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DETROIT — Michigan Democrat Abdul El-Sayed’s former opponent in the U.S. Senate primary, Rep. Haley Stevens, stunned party officials Sunday by endorsing his Republican rival, Mike Rogers, after Democratic tensions boiled over days before the election that could determine the balance of power on Capitol Hill.

Stevens endorsed Rogers after attending a Detroit church service with him. The remarkable show of support for the President Trump-backed candidate in the tightly contested race comes after she was uninvited to a joint event the same day with El-Sayed, who defeated the congresswoman by a slim margin in the August primary.

“Our Democratic nominee for Senate said I was no longer welcome in his campaign and that I should stay away,” Stevens said in a video announcing the endorsement. “And he’s right. And that’s why I am endorsing Mike Rogers for the United States Senate today.”

El-Sayed dismissed the endorsement when asked about it by reporters later Sunday, saying he’s focused on issues voters care about, such as the high cost of living.

“At the end of the day I actually don’t think about Haley Stevens,” he said, adding later: “None of this matters.”

Michigan Democratic leaders were left shocked. With just less than 48 hours to go before election day, a party that had spent months trying to unite behind its Senate nominee was suddenly grappling with an extraordinary defection in one of this year’s most important races.

Tensions between the two Democrats have festered since the primary. Stevens is a staunch supporter of Israel, while El-Sayed is a fierce critic of the U.S. ally. He has also been criticized by some in the community for past remarks regarding a Michigan synagogue attack and for appearances with controversial streamer Hasan Piker.

El-Sayed, a former Michigan public health official, is facing Rogers, an ex-congressman, for the seat held by the retiring Democrat, Gary Peters. Keeping Michigan in Democratic hands is vital to the party’s effort to win a majority for the final two years of Trump’s second term.

Stevens and El-Sayed were originally scheduled to attend church together, along with other Michigan and national Democrats, including South Carolina Rep. James E. Clyburn. Democrats hoped it would be a show of unity as they worked to boost turnout in the Detroit area, where concerns have lingered about enthusiasm among Black and Jewish voters in key Democratic strongholds.

Instead, Stevens swayed to gospel music alongside Rogers in the pews at Perfecting Church, while El-Sayed was a few miles away at a different house of worship campaigning alongside prominent Democrats, including Clyburn.

Stevens’ top aide resigns

After the church service north of Detroit, where Stevens and fiance Jason Turkish worshiped with Rogers and his wife, Kristi, the congresswoman told reporters, “I’m not turning my back on Democrats. It is this one vote.”

Rogers, standing beside her, said he was “honored” by her support.

Their appearance came days after Stevens publicly reaffirmed she would vote for El-Sayed. It also led her longtime chief of staff to resign, with a number of staff members expected to follow soon, according to a person familiar with the developments who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss internal matters.

“We are shocked and heartbroken,” the aide said in a statement.

The state party chair, Curtis Hertel, said Stevens’ endorsement “shows that she has abandoned everything she claims to care about.”

“We reject the attempts by Stevens and bad-faith actors to divide our party and undermine our momentum,” Hertel wrote, adding that they won’t let such eleventh-hour “distractions” deter the campaign. Hertel later wrote that Stevens “is not a current member of the Michigan Democratic Party, nor will she be in the future.”

Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer, who supported Stevens in the primary, denounced her endorsement of Rogers.

“This is a despicable betrayal from Rep. Stevens,” Schumer, of New York, wrote in a social media post.

Dingell disinvited Stevens after it became ‘distracting’

Among the Democrats who joined El-Sayed at church Sunday morning were Rep. Debbie Dingell of Michigan, Sen. Angela Alsobrooks of Maryland and state Sen. Mallory McMorrow, who dropped out of the Senate primary before voting began.

Dingell, a senior Democratic figure in the state who helped organize the planned joint appearance, said she asked Stevens not to attend and that Stevens told her she would abide by that.

“I’m the one who pulled it because it had become way too distracting,” Dingell said a telephone interview Sunday before Stevens’ appearance with Rogers. “This is not how I was going to spend my weekend before the election, to be perfectly frank.”

