from what is now Ukraine, who were killed during the war.

Once used to showcase Russia’s military might, including its nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missiles, this year’s parade featured no tanks or other heavy military hardware rolling across the cobblestones of Red Square.

Instead, weapons including a Yars intercontinental ballistic missile, the new Arkhangelsk nuclear submarine, the Peresvet laser weapon, the Sukhoi Su-57 fighter jet, the S-500 surface-to-air missile system and a range of drones and artillery were displayed on giant screens on the square and broadcast on state television.

Soldiers and sailors, some of whom have served in Ukraine, marched and chanted as President Vladimir Putin looked on, seated alongside Russian veterans in the shadow of Vladimir Lenin’s Mausoleum. North Korean troops, who have fought against Ukrainian forces in Russia’s Kursk region, also took part in the march.

Fighter jets flew above the Kremlin’s towers and Putin delivered an eight-minute address, promising victory in the war in Ukraine, which the Kremlin refers to as a “special military operation”.

“The great feat of the victorious generation inspires the soldiers carrying out the tasks of the special military operation today,” Putin said. “They are confronting an aggressive force armed and supported by the entire NATO bloc. And in spite of that, our heroes march forward.”

I am a journalist; storytelling is my craft.

Words are the tools I turn to, again and again, to make sense of events and shape them into narratives that do them justice. And yet, when it comes to the genocide in Gaza, my birthplace, language feels wholly inadequate.

There is a limit to what words can say. At a certain point, the instinct to describe, to explain and to make sense of what has unfolded begins to break down under the sheer scale of devastation and pain.

One scene from the start of the war has lingered in my mind: A bulldozer burying 111 unidentified bodies, wrapped in bright blue bags, in a mass grave. It appeared briefly in the endless scroll of social media before it disappeared again, replaced by yet another shocking scene. And another.

A hundred and eleven souls about whom we knew nothing; not their names, not their dreams or what their final moments were. A New York Times headline read: More Than 100 Bodies Are Delivered to a Mass Grave in Southern Gaza. Omission of the perpetrator aside, could that possibly capture the magnitude of such an event?

Every attempt to describe in words what Israel has inflicted on Gaza and its people has felt reductive, compressing something vast, ongoing and staggeringly lethal into language that cannot possibly hold it. What remains is a tension at the heart of the act of telling itself; knowing no account will ever be enough, how do you tell stories of such unspeakable horrors?

This tension lies at the heart of the Gaza Genocide Tapestry, which I am co-curating and which will be displayed at this year’s Venice Biennale. It is an art project that brings together Palestinian women in occupied Palestine and refugee camps in Lebanon and Jordan to document Gaza’s destruction in real time. They tell these stories in the way they know best: Needle and thread.

Through 100 embroidered panels, each composed of 55,000 stitches, these women have created a testimonial that refuses to let the world forget what has been done and to whom.

Each panel tells a fragment of what has happened: A journalist weeping over his child’s dead body; young girls with empty pots being crushed at a soup kitchen; a child crying as her world crumbles around her.

Some of these images forced themselves into the public consciousness, if only for a moment; Khalid Nabhan hugging his dead granddaughter, the “soul of his soul”, for the last time before joining her a year later, or Dr Hussam Abu Safia walking towards a tank on the orders of Israeli soldiers, to then never be seen again.

But most images from Gaza are not granted that pause. They pass without names, context or farewell.

The tapestry defies this. To embroider is to decide something is worth the effort – hours, days and weeks of labour. This is to insist it is not lost to the sheer volume of images that pass briefly before our eyes.

A national archive in thread

The Gaza Genocide Tapestry is a new chapter of the award-winning Palestine History Tapestry Project, which I co-chair alongside Gaza-born designer Ibrahim Muhtadi. Following in the tradition of the famous Bayeux Tapestry and the Great Tapestry of Scotland, it is the largest body of Palestinian embroidery narrating the history of Palestine and its people.

The tapestry was started in 2011 in Oxford by Jan Chalmers, a British nurse who lived and worked in Gaza for two years in the 1960s. An avid embroiderer, Jan was previously involved with the Keiskamma History Tapestry, which chronicles the history of South Africa’s Xhosa people and now hangs in the South African parliament.

Recognising the centuries-old embroidery tradition of Palestinians, tatreez, Jan believed a Palestinian history tapestry was in order. I met Jan in 2013 in Oxford during my postgraduate studies. That is when I first joined this invaluable effort.

Tatreez, recognised by UNESCO in 2021, has long expressed Palestinian heritage and belonging. Its motifs encoded identity, place and social status. After the 1948 Nakba, it became a means of preserving Palestinian culture in the face of attempted erasure. Today it is something else again: Testimony.

Not long after Israel unleashed its devastating military assault on Gaza in 2023, the tapestry found new momentum by merging with the Palestine Museum US, an independent institution founded and led by Palestinian American entrepreneur Faisal Saleh. The tapestry is now housed at the museum in Woodbridge, Connecticut, and travels from there for exhibits worldwide.

It was within this expanded framework that the Gaza Genocide Tapestry took shape. Jan, Ibrahim, Faisal, and I came together to discuss how best to document the genocide. We initially created two panels to mark this dark moment in Palestinian history – Gaza on Fire and The Palestinian Phoenix. Faisal then proposed we do 100 panels focused solely on Gaza.

The challenge of producing in a single year what had previously taken a decade was formidable, but it was an urgency dictated by an unfolding genocide and made possible by the scale, visibility and global reach the museum provided.

United in pain

Women in Gaza were initially among the most active contributors to the Palestine History Tapestry. Their work was vibrant and meticulous, and offered them a means of support. But as bombardment intensified, most became unreachable, often displaced multiple times. Materials could not enter Gaza, and finished panels could not leave.

Gaza’s women became the subjects of the story, rather than its narrators.

But the tapestry, at its core, is a kind of “lam shamel” (Arabic for family reunion), as one embroiderer put it. Despite borders and forced displacement, the labour of Palestinian women everywhere converges into a single visual record of the Palestinian experience.

For Iman Shehabi, Basma Natour and the dozen women in Ein el-Hilweh refugee camp, embroidery is how they make a living. But the tapestry project, they said, “restored” a part of their “dignity”.

“It was a space where heritage pulsed, and where our needles stitched both our pains and our hopes,” they wrote to us in a letter upon completion of their panels.

And it is not only the embroiderers who contributed. One of the panels in the Gaza Genocide Tapestry, embroidered by Shahla Mahareeq in Ramallah, was based on an image of Hind Rajab illustrated by London-based artist Khadija Said.

A panel of blindfolded men, arbitrarily detained by Israeli soldiers in Gaza, was painted by Haifa-based lawyer and rights activist Janan Abdu, a Palestinian citizen of Israel. It was embroidered by Bothaina Youssef in Lebanon’s Ein el-Hilweh refugee camp.

Another artwork by Gaza-based artist Mohammed Alhaj, depicting displacement in Gaza, was also embroidered in Lebanon by Kifah Kurdieh, before a million people in southern Lebanon were themselves displaced.

The process of putting together the Gaza Genocide Tapestry has been painstaking. For more than a year, Faisal, Jan, Ibrahim and I held weekly meetings to research and select representative panels across various themes and coordinate the work. Each panel had to be translated by Ibrahim into a format that could be embroidered, then sent to a woman to stitch through field coordinators in each location.