In the August primary, Stevens defeated El-Sayed in Wayne County, which includes Detroit, and neighboring Oakland County, drawing support from Black and Jewish voters who are important parts of the Democratic coalition.

Early voting for Tuesday’s election has been underway since Oct. 24. As of Friday, more than 1.8 million people had already voted in Michigan.

How did we get here?

The Democratic primary was among the most bitter this year. Each candidate accused the other of making personal attacks. Tens of millions of dollars in outside spending poured into the race, including from the super PAC affiliated with the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, known as AIPAC, which backed Stevens. El-Sayed took particular offense to an outside group’s ad accusing him of disrespecting women.

Although Stevens pledged after the primary to help El-Sayed however she could, the two have not appeared together publicly since a unity breakfast two days after his primary win.

Last week Stevens’ fiance told the Detroit News that he would vote for Rogers. Stevens later appeared on CNN to reaffirm her support for El-Sayed but urged his campaign to “shut out the hate and call it out.”

But on Friday, after the Associated Press reported on the planned joint appearance, Stevens released a lengthy statement calling on El-Sayed to condemn an ad by an independent left-wing group that linked U.S. support for Israel to high grocery prices.

“Abdul promises to get money out of politics,” Stevens wrote. “He can begin by getting Israel out of his explanation for everything Michigan cannot afford.”

El-Sayed then responded: “So while Congresswoman Stevens seems intent on relitigating a primary that ended three months ago, let’s all focus on the task at hand.”

He made clear the ad was not made by his campaign and said “I do not agree with the contents of that ad.”

The Michigan-born Democratic nominee, meanwhile, has been the frequent target of Islamophobic attacks, including from Trump. At a rally last weekend, Trump called El-Sayed a “jihadist,” adding: “He would be the only senator that will have to go through a metal detector before he’s allowed to go into the Senate.”

Trump and Republicans revel in the discord

Trump praised Stevens in a social media post, saying she was “a Highly Respected Democrat” and that her support from Black and Jewish voters in Michigan is “virtually unprecedented.”

“Haley said what few people are willing to say. She showed great and almost unprecedented loyalty to the Great People of Michigan with what she did,” Trump wrote. “It’s a thing called bravery, and few people have it like just displayed by Congresswoman Haley Stevens!”

Appearing with Trump in Iowa for a campaign rally, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) said that he spoke to Stevens after she endorsed Rogers. Johnson said he “encouraged her to stay safe and keep speaking the truth.”

Stevens is not seeking reelection to her House seat Tuesday.

A spokesman for the Republican National Committee, Hunter Lovell, said Democrats who feel abandoned by El-Sayed “have a home” with Rogers.

Cappelletti, Williams and Householder write for the Associated Press. Cappelletti reported from Washington.

Donning a creepy mask of Democratic rival Xavier Becerra, Republican gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton dashed around a children’s Halloween event dishing out candy and warnings about potential liberal tax policies.

“Vote for Becerra, and your parents will have to pay every mile they drive. Isn’t that great?” Hilton sarcastically said at a Trunk or Treat gathering Saturday in Highland Park. “These children are very pricey because if their parents vote for Becerra, they will be taxed every mile they drive. Yay! Yay! Mileage tax! Mileage tax! Mileage tax!”

Becerra was not spooked when he heard of Hilton’s get-up and put-down.

“I suspect, if he takes off that mask, you’ll see Donald Trump right underneath,” Becerra, a former congressman, state attorney general and member of President Biden’s Cabinet, said at a campaign event in Sacramento on Saturday. “That’s who he really is. Either that or he’s a clown.”

With Tuesday’s election barreling toward them, Becerra and Hilton traded barbs and did their the best to gin up support as they crisscrossed California in what has been a relatively sedate race to succeed Democrat Gavin Newsom, who is wrapping up his final term as governor. Recent polls show Becerra leading Hilton by at least 20 percentage points, which is not a surprise in a state where Democratic voters vastly outnumber Republicans and GOP candidates last won a statewide election two decades ago.

Xavier Becerra, Democratic nominee for governor, speaks during a reception Friday in San Francisco.

(Lea Suzuki / San Francisco Chronicle / Getty Images)

Becerra has spent the waning days of the campaign stumping for Democrats in competitive House races in the Central Valley and Southern California.

Party leaders are trying to capitalize on broad anti-Trump sentiment to juice the state’s liberal electorate and win House seats that were redrawn to favor Democrats, including a Sacramento-area seat currently held by Republican-turned-independent Rep. Kevin Kiley.

“We’re not just gonna take back these seats in California. We’re gonna take back the House and the Senate,” Becerra told costumed and cheering volunteers during a quick Saturday stop in support of Richard Pan, the Democrat challenging Kiley. Trump, Becerra said, wants to “destroy democracy. That’s why we’re getting out to vote.”

The Republican president is a big motivator for Democrats this year. California’s high cost of living was among the top concerns of California voters this election, but that was recently eclipsed by fears about Trump’s policies and their desire for a governor to fight back against his administration.

“Everything the Trump administration has done so far is something I disagree with,” 19-year-old Arthur Galvan said after Becerra spoke at Pan’s campaign headquarters. But the UC Davis sophomore said his top priorities are education and one day being able to afford a home, even in Lincoln, the semi-rural and fast-growing town he grew up in.

“Compared to the rest of the state, housing over there is slightly cheaper. But even still, that’s not attainable,” Galvan said. “I don’t think that there’s many easy ways to go about this but it’s something that we have to look into.”

Asked about his support for a proposed mileage tax — which would require drivers to pay a fee based on the total number of miles driven in a period of time — Becerra said he is considering all options to maintain road funding as more Californians adopt electric vehicles and stop paying the gas tax.

“We need to pay for our roads and our bridges and our highways. We need to pay for mass transit. You can’t do it if you don’t have the money,” he said. “I’m not gonna say exactly how it will be, because that’s work we have to do with the Legislature, and with every community having a chance to speak up.”

Hilton, a former Fox News commentator and political advisor to British Prime Minister David Cameron, has embraced his underdog status. The quick-witted Republican has pinballed from California’s deeply-red northern territories to Democratic strongholds in San Francisco and L.A., generating enough heat to remain in the spotlight but not enough to catch fire. He tailgated with Chargers and Rams fans at SoFi Stadium on Sunday, and had planned to rally voters at a Bakersfield demolition derby the night before, but pulled out when rain was forecast.

He has promised to lower gas prices to $3 per gallon, and on Thursday held a $3-a-gallon fill-up event in the San Joaquin Valley. Hilton also vowed eliminate state taxes on workers’ first $150,000 of income, scuttle the behind-schedule, over-budget high-speed rail project and abolish the DMV.

Though endorsed by Trump, Hilton has framed his campaign around the many ills facing California — including the lack of affordable housing, a persistent and worsening homelessness crisis, entrenched budget deficits and high gas prices — all of which he blames on years of Democratic rule.

At the Halloween event on Saturday, Hilton asked Italia Sandoval’s 3-year-old daughter Milania if she would prefer candy or a potential mileage tax. The toddler, understandably confused, opted for candy. Her mother, 31, jumped in, saying that such a levy would mean less story time, field trips and park and library visits for her family’s home-schooled children and further hamper their dreams of one day buying a home.

“Taxes are killing Californians. I want to buy my own home. Can’t afford it,” said the Huntington Park resident, a registered Republican who become politically engaged after studying theater at Cal State LA.

The daughter of a Mexican immigrant said her husband proposed moving to Idaho because of the cost of living in California, but she balked because their families live here. So they found other methods of cutting their budget.

“I shop at Goodwills, yard sales, Facebook Marketplace, you name it,” Sandoval said. “I even sadly say I pick up clothes off the side of the street sometimes. … It’s taught me to be resourceful in this state. But it’s like, come on.”