There were constant questions, both ethical and practical. What do we choose to include, and what is left out? What does it mean to translate suffering into a stitched pattern?

At the Venice Biennale

Starting May 9, the Gaza Genocide Tapestry will be exhibited publicly at Palazzo Mora under the title:
“- – – – – – – – – – -” *
*Gaza – No Words – See The Exhibit

It will be available for viewing through November.

When we were informed in November last year that our biennale submission was selected, I felt a complicated kind of recognition. On one hand, it is an honour and a chance for this work, and the women behind it, to be seen on one of the world’s most prominent cultural stages.

On the other hand, it captured the paradox of a world increasingly willing to name what is happening in Gaza, to look it in the eye, call it a genocide, and yet remain unable or unwilling to stop it. What does it say about humanity when art becomes a primary site of real-time testimony because political systems have failed?

I have no simple answer. What I know is this: Palestinian women continue to tell these stories and demand accountability. Theirs is a collective response to my late mentor Refaat Alareer’s final instruction before he was killed: “If I must die, you must live to tell my story.”

SPAIN

Tamarindos, Es Grau, Menorca

On Menorca’s north-east coast, Es Grau is a low-key village with a crescent of dark sand in a fan-shaped bay, behind which is the s’Albufera des Grau nature reserve. Tamarindos is actually two places: as you reach the Mediterranean, look left to see the bar, with shady tables under the trees; look right for the restaurant, with a terrace on stilts over the duck-egg-blue water.

At the bar, I go for the grilled brioche stuffed with sobrasada sausage, punchy Mahón cheese and local honey with a glass of local merluzo white wine. In the restaurant, my favourite is the paella with Menorcan red prawns, but the artichoke and seaweed version is good, too. Later on, you’ll find me back under the trees with a pomada – Xoriguer gin mixed with lemonade and crushed ice.
Paella from €26 per person
Annie Bennett

La Mar de Fondo, Playa de Frexulfe, Asturias

On one of the least developed stretches of the Spanish coast sits the stunning Playa de Frexulfe. It forms part of a protected landscape of dunes, cliffs and rare coastal flora between the fishing towns of Navia and Puerto de Vega. It’s a rare glimpse of what Spain looked like before tourism; there is virtually no development – except for the best beach bar ever.

La Mar de Fondo is a creaky wooden structure perched on a hill overlooking the near kilometre-long beach. The vibe is as laid-back and wild as the landscape. It serves food and drinks, and though I’ve never stayed for a meal, it holds a special place in my heart as the spot where I spilled out of my first sleepless night of van life. The contrast between a smelly mosquito-filled vehicle and a quiet morning coffee, watching the water sparkle through the eucalyptus trees, goes down as one of my favourite travel moments.
Meal about €30
Alyssa McMurtry

Restaurant La Isleta, La Isleta del Moro, Almería

Teetering on a rocky peninsula on the Cabo de Gata coast, jutting out into the Mediterranean, is a tiny, white-washed fishing village, La Isleta del Moro: population 200. Sleepy and remote, it shot to fame briefly in 2018 when Arnold Schwarzenegger arrived in town to shoot scenes for Terminator: Dark Fate. Its few buildings are clustered on the waterfront, with Restaurant La Isleta in prime position, perched on the rocks by the jetty. Sitting on the terrace under a palm-thatched roof, you can hear the waves lapping beneath you, and watch the fishers haul their boats up the beach.

My arrival was more low-key than Arnie’s, arriving on foot while walking the coast, but the timing was perfect for a sundowner – an ice-cold beer as the sky turned Technicolor over the cliffs. As they say in these parts: I’ll be back.
Average meal €50
Lois Pryce

El Refugio, Zahara de los Atunes, Costa de la Luz

With perfectly framed views of grassy dunes, a sweep of white sand and a sapphire horizon of rippling Atlantic waves, El Refugio is an understated bar-restaurant in the village of Zahara de los Atunes. Wrapped around the simple whitewashed restaurant, a terrace shaded by an immense fig tree offers sun or shadow as well as salty breezes, which sometimes whip up wildly. Later, flamboyant sunsets paint the sky.

Food leans heavily on atun rojo (bluefin tuna), rich and buttery, the much-prized speciality of this coast ever since the Phoenicians introduced the almadraba fishing technique 3,000 years ago. Another local classic is tender, low-fat retinto steak, while salads, gazpacho and affordable Spanish wines help propel the mainly hipster clientele through long, lazy afternoons. No bookings though – El Refugio’s burgeoning popularity has led to a waiting-list system at the door.
Three-course lunch about €35, plus wine
Fiona Dunlop

FRANCE

Le Cabanon, Roquebrune-Cap-Martin, Provence

You can smell the steaming clams and freshly baked focaccia well before you reach the bottom of the 100 steps down to Le Cabanon on the Plage du Buse. The bar-restaurant has had several management changes since I first visited a decade ago, but is always a fabulous place for a summertime drink overlooking the protected bay and headland where designer Eileen Gray built her modernist villa, E-1027, and Le Corbusier his wooden beach hut.

Le Cabanon reopened this April with a new side-hatch serving coffees, sublime gelato and goblets of Aperol spritz to beachgoers. It looks like a beachside conservatory with an open kitchen and a dozen tables upstairs on a shaded terrace. I always sit on its huge trunk of blanched driftwood to watch the cormorants, kayakers and distant super yachts.
Mains €20-30
Jon Bryant

Le Cabanon de Paulette, Marseille

Le Cabanon de Paulette is a seaside watering hole that hooks you in from the first sip. It hugs a stone wall above the Plage de l’Abricotier, a small, sandy cove, and every stool has a front-row view of the Mediterranean and nearby Frioul islands. Though trendy, the bar has a convivial vibe, and the staff exude the warmth of the south.

I recommend the fried squid, octopus salad and famous moules frites de Mamie Paulette (garlic-cream mussels named for the owner’s grandmother). Bottles of rosé mirror the blushing sky at sunset, the golden hour that bathes revellers in a gorgeous glow while being serenaded by guitars. In the distance, ferries head towards Corsica.
Meals €15-20, cash only
Alexis Steinman

Le France, Saint-Marc-sur-Mer, Loire

There’s a beach on France’s Atlantic coast that remains dear to many French people’s hearts thanks to its role in the classic 1953 Jacques Tati film, Les Vacances de Monsieur Hulot. The film follows Tati’s much-loved character as he leaves chaos at every turn of his summer holiday.

I love that Monsieur Hulot is celebrated at the quiet beach with a bronze statue leaning over the railings in his characteristic hands-on-hips style. Beneath, Le France restaurant opens out on to the golden sand, with sun umbrellas and deckchairs giving it a suitably retro feel. The menu features seafood platters and moules-frites, and the service is laid-back – in keeping with the vibe of Tati’s dreamy film.
Mains from €17
Carolyn Boyd

La Cale, Blainville-sur-Mer, Normandy

France’s northern coast, with its stiff breeze and broad sandy beaches, will feel familiar to a British audience – until lunchtime rolls around. Starchy, white-tableclothed restaurants serving up elegant platters of fruit de mer are lovely things, but sometimes on holiday you just want chips on the beach. Enter La Cale, a seaside shack on Normandy’s Cotentin peninsula, where you can enjoy good French cooking with your feet literally in the sand.

It serves all the classics, including platters of oysters and pots of moules with crispy frites, plus sausages and gigots of lamb cooked on the open fire, out on a ramshackle terrace that’s all but falling into the dunes. Don’t expect formality – the owner is a character, the bathrooms rustic – and don’t miss the local ciders, or tergoule, a sweetly spiced, very Normande, rice pudding.
Average meal €20-30
Felicity Cloake

L’Oasis, Plomodiern, Brittany

I stopped off at L’Oasis by chance, but this brilliant beachside restaurant on Brittany’s wild Finistère coastline immediately went to the top of my list of favourite discoveries. A striking yellow stone manor house looks out over the Plage de Pors Ar Vag (Breton for “boat cove”), the beginning of a 2-mile stretch of sandy beach. Chilling out on a manicured lawn above the lapping waves, diners sip glasses of chilled muscadet wine or artisan cider.

At sunset, the last surfers and family holidaymakers slowly leave the beach, while the restaurant offers memorable local seafood at affordable prices. Oysters and langoustines are a must, but more surprising are the signature juicy palourde clams grilled with garlic and parsley. And the profiteroles topped with hot chocolate sauce and Chantilly cream are to-die-for.
Three-course menu €27 at lunch, €32 for dinner
John Brunton

Le Marinella, L’Île-Rousse, Corsica

There’s something deeply relaxing about sliding your toes into the sand while having a lazy lunch and drinking Corsican rosé by the sea. Le Marinella sprawls across the wide expanse of L’Île-Rousse’s beach on Corsica’s northern Balagne coast, where there’s also a lovely morning food market worth visiting. While you can sit on one of Le Marinella’s covered terraces, it’s more pleasurable to kick off your flip-flops and linger over a moreish Corsican take on tapas under the shade of a parasol.

Fried balls of brocciu cheese, saucisson, anchovy beignets and tapenade remind me that Corsican cuisine historically leans more inland than towards the sea – piracy made living on the coast too dangerous. But then along comes a bowl of mussels in a sea urchin sauce to take me firmly back to the Mediterranean and, eventually, to one of the restaurant’s sunloungers.
Tapas €22, mussels €20
Mary Novakovich

ITALY

Trattoria Da Patrizia, Naples

Trattoria Da Patrizia is easy to miss, tucked between the smarter restaurants on the peninsula of Megaride, on the Naples seafront. The plastic chairs, chequered paper tablecloths and handwritten menu disguise what I believe to be the best (in all its simplicity) seaside lunch spot in the city. One sweltering August, when most Neapolitans had decamped somewhere cooler, I found myself there almost every day seeking refuge: tomato bruschetta to start, a big bowl of spaghetti alle vongole, and a carafe of cold falanghina white wine.

After lunch, the nearby boulders that line the fringes of the promenade make for a perfect sunbed, a lazy doze in the shadow of the majestic Castel dell’Ovo, and then a dip in the sea alongside the raucous scugnizzi – Naples’ beloved street urchins – terrifying anyone who cares to watch as they jump from the footbridge into the warm shallow water of the Borgo Marinari marina.
Meal from €20
Sophia Seymour

Il Pirata, Termoli, Adriatic coast

From Termoli, capital of Italy’s south-eastern Molise region, the sandy beach stretches for miles, lined with a paved cycle track and footpath. About 15 minutes’ walk from town is a “free” beach called Il Fratino, after the plovers that nest there. The September I was there the water was clear and inviting, the sand golden and warm. But the real triumph came at lunchtime. About 100 metres up the beach, looking like an overgrown shepherd’s hut, is restaurant Il Pirata.

Staff settled us on a balcony table and proceeded to wow us with dish after memorable dish. Mussels pepata (with lemon and black pepper), great pasta (fish bolognese and masterful linguine with shrimps, lime and pistachio) and roast octopus on broccoli rabe and burrata all went beautifully with chilled local trebbiano (white wine). The meal became a family benchmark for beachside lunches. Now, “nearly as good as Il Pirata” is praise indeed.
Two courses about €25
Liz Boulter

Bar Piero, Lavagna, Liguria

It’s not Rapallo, seven miles to the north, nor Sestri Levante, five to the south. In short, it’s not chic. In Italian, Lavagna means slate, which they were quarrying in Roman times. The beach is shale, shelving steeply, but the sea is a dazzling summery blue.

Right above the sea wall, on the promenade, is Bar Piero, a kiosk with white tables under white sunshades. It serves delicious fresh brioches that tend to run out after 10am. By 11am, there’s the sound of ice being vigorously shaken for cocktails, the smell of focaccia wafting from the oven. Then all the standard Italian fare at lunch, afternoon beer and spritz, and meat sizzling in the seaside dusk, with the gentle ebb and flow of strollers along the promenade and the sun melting into sea. Hard to beat.
Panini about €6
Tim Parks

GREECE

Bardis, Loutraki Bay, Crete

The best table I know is perched over shifting Greek seas and backed by lush green hillsides. Bardis is a taverna-cum-organic farm in Loutraki Bay, western Crete (population: three families). This is where I take visitors and Greek friends alike, and all invariably leave raving about it. Husband and wife Theo and Vasiliki serve up traditional food, cooked with great technical skill. Their focus is on freshly caught fish and seafood (try the fish soup), homegrown vegetables and meat classics.

It slopes down to a pebble beach on a gulf where turtles and dolphins can be seen. Stare to sea, the source of that seafood; lie in hammocks among shade-giving trees. Go early, have breakfast, stay the day (or night by arrangement). Lounge, lunch, swim, shower. Do not leave before dinner.
Meal €25-€30
Susan Smillie

Aperanto Galazio, Varkiza, Athens

Greeks are spoilt for choice when it comes to beach cafes and tavernas – even in the capital’s seaside suburbs. Aperanto Galazio (The Big Blue – like the Luc Besson film) began as the canteen for the Varkiza Sea Sports Club (which produces Olympic athletes) and morphed into a popular, unpretentious taverna. It is perfect for sunny off-season lunches; on blustery days, the waves surge across the broad sandy bay and windsurfers speed by. It is also a breezy evening refuge in a heatwave, when tables with oil lamps are placed on the shingle and Athenians cool off in the shallows. As you sip cold beer or an iced ouzo and look out to sea, you feel you’re on an island. The food is reliable rather than gourmet, with a traditional seafood menu: filleted sardines, calamari, fresh salads and vegetables, and homemade tzatziki.
Meal with wine around €30
Sofka Zinovieff

PORTUGAL

Camaleão Beach Bar, Ilha da Armona, Algarve

There’s a fork on the boardwalk on the island of Armona, giving you the choice to head to the Atlantic beach, or to the one along the edge of the Ria Formosa. Choose the left path and you will find a bar with low chairs in the sand and views out over the dunes to the sea.