Aided by his Halloween mask and cardboard cutouts portraying Becerra as a hand puppet controlled by Newsom, Hilton has turned his opponent into a symbol of California’s high cost of living and “killjoy” rules. During a Friday night rally in Sacramento, the Republican candidate lamented local bans on gas appliances and a statewide prohibition on flavored tobacco products.

“It’s ridiculous. They don’t mind the fentanyl, they give out free drugs to hopeless addicts, but you try getting flavored Zyn in California — no way. That is insane,” he said, drawing cheers mostly from younger audience members. Lawmakers approved the ban in 2020 and voters upheld it two years later.

GOP gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton campaigns at a Trunk or Treat block party Saturday in Highland Park.

(David Butow / For The Times)

Though Becerra is considered unbeatable in blue California in the race, many Hilton fans are clinging to hope that the Republican candidate will overcome the odds.

“We need help. I bought a hybrid and still am like, the gas, it’s killing me,” said Marina Gabel, adding that the paycheck from her school district job is “crumbs.” The Roseville Republican wore a shirt to Hilton’s Sacramento rally that described Newsom as a “California Horror Story” in a nod to the long-running FX anthology series.

In the final days of his campaign Becerra seized on voter anxiety about Trump’s policies, heightened by the administration’s recent efforts to wrest control over state voting processes.

Becerra forcefully argued that Tuesday’s election is a referendum on the president, and accused Hilton of being beholden to a White House that has attacked immigrants, launched an unnecessary war against Iran and created economic havoc by imposing tariffs and other unhinged policies.

“We see that wolf in that sheep’s clothing. We see right through you, Donald Trump,” Becerra said Friday at a social club in San Francisco’s Castro district, one of the nation’s most iconic LGBTQ+ communities. “In California, we say no mas. …. that’s why this election is so important, because we gotta prove that California does not take a knee to Donald Trump.”

Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and her challenger Nithya Raman darted across the city over the weekend, foraging for votes as the clock ticks down before Tuesday’s election.

The former allies, and now competitors, took veiled shots at each other as they each hit multiple campaign stops Sunday morning, with both attending church services and other events.

Bass’ first stop Sunday morning was at South L.A. Cafe, where she spoke with alumnae of the Divine Nine, a group of historically Black fraternities and sororities. She then did a hit on the KBLA radio station.

“You know who I am. I am the same person as I have been,” Bass said, citing her roots in South L.A., where she was a community organizer as a young adult. “No matter what position I have held, this community — my community — has always been front and center of the work that I have done.”

Woodrow Bailey, a 63-year-old University of Southern California grad who was a member of Phi Beta Sigma, said he knew Bass when she was working at her nonprofit Community Coalition in the 1990s, just down the street from where South L.A. Cafe now stands. His long relationship with Bass made him confident in her leadership

“I understand what she’s trying to accomplish here,” Bailey said.

After the event Bass left to attend Mass at four churches and one Sikh temple. She also planned to cast her ballot Sunday.

Raman started the day in Boyle Heights at Dolores Mission Catholic Church. The council member has spent significant time in Boyle Heights following the Lineage fire, which burned down a massive cold food storage facility, sending noxious smoke into the heavily Latino neighborhood.

Raman attended Mass at 9 a.m. then chatted with parishioners in English and Spanish and grabbed food from a taco stand set up in the church’s courtyard. Children splashed in the fountain and played with a soccer ball as the mayoral hopeful introduced herself to voters.

“My calendar is so packed. I’m actually scared to look at it,” Raman told reporters outside the church, before noting she was going to a canvass in Northridge and at a Día de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) event in Canoga Park. The council member added that she was taking a brief pause in the middle of the day to go to an 11th birthday bowling party for her twins.

“L.A. is frustrated and I will bring change,” Raman said. “I brought that urgency to services in my district. I’ve reduced homelessness. I’ve addressed the residents’ issues that they’ve brought to me, and I want to bring that same responsiveness and urgency to every block of Los Angeles.”