To my mind, Camaleão has one of the best beach bar locations in the world. So much so that I bought a house on this tiny island, just a five-minute walk from this very spot. It’s the place to drink ice-cold Super Bock, a caipirinha or a pick-me-up espresso martini. The music is a bit cheesy lounge-core, but when you can hear the sea and nip down to it to cool off, it’s a small price to pay. Ilha da Armona is a 15-minute ferry ride from the town of Olhão; Camaleão Beach Bar is a 20-minute walk from the ferry.
Audrey Gillan

Protesters in Tenerife are voicing opposition to the imminent arrival of a cruise ship hit by a deadly hantavirus outbreak. Authorities say the ship will anchor inside Granadilla port. Passengers will be screened before disembarking and being taken directly to evacuation aircraft.

At this year’s Venice Biennale, the story isn’t just about what’s on display—but what’s missing. Withdrawn countries, postponed ceremonies, and a fractured jury have turned the world’s oldest art exhibition into a stage for geopolitical tension.
Al Jazeera’s Karly Abou Samra explains.

Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer and his Labour Party suffered significant losses in local elections, despite his huge majority in parliament.

He’s rejecting calls to resign – but faces new challenges from both the left and right.

So, why is the local vote so important?

Presenter: Mohammed Jamjoom

Guests:

Peter Geoghegan – Editor of the investigative news site, Democracy for Sale

Lesley Riddoch – Podcaster, journalist and author of: ‘Blossom: What Scotland Needs to Flourish’

Tim Bale – Professor of politics, Queen Mary University of London

ROME — U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio urged European allies Friday to move beyond rhetoric and take concrete action against Iran, even as he sought to repair strained ties with Italy and the Vatican during a two-day visit following tensions over the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran.

Speaking after meetings with Premier Giorgia Meloni and Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, Rubio warned that Tehran was attempting to assert control over the strategic Strait of Hormuz, calling the move “unacceptable” and a threat to global security.

“Everybody says Iran is a threat. Everybody says that Iran can’t have a nuclear weapon … but you’ve got to do something about it,” Rubio told reporters in Rome. “If the answer is no … then you better have something more than just strongly worded statements to back it up.”

Clear ‘red line’

Rubio said Iran was trying to normalize control over an international waterway, a precedent he warned could encourage similar actions elsewhere. He also cautioned Tehran against targeting U.S. maritime assets, saying the United States had thwarted attacks on three Navy ships in the strait.

“The red line is clear. They threaten Americans, they are going to be blown up,” he said.

Rubio said Washington was pursuing a diplomatic track, including a proposed U.N. Security Council resolution aimed at preserving freedom of navigation. He added the U.S. was awaiting Iran’s response on Friday to ongoing diplomatic efforts.

Rubio’s visit comes after weeks of sharp disagreements between Washington and Rome over the Iran war, tariffs and President Trump’s criticism of both Meloni and Pope Leo XIV.

Differences remain over Iran war

Meloni described her meeting with Rubio as “constructive, frank and productive,” focused on both bilateral relations and major international issues. She said the talks covered strategic topics, including the Middle East, freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, Ukraine, China and areas of Italian interest such as Libya and Lebanon.

“We both understand how important the trans-Atlantic relationship is, but we also understand that each country must defend its own national interests,” Meloni stressed after the meeting.

Tajani struck a more conciliatory tone after meeting his U.S. counterpart, reaffirming the importance of the trans-Atlantic alliance.

“I am convinced Europe needs America — Italy needs America — and the United States also needs Europe and Italy,” Tajani said, adding he hoped “tensions have been calmed.”

He said discussions covered the Iran conflict and its spillover into Lebanon, as well as Venezuela and Cuba. The U.S. State Department said Rubio also raised the need to protect economic interests and end the war in Ukraine.

Despite the effort to ease tensions, differences remain over the Iran conflict. Italy has opposed the U.S.-Israeli bombing campaign, with Meloni calling it “illegal,” and has resisted involvement in offensive operations.

Tajani said Italy would be prepared to contribute naval forces to demine the Strait of Hormuz once a permanent ceasefire is reached, and would maintain its role in the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Lebanon. He also stressed the importance of continued U.S. troop presence in Europe amid concerns about possible reductions.

No final decision on NATO troops adjustments

Rubio said “no final decision” had been made on NATO troop adjustments, noting that any changes would depend on U.S. national interests and global priorities.

The U.S. has announced a decision to pull 5,000 military personnel from Germany and Trump has threatened to withdraw more troops from Italy and Spain over their stance on the war.

Italy, a key logistics hub for U.S. and allied operations in the Mediterranean and beyond, has already signaled limits to its cooperation. In March, it declined to allow U.S. bombers bound for the Middle East to use a base in Sicily without parliamentary approval, reflecting constitutional constraints and strong domestic opposition to the war.

Meloni, weakened by a recent referendum defeat and facing public unease over the conflict, has insisted that any use of Italian bases for offensive operations would require parliamentary backing.

The war has also raised economic concerns in Italy, with Meloni warning that disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz risk driving up energy costs and inflation, while U.S. tariff threats weigh on the country’s export-driven economy.

An attempt to de-escalate at the Vatican

Rubio also sought to ease tensions with the Vatican following Trump’s criticism of the pope’s calls for peace. After a lengthy meeting on Thursday with the pontiff and Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Rubio said Washington remained committed to a “productive and fruitful” relationship with the Catholic Church.

“The president’s perspective is clear. He thinks that Iran is a threat, and it needs to be addressed. And that position remains unchanged,” Rubio said.

Rubio confirmed that Cuba was also discussed at the Vatican, with Washington hoping the church’s Caritas charity organization would continue distributing humanitarian aid.

Rubio said the U.S. has provided about $6 million in humanitarian aid to Cuba, to be distributed through Caritas, should the Cubans allow it. He added Washington has also offered up to $100 million in additional aid, but the Cuban government has not accepted it so far. Rubio blamed Cuba’s government for blocking assistance and worsening conditions, describing it as “incompetent.”

U.S. officials said the Vatican talks underscored strong bilateral ties and a shared commitment to promoting peace, even as differences over the Iran war persist.

Zampano and Winfield write for the Associated Press.

BREAKINGBREAKING,

Truce will also include swap of 1,000 prisoners of war from each country, US president says.

⁠United States ⁠President Donald Trump ⁠says ‌there will be a three-day ceasefire in ⁠the war between ⁠Russia and ⁠Ukraine.

Posting on Truth Social on Friday, the US leader said the truce would last from ⁠Saturday to Monday.

“I am pleased to announce that there will be a THREE DAY CEASEFIRE (May 9th, 10th, and 11th) in the War between Russia and Ukraine,” Trump posted.

“The Celebration in Russia is for Victory Day but, likewise, in Ukraine, because they were also a big part and factor of World War II. This Ceasefire will include a suspension of all kinetic activity, and also a prison swap of 1,000 prisoners from each Country,” he added.

Russia had previously announced a two-day unilateral ceasefire to mark its May 9 World War II Victory Day on Saturday.

Ukraine previously stated that it too had offered a truce but that this had been ignored by Moscow.

“This request was made directly by me,” Trump said on Friday, thanking his Russian and Ukrainian counterparts Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelenskyy for agreeing to it.

“Talks are continuing” on ending the war, Trump said, adding that “we are getting closer and closer every day”.

“Hopefully, it is the beginning of the end of a very long, deadly, and hard fought War.”

More to come…

Real do not impose sporting sanctions saying 500,000 euro fines concludes the ‘internal procedures’ against the pair.

Real Madrid have fined Aurelien Tchouameni and Federico Valverde 500,000 euros ($588,000) each after a training ground clash that left the latter needing hospital treatment.

The club did not impose any sporting sanctions on the two players, saying in a statement that the fine “thereby concludes the internal procedures” launched against them.

Valverde will miss Sunday’s Clasico against Barcelona as a result of the head injury he suffered during the altercation. The club said he would be out for up to two weeks.

Tchouameni took part in training on Friday and could feature at Camp Nou this weekend.

Madrid said on Friday that both players “expressed their complete remorse for what happened and apologised to each other” while taking part in a club investigation.

“They extended their apologies to the club, their teammates, the coaching staff, and the fans, and both have made themselves available to Real Madrid to accept whatever sanction the club deems appropriate,” read a club statement.

Uruguay international Valverde was accompanied to the hospital facility near the club’s Valdebebas training complex by Madrid coach Alvaro Arbeloa, according to Spanish reports, which said the player needed stitches to treat a facial wound.

Valverde sought to downplay the severity of the altercation with the France midfielder.

“The strain of the competition and frustration caused the situation to escalate,” Valverde wrote on social media, expressing regret at the media coverage of the incident.

“I accidentally hit a table during the argument, causing a small cut on my forehead that required a routine visit to the hospital,” he said.

“At no point did my teammate hit me, and I didn’t hit him either.”

According to reports, the two players quarrelled on Wednesday during training, and their argument continued on Thursday during and after the session.

Spanish media reported Valverde refused to shake Tchouameni’s hand and later fouled him in Thursday’s training session, with the pair scrapping afterwards in the dressing room when the injury occurred.

Tensions are running high at Real Madrid with the club on the verge of a second consecutive season without a major trophy.

Los Blancos trail Barca by 11 points at the top of La Liga, with Hansi Flick’s side able to clinch back-to-back league titles on Sunday if they do not lose.

Players’ union challenge French state’s failure to protect professional footballers from the health and safety risks.

Football players’ union ‌FIFPRO is hailing a “landmark” legal win after a European rights ⁠body agreed to ⁠investigate whether the French state failed to uphold labour standards for professional footballers.

The unanimous decision by the European Committee of Social Rights in March marks the first time a players’ union has successfully advanced a collective complaint under the European Social Charter. It paves the way for ⁠an investigation into whether France has failed to ensure proper working conditions for professional players, including minors.

FIFPRO described the heart of the dispute as the French state’s failure to protect professional footballers from the health and safety risks posed ‌by a congested and expanding international match calendar, which it argues is driven by FIFA’s unilateral decisions on competition formats.

The inaugural edition of a rebranded and expanded FIFA Club World Cup came in for particular criticism from across the game when it was staged last year.

The French government had sought to have the case dismissed, arguing that any alleged labour violations were the responsibility of private sports bodies, such as FIFA or the French Football Federation, rather than the state.

The Committee rejected that objection, ⁠affirming that national governments remain legally responsible for ensuring ⁠fundamental workers’ rights are upheld within their jurisdictions, regardless of whether a private entity manages the industry.

FIFPRO Europe, which is supporting the French National Union of Professional Footballers (UNFP) in the ⁠case, described the decision as a “signal case” for the industry.

It added that the complaint highlights how global governing ⁠bodies “frequently bypass national labour standards regarding rest periods ⁠and collective bargaining.”

FIFPRO Europe confirmed it would provide full support to the UNFP during the upcoming proceedings and called on other European states to hold football authorities accountable for “systemic failures” that ‌it said prioritise commercial interests over player safety.

“France is not alone: many other states are in a comparable situation, with minimum standards for working time, ‌rest ‌periods, occupational health and collective bargaining structurally undermined by decisions taken at global level,” its statement said.

Southern Russia is facing one of the largest environmental disasters in its modern history. In April, repeated Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil infrastructure in Tuapse triggered massive refinery fires and oil spills along the Black Sea coast, including near Sochi. Residents described “black rain” falling from the sky as smoke and petroleum residue spread across the region. Weeks later, wildlife is still dying, beaches remain polluted and volunteers trying to respond say their efforts have often been obstructed. The authorities, meanwhile, have focused less on confronting the scale of the catastrophe than on silencing those speaking out about it. Despite the ongoing environmental damage, officials are already discussing reopening the beaches and launching the tourist season.

The catastrophe raises difficult questions about environmental destruction during wartime. Ukraine, which has experienced countless environmental catastrophes related to Russia’s all-out war, has been among the leading actors advocating for the recognition of ecocide as an international crime, even though the concept has yet to be formally codified in international law. Following the April strikes, however, some environmental activists in Russia and beyond are now also accusing Ukraine of hypocrisy and causing long-term environmental harm through strikes on oil infrastructure. There is a real debate over whether such actions can be justified, even when targeting an aggressor, if their environmental consequences may last for decades.

But focusing exclusively on Ukrainian strikes risks obscuring the deeper structural causes of the disaster. Russia’s oil infrastructure is deeply embedded in its war economy, and environmental damage of this magnitude does not occur in a vacuum. It is shaped by years of deregulation, lack of oversight and the systematic dismantling of environmental protections. These trends have only intensified during the full-scale invasion, as environmental safeguards have increasingly been cancelled in order to sustain the war economy. This includes recent legislative changes affecting the protection of Lake Baikal — a unique ecosystem that contains around 23 percent of the world’s unfrozen freshwater — raising concerns among experts about long-term environmental risks.

For years, environmental organisations in Russia have been labelled “foreign agents” or declared “undesirable”, independent environmental movements have been dismantled and activists forced into exile. The current catastrophe is unfolding in a country where ecological disasters are often silenced rather than addressed.

What is striking in the current situation is not only the scale of the damage but the response of the authorities. Rather than responding with transparency and accountability, Russian officials have largely attempted to silence discussion around the disaster. This recalls earlier patterns, including the initial response to the Chornobyl disaster, where secrecy and delayed disclosure significantly worsened the human and environmental consequences.

In this sense, responsibility does not lie only in the immediate cause of the disaster, but also in the absence of preparedness, regulation and accountability.

This disaster has also triggered an unusual wave of discussion within Russia itself, much of it unfolding online, despite increasing censorship. Volunteers on the ground have reported being obstructed and, in some cases, harassed while trying to rescue wildlife. Journalists attempting to document the situation have faced detention. Even as the catastrophe unfolds, the space to speak about it remains tightly controlled.

Yet the public reaction is telling. Much of it is happening on Instagram, which is banned in Russia, and on other social media platforms, with people still using VPNs to speak out and read real news. Rather than turning primarily into accusations against Ukraine, much of this discussion has been directed at the Russian authorities. The disaster is being used, implicitly and sometimes explicitly, to question the lack of coordination, the absence of transparency and the broader political system that allows such crises to happen.

This is significant. In a country where even calling the war a war is effectively prohibited, environmental catastrophe has become one of the few channels through which criticism can still surface.

The situation also exposes a deeper problem that goes beyond Russia. It highlights a fundamental gap in international law: the lack of effective mechanisms to address large-scale environmental destruction in the context of war.