The campaigns last week reported their final fundraising numbers before Election Day. Bass has now raised a total of just over $5.4 million, compared to $2.7 million for Raman.

In the final period, between Oct. 18 and 28, Bass reporting raising $139,737.28 while Raman took in $122,498.83.

Bass and Raman are locked in a dead heat, with the final poll from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, cosponsored by The Times, finding that 40% of likely L.A. voters said they supported Raman, while 40% supported Bass. But 19% were still undecided.

Times data and graphics journalist Sandhya Kambhampati contributed to this report.

Hebron’s economic losses surpass $3.8m as Israeli forces demolish West Bank homes and close hundreds of businesses.

Israeli forces are maintaining their siege on Hebron for the 10th consecutive day, threatening to expand their offensive and forcing more Palestinian families from their homes.

The lockdown in the occupied West Bank city was enforced after an attack on October 23 near Hebron in which two Israeli soldiers were killed.

More than 3,300 Palestinians have since been displaced or affected, with homes destroyed and businesses shut, according to the local municipality.

Mayor Yousef al-Jabari told Al Jazeera on Saturday that daily economic losses were estimated to exceed 12 million shekels ($3.8m), with more than $1.9m worth of damage to infrastructure, along with losses in the health and environmental sectors estimated at about $160,000.

He said Israeli forces have demolished 15 homes and other structures and forced 327 businesses to close. About 80,000 students have been unable to attend school for 10 days, he added.

The mayor said Hebron accounts for about 40 percent of the Palestinian economy and the siege amounts to “collective punishment”.

Palestinian families in and around the city fear the army could soon extend its attacks.

Raids and settler attacks

Israeli arrests of Palestinians in Hebron and other cities in the occupied West Bank continued on Sunday.

Israeli forces arrested 10 Palestinian teachers in Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron and seized their vehicle, reported the Palestinian news agency Wafa.

Video shared by Palestinian media and verified by Al Jazeera showed the Israeli military raiding a school run by the United Nations in the Shufat refugee camp in occupied East Jerusalem.

The United Nations humanitarian office, OCHA, said Israeli settlers carried out 397 attacks on Palestinians across the occupied West Bank in October, the highest monthly figure since monitoring began in 2006, Wafa said.

Between October 20 and 26, settler attacks targeted 49 Palestinian communities, mostly while Palestinians harvested olives on their land.

Nine children were among 57 Palestinians injured by settlers and Israeli forces: 34 by military gunfire and physical assaults and 23 in settler attacks.

Since the start of 2015, Israeli authorities have issued 9,518 demolition or stop-work notices against Palestinian property in the occupied West Bank, reported the Colonization and Wall Resistance Commission. The Palestinian government commission added that 344 of those notices were given in the first nine months of this year.

I STOOD on a dark street as hundreds of ghostly figures dressed all in white walked quietly past me, each with a single flame illuminating their skull-painted face.

For a moment things felt spooky, even sombre — but then came the crackle of a sound system, the pop of a tequila bottle and deafening laughter.

You may be familiar with the Mexican tradition of Day of the Dead from that opening James Bond scene in Spectre, from the kid’s film Coco or from the ‘sugar skull’ makeup craze that became a Halloween trend.

Mexico City draws thousands of tourists annually with its impressive skeleton-themed parades around November 2, but the underrated city of Mérida also comes alive for the celebrations as well.

Set in the Yucatán peninsula — a patch of land more known for hotspots like Cancún and Tulum — Maya heritage is strong in Mérida, and it shows.

Day of the Dead is known here as Hanal Pixan (pronounced han-al pish-an), meaning ‘food for the souls’ in Mayan, and sees families and friends gather to celebrate departed loved ones, honouring them with a home-made altar often covered in pictures and their favourite foods.

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I visited Mérida as its days-long fiesta kicked off with the ‘parade of the souls’.

The candlelit procession from the cemetery into town made for an eerie sight, but this soon changed when they scattered and cleared the way for a huge street party along Calle 64.