Recent events illustrate the consequences of this gap. The destruction of the Kakhovka Dam caused massive ecological damage, yet failed to generate sustained legal or political accountability at the international level. Since then, environmental destruction has continued to accompany the war, without clear mechanisms to address it.

More broadly, the issue is being sidelined. The war in Ukraine has become so heavily politicised globally that discussions of its environmental consequences are often reduced, avoided or absorbed into larger geopolitical narratives. From the perspective of an environmental activist from Russia, this creates a deep sense of helplessness. These issues are becoming harder to raise, not because they are less important, but because they are competing with an overwhelming number of global crises.

This frustration is also visible within parts of the Russian antiwar movement, where there is a growing perception that international actors are more focused on the economic consequences of the conflict than on addressing its deeper causes and risks that go beyond military threats.

Meanwhile, environmental destruction across Russia, a country that spans one-10th of the Earth’s land surface, continues with little international attention. This includes not only wartime damage, but also longstanding patterns tied to extractivism, colonial governance in national republics, and the systematic marginalisation of Indigenous communities. These are not separate issues. They are part of the same underlying problem, one that remains largely unaddressed.

Environmental exploitation in Russia’s regions has long been tied to older imperial patterns of control and dispossession. These same southern regions are also the regions where the Russian Empire committed genocide against the Indigenous Circassian people, exterminating and expelling more than 95 percent of the local population in the late 19th century. And now, what the Russian authorities seem to care about is not the environmental devastation itself, but reopening the beaches so the region can continue generating income.

While Europe is preparing to spend hundreds of billions of euros responding to what it sees as a growing Russian military threat, far less attention is being paid to the political and economic structures sustaining environmental destruction inside Russia itself. From the perspective of an environmental activist and someone finishing a master’s degree in international affairs, there is a striking gap in how the root causes of this crisis are being addressed.

Too little attention is paid to the deeper structures that sustain it: Russia’s colonial governance and extractivist economic model in the regions of Russia. These issues remain underexplored not only in political decision-making but also in academia and media coverage. This gap is particularly visible in the missed opportunities to engage with emerging Russian decolonial movements and Indigenous activists from national republics, who have long been raising precisely these concerns. Their perspectives remain marginal, even though they are essential for understanding both environmental destruction and political instability in the region.

Many international organisations and NGOs have also scaled down or abandoned work related to Russia’s internal environmental and human rights issues, as well as broader regional dynamics in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. As a result, entire areas of expertise are disappearing at the very moment they are most needed. Voices that could contribute to a deeper understanding, and potentially to long-term solutions, are increasingly sidelined or ignored.

And when catastrophe comes, people are left asking how it became possible for oil to fall from the sky.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

May 9 is a venerated date on the Russian calendar. The anniversary of the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany in World War II is usually commemorated with a grand military parade outside the Kremlin, on Moscow’s Red Square.

“For modern Russia, it’s the main holiday of the year,” said Oleg Ignatov, senior Russia analyst at Crisis Group. “There are two main holidays in Russia, the ninth of May and the New Year. And if you asked Russians, what is the main holiday, I think they would answer you that it’s the ninth of May.”

This year, however, for the first time in nearly 20 years, there will be no tanks, missiles or junior cadets in the parade. The decision to hold back on showcasing military equipment comes as a result of heightened security fears over the war in Ukraine.

However, personnel from higher-level military academies will still take part in the procession on foot, while the aerial portion of the programme will remain unchanged – an aerobatic show, followed by a team of Sukhoi Su-25 fighter jets painting the sky in the tricolours of the Russian flag.

In official statements, the Kremlin has referred to “the current operational situation,” and threats of “Ukrainian terrorist activity.”

Ukrainian drones are now striking deeper and deeper into Russian territory on an almost daily basis, hitting targets such as oil facilities and airfields. A recent spate of drone attacks on the oil refinery in Tuapse, on Russia’s Black Sea coast, has caused an ecological catastrophe and prompted the evacuation of the town.

“Drones are indeed the primary means to attack Russia’s territory,” explained Olha Polishchuk, research manager for Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus at Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED). “They are relatively cheap, modifiable and can travel long distances … Both Ukraine and Russia have switched to using primarily drones for their attacks.

He said that since 2025, drone strikes “completely overshadowed other attacks”.

“Their use has been effective overall; most drones are intercepted but if you send enough of them, some will reach the target.”

Fears of ‘political and psychological consequences’

Security and anti-drone defences have been tightened in the capital since the Ukrainian armed forces began sending drones there in 2023, with one striking the Kremlin itself.

Mobile internet has been periodically shut off in Moscow, Saint Petersburg and other areas of the country in the days running up to the event, with providers citing “security reasons”.

“Moscow has very strong air defence, which includes short-range surface-to-air missile systems, other missile systems, small arms and electronic warfare systems,” explained Polishchuk. “It is a multilayered system located both around and inside the city. In the past, authorities have shut down cellular networks in Moscow to complicate drone navigation.

“Ukraine very rarely attacks Moscow because the air defence would require a very large swarm of drones for any attack to land, but also because there are plenty of other strategically relevant targets that do not carry such a high risk of civilian casualties.”

Nevertheless, the Victory Day ceremonies present a clear risk. Such a concentration of troops and vehicles is vulnerable not only on the day of the parade itself but before and after, too: after all, that hardware must be stored somewhere.

“Of course, they care about drones which can fly from Ukraine, but most of these drones are being intercepted,” Crisis Group’s Ignatov told Al Jazeera. “They are more afraid of groups of people using small drones which are delivered to Russia, and used against targets inside Russia, like in Operation Spiderweb [in 2025] … Even if one or a couple of small drones hit a military parade, it may not cause a casualty, but it will have a demonstrative and psychological effect. I think what they care about is the political and psychological consequences of this.”

The Victory Day parade is a tradition from the communist era, an occasion on which the citizenry could catch a glimpse of Soviet statesmen waving from atop Lenin’s tomb, as well as a chance for the then-superpower to show off its military might. But when the USSR collapsed in December 1991, the parades were shelved for nearly two decades until they were revived by President Vladimir Putin in 2008.

Since the start of the full-scale war in 2022, the Victory Day parade has been scaled back again. Only a solitary Soviet-era T-34 tank symbolically rolled across Red Square in 2024, although other types of vehicles, such as armoured personnel carriers and mobile missile launchers, were present.

Last year’s proceedings, however, packed a little more pomp. Not only did the parade feature modern tanks, the TOS-2 Tosochka heavy flamethrower systems and Iskander ballistic missiles, but also Russian troops marching alongside Chinese soldiers.

Chinese leader Xi Jinping watched the show sitting beside Putin, one of 27 heads of state in attendance, including Brazilian President Lula da Silva and Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso. The turnout seemed to indicate that, despite international condemnation of the invasion of Ukraine, Moscow was not isolated.

‘Victory over Nazi barbarism’ or a ‘cynical distortion of history’

“A celebration of the Soviet and Allied defeat of Hitler’s Nazi-Fascist alliance, Victory Day is the most sacred date on Russia’s political calendar,” said British historian Geoffrey Roberts.

“As ever, Victory Day will be celebrated as a Soviet as well as a Russian victory – the result of the common struggle of all the peoples of the multinational USSR, not least millions of Ukrainians. Victory Day is for the Russian government a day of multiethnic unity. It is also a reminder of the international antifascist unity – of the Soviet-Western coalition during World War II that together saved the world from Nazi barbarism.”

The Eastern Front of the second world war, known as the Great Patriotic War in Russia, occupies a central place in Russian national memory. About 27 million Soviet citizens, including Russians, lost their lives in the conflict, more than any other country, and it was the Red Army’s soldiers that hoisted their flag over the Reichstag in Berlin in 1945. The German surrender was officially finalised on May 9.

This memory is evoked by Putin’s government today, claiming it is fighting “Nazis” on the battlefields of Ukraine.

“It appears that in modern Russia, 9 May has been twisted to actually support aggressive behaviour and militarisation,” Polishchuk said.

“It is a big source of pride which supports the notion that Russia is strong, undefeated, and will not tolerate disrespect from anyone. The more common ‘never again’ in reference to WWII became ‘we can do it again’ in Russia as a popular Victory Day slogan. This posturing becomes even more important during an ongoing war, as it supports another sort of reality – one where Russia has not made a mistake by invading Ukraine and is not currently failing to achieve its military objectives.”

According to the open-source intelligence project Oryx, more than 14,000 Russian tanks, APCs and other combat vehicles have been destroyed, captured, abandoned or otherwise lost since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022.

Modern Ukraine considers Victory Day, as celebrated in Russia today, a cynical distortion of history and seeks to discourage foreign dignitaries from attending, Polishchuk added.

“Ukraine is generally more level-headed than Russia in sticking to targets that have a military objective, but this is indeed one of the instances where the [potential] attack appears largely symbolic,” she said. “Ukraine may decide to save resources this time and not attack Moscow – it could be a sane choice since air defence will be on high alert and security concerns may already discourage participation, yet Russian authorities have no choice but to try to reduce the risk regardless.”

Warring sides accuse each other of violations as attacks continue across front lines.

Russia and Ukraine have accused each other of breaching a short ceasefire announced by Moscow to coincide with Victory Day commemorations marking the Soviet Union’s defeat of Nazi Germany.

The Kremlin said its forces downed 264 Ukrainian drones early on Friday, with officials in Moscow reporting attempted attacks on the capital and in the Perm region in the Ural Mountains.

The truce, declared from May 8 to May 10, was intended to cover annual celebrations that include a military parade in Moscow.

Russia had warned that any disruption would trigger a large-scale missile response against Kyiv, urging foreign diplomats to leave the Ukrainian capital before potential escalation.

In a separate announcement, the Russian transport ministry said on Friday that 13 airports in Russia’s south halted operations due to drone attacks.

“Operations at the regional centre in Rostov-on-Don, which manages air traffic in southern Russia, have been temporarily suspended after Ukrainian drone struck the administrative building of the ‘Southern Russia Air Navigation’ branch,” the ministry said.

There were no casualties, it added.

Victory Day commemorations mark the Soviet Union’s loss of 27 million people in World War II, as it drove Nazi forces back to Berlin, where Adolf Hitler died, and the Red Army’s Soviet Victory Banner was raised over the Reichstag in May 1945.

‘We will defend our people’s lives’

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russian forces continued to attack positions overnight, dismissing the ceasefire as ineffective.

He said Russia had carried out more than 140 attacks on front-line positions by early morning, alongside 10 assaults and more than 850 drone attacks.

“As we did over the past 24 hours, Ukraine will respond in kind today as well. We will defend our positions and people’s lives,” Zelenskyy said.

Ukraine also reported striking a Russian oil facility in Yaroslavl, deep inside Russian territory, in what Kyiv described as retaliation for attacks on its cities.

“Ukraine’s long-range sanctions continued in response to Russian strikes on our cities and villages,” Zelenskyy said.

Kyiv had proposed an open-ended ceasefire beginning on May 6, which it said Russia ignored. Moscow did not adopt that proposal, and neither side accepted the other’s terms.

In remarks before the truce, Zelenskyy criticised Russia’s approach to the commemorations, saying Moscow sought a pause “to hold their parade, to go out onto the square safely for an hour once a year, and then continue killing, killing our people and waging war”.

“The Russians are already talking about strikes after May 9. Strange and certainly inappropriate of the Russian leadership,” he added.

“Just as 81 years ago, so now America can help peace with a just and strong stance against the aggressor,” Zelenskyy said. “And it is important that the American people now view Russia precisely in this way – as an aggressor.”

Roll with the lobsters near Derek Jarman’s house in Dungeness, Kent

Dungeness is a place of wild beauty, a stretch of coast that knows fierce winds. Artist and gardener Derek Jarman’s cottage roof blew off at least once and the wind regularly wreaked havoc with his planting. Stubborn plants survive on this vast shingle beach and just as stubborn is the Snack Shack, with its opening times dependent on the weather, as its website says. On fair weather days it’s an ideal place to have lunch as you explore the peninsula. If you’re in luck they will not have run out of lobster rolls among other freshly caught seafood delights. Paying homage to Jarman and eating outdoors here replenishes the soul.
Charlotte

Captain’s tables on the Brittany coast

Captain Marée, a 30-minute cycle from Vannes in Brittany, is a collection of mismatched tables and chairs beside two shacks on a shellfish farm on the Gulf of Morbihan. Here, you’ll find a simple menu featuring fresh oysters and mussels, all served by welcoming staff. The place offers wonderful views of the gulf and if you are really into your seafood, few places could offer better quality or a friendlier atmosphere.
Kelvin Atkins

Watch for seals on the Isle of Arran

Barcelona are set to storm La Liga this year and could seal title in Sunday’s Clasico, but what is the history of the Real Madrid rivalry?

Barcelona and Real Madrid will contest the 264th El Clasico when the Spanish giants come together in a La Liga clash on Sunday.

Rarely will there have been a more highly charged atmosphere with a heavily demoralised Real arriving in the Catalan capital, facing the prospect of watching their fiercest rivals crowned champions on the day.

Although knocked out of the UEFA Champions League at the quarterfinals, as Los Blancos were too, Barca are well on course to defend their La Liga crown – and at a canter.

Al Jazeera Sport takes a look at the talking points heading into the game and what the history is of a 124-year-old rivalry.

Will Kylian Mbappe play for Real Madrid against Barcelona?

The headline news surrounding Sunday’s game is the availability of Kylian Mbappe, with the French striker a doubt for the Clasico because of a hamstring injury.

The 27-year-old striker tops the scoring charts in the Spanish league this season with 24 goals. Mallorca’s Vedat Muriqi is a surprise second on the list with 21 strikes, while Barca’s Lamine Yamal, who is out for the remainder of the season, has netted 16 times and is third on the list.

Despite Mbappe’s goalscoring achievements, a “Mbappe out” petition has garnered more than 33 million signatures calling for the club to sell the striker, who joined from Paris Saint-Germain two seasons ago.

What happened to Real Madrid’s Federico Valverde?

Federico Valverde will definitely miss out on El Clasico after a training ground bust-up on Thursday resulted in the midfielder being taken to hospital.

The 27-year-old Uruguayan is understood to have sustained a head injury following an incident with teammate Aurelien Tchouameni.

Real have said they are investigating internally, and have already decided to open disciplinary proceedings against both players.

It is not yet clear if Frenchman Tchouameni will be available for Sunday’s match as a result.

How can Barcelona win La Liga in Sunday’s El Clasico?

Alvaro Arbeloa’s Real trail Hansi Flick’s reigning champions by 11 points with four matches remaining, and are sinking towards a second straight season without a major trophy.

Anything but a win for Real on Sunday will see Barca lift the trophy in their own stadium against the only side to have won La Liga more.

What is meant by El Clasico?

The term El Clasico first appeared in a Spanish newspaper during the 1960s in reference to matches between the two biggest club teams in Spain.

The simple translation is “The Classic”.

By that time, the match had already been long considered one of sport’s fiercest derbies.

How did El Clasico become Spain’s greatest rivalry?

Originally, the phrase “Viejo Clasico” (Old Classic) was a term that referred to the Madrid derby between Real and Athletic Bilbao.

The match between the pair has historically been the most-played fixture in Spanish football before the rise of Barcelona to one of the two most prominent teams in the country.

The term El Clasico, although a 1960s invention in Spain, became a more widely popular and globally associated name when the rivalry between Real Madrid and Barcelona peaked in the 1990s.

Johan Cruyff’s Barcelona were a side to be feared on the global stage, but Quinta del Buitre’s Real were putting up a stern test. In the late 90s, Real’s superstar lineup was dubbed the Galacticos following the heavy financial investment in overseas stars such as Zinedine Zidane, Ronaldo and David Beckham.

By the turn of the century, the rivalry was recognised as one of the biggest match-ups in world sport and heralded in the era of Pep Guardiola vs Jose Mourinho in the dugouts – and the small matter of Lionel Messi vs Cristiano Ronaldo on the field.

When was the first El Clasico between Barcelona and Real Madrid?

The first match between the clubs took place on May 13, 1902, in the Copa de la Coronacion (a predecessor to the Copa del Rey).

Barcelona won the match 3-1 in the Spanish capital against Madrid FC (the club later became Real Madrid).

Who has won more El Clasico matches, Real Madrid or Barcelona?

Of the 261 matches between the clubs over the last 124 years, Real have won 106, while Barcelona have won 105.

How many times have Real Madrid and Barcelona won La Liga?

Real have lifted the La Liga trophy 36 times while Barca are targeting their 28th title.

Who has scored the most El Clasico goals?

1. Lionel Messi (Argentina) – 26 goals for Barcelona
2. Alfredo Di Stefano (Portugal) – 18 goals for Real Madrid
3. Cristiano Ronaldo (Portugal) – 18 goals for Real Madrid
4. Karim Benzema (France) – 16 goals for Real Madrid
5. Raul (Spain) – 15 goals for Real Madrid

What are the last five results between Barcelona and Real Madrid?

• January 11, 2026 – Spanish Super Cup final: Barcelona 3-2 Real Madrid
• October 26, 2025 – La Liga: Real Madrid 2-1 Barcelona
• May 11, 2025 – La Liga: Barcelona 4-3 Real Madrid
• April 26, 2025 – Copa del Rey final: Barcelona 3-2 Real Madrid (after extra time)
• January 12, 2025 – Spanish Super Cup final: Real Madrid 2-5 Barcelona

How can I follow Sunday’s El Clasico between Barcelona and Real Madrid?

We will bring you our comprehensive text commentary stream of Sunday’s match, starting with our usual extensive build-up – including all the news, analyses and opinion surrounding the game.

International Olympic Committee urges sporting bodies to let Belarusian athletes compete again without vetting as neutrals.

Athletes from Belarus should once again compete with their full national identity and not be vetted for neutral status, the International Olympic Committee has said.

Though the advice to sports governing bodies does not yet apply also to Russia, it seemed to point towards being closer to ending Russia’s isolation in Olympic circles during its war on Ukraine.

One barrier to Russia’s return is an ongoing World Anti-Doping Agency investigation into recent reports implicating Russian anti-doping agency official Veronika Loginova.

The IOC said its executive board noted “with concern the recent information” being looked at by WADA, without naming Loginova.

Athletes from Russia and Belarus had to be approved as neutrals who did not support the war for individual events at the 2024 Paris Olympics and February’s Milano Cortina Winter Olympics. A total of 32 athletes from the two countries competed in Paris, to win five medals combined, including one gold in trampoline by an athlete from Belarus.

“The IOC reaffirms that athletes’ participation in international competition should not be limited by the actions of their governments, including involvement in a war or conflict,” the Olympic body said on Thursday.

The IOC noted the qualification period for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics “starts this summer.”

The Russian Olympic Committee has been suspended by the IOC since October 2023 for incorporating regional sports bodies in illegally occupied eastern Ukraine.

“Whilst the ROC has held constructive exchanges with the IOC on its suspension,” the IOC said, “it remains suspended while the IOC Legal Affairs Commission continues to review the matter.”

Irish Sport for Palestine accuses Israel of engaging ⁠in ‘genocide’ in war on Gaza ahead of UEFA Nations League game.

Leading Irish footballers have joined celebrities in a campaign urging ⁠the Republic of Ireland to boycott a UEFA Nations League match against Israel later this year.

An open letter sent to the Football Association of Ireland (FAI) from campaign group Irish Sport for Palestine accuses Israel of engaging ⁠in “genocide” in the war in Gaza and of breaching UEFA and FIFA statutes by allowing teams to play on occupied Palestinian land.

In November 2025, 93 percent of FAI members voted for its leadership to press UEFA to suspend Israel under those statutes, a mandate campaigners say the Irish governing body should “respect and represent”.

Israel has denied that its forces have ‌committed genocide during the war in Gaza.

The letter, entitled “Stop the Game”, was signed by League of Ireland players, former men’s coach Brian Kerr and twice women’s player of the year Louise Quinn.

Irish rock band Fontaines D C, hip-hop trio Kneecap and singer-songwriter Christy Moore were among the other signatories, along with Oscar-nominated actor Stephen Rea.

Ireland are set to host Israel at Dublin’s Aviva Stadium on October 4, while a September 27 fixture designated as an Israeli home ⁠match is expected to be staged at a neutral venue.

The letter includes a statement ⁠from Shamrock Rovers captain and Professional Footballers’ Association of Ireland chair Roberto Lopes.

“We can’t ignore the humanitarian catastrophe in Palestine; the sheer loss of life there has to take precedence over any sporting consideration,” said Dublin-born Lopes, who is set to play at the ⁠World Cup for Cape Verde in June.

“Ireland has an opportunity here to lead and do what others won’t.”

Israel have played in UEFA competitions since the early 1980s after ⁠being excluded from Asian Football Confederation (AFC) competitions in the 1970s when ⁠several countries refused to play against them.

Ireland’s prime minister Micheal Martin said the two matches against Israel should go ahead.

“We have been critics and have opposed very strongly Israeli government policy within Gaza in particular. We condemned the Hamas attack on Israel which was absolutely horrific,” ‌the taoiseach told The Irish Times.

“I think sport is an area that can be challenging when it crosses into the realm of politics.”

In February, FAI Chief Executive David Courell said the national team had no choice but ‌to ‌fulfil its obligations or risk harming the long-term sporting interests of Irish football, including potential disqualification from future competitions.

A poll by the Irish Football Supporters Partnership found 76 percent of respondents opposed the fixture being played.