This long avenue was decorated with giant skeleton structures and millions of orange marigold flowers while the pavements were lined with shrines set up by different families, each blasting reggaeton or ranchera music from speakers.

It’s a great place to tuck into some authentic Mexican street food, because as well as leaving the deceased’s favourite meal as an offering, the families make it in bulk to sell to passersby.

Try Yucatán’s specialty, cochinita pibil (slow-roasted pork), some pan de muerto (a sweet bread made for the event) or a marquesita (if you’ve ever wondered whether Nutella and cheese taste good together).

Even beyond the festivities this city is a foodie’s dream.

You can keep things cheap by eating tacos al pastor on virtually every street corner for as little as MX$10 (40p) each, or lunching at the sensational Taquería De La Unión.

The Museum of Yucatecan Gastronomy offers a fancier atmosphere, serving up traditional dishes in a gorgeous courtyard with a jungle-like tree canopy.

And no trip to Mexico is complete without a plate of chilaquiles for breakfast or brunch; Mérida’s best can be found at Marmalade 47.

It’s worth having pesos to hand everywhere in Mérida. Most bars and restaurants will take card, but you’ll need cash for food stands.

On the day of the main parade, people line the streets early to get a good spot.

I was glad we did the same, or we would have only caught sight of the skeleton stilt walkers and missed the ever-changing flow of mariachi bands, traditional dancers and even pets in costume.

The Catrinas — people dressed as elegant, sombrero-wearing skeletal women — were the most stunning aspect of the evening, each donning their own unique outfits and elaborate face paint.

Unlike so many Halloween extravaganzas happening elsewhere in the world, this display was free of gore and jump-scares, making it extremely kid-friendly.

It wasn’t all about the parades, though.

Smaller-scale events were scattered across the city for almost a week surrounding Day of the Dead, from concerts in squares to shamans performing ancient Maya rituals on street corners.

Plus, the end of the fiesta didn’t mean the end of the fun; we tracked down a speakeasy called Malahat tucked away behind one of the plazas, where what looked like a fridge door led to a haven of mezcal-based cocktails. 

Mérida is a picturesque and walkable city that’s easy to explore.

Its grand colonial architecture is splashed with colour as crumbling palatial buildings at every turn are painted pink, yellow or blue, and if you get tired of walking, you have the option of winding through its kaleidoscopic streets in a horse and carriage.

It’s a great base from which to explore the marvels of the Yucatán peninsula, too. 

The region is covered in hundreds of cenotes (natural sinkholes) that make for magical swimming spots, and if you still need your beach fix, the white sands of Puerto Progreso are just 40 minutes away.

Also close by is Chichén Itzá, one of the New Seven Wonders of the World and the site of some of the planet’s most breathtaking Maya ruins.

Its fame too often eclipses Mérida in this part of the world, and the busloads of tourists you’ll meet there are usually heading back to the bustle and beach clubs of Cancún.

But if you linger in Mérida, you’ll find a city with its own pulse — and it beats strongest around during this famous, beautiful event.

Missouri officials have determined the official cause of death for “Days of Our Lives” actor Robert Kelker-Kelly, who died this month at age 62.

Kelker-Kelly died of arteriosclerotic heart disease, the St. Charles county regional medical examiner of Missouri confirmed to The Times. The actor’s death was deemed natural. Arteriosclerosis occurs when blood vessels carrying oxygen and nutrients from the heart to the body become thick and stiff, according to the Mayo Clinic. The coroner’s report confirms details previously disclosed by law enforcement and emergency personnel.

The actor, who worked as a pilot later in life, died Oct. 3 after he complained of chest pain and became unresponsive, police confirmed earlier this month. Officers reported with paramedics to the actor’s home for a report of an unconscious man who was not breathing.

“Life-saving measures were administered but were unsuccessful,” police said.

Kelker-Kelly’s wife, Allison Kelly, informed authorities the actor complained of pain in his left arm and chest while on the drive home from Spirit Airport, People reported. The actor asked his wife to pull the car over to vomit and said he did not need to go to the hospital. He reportedly continued experiencing pain at home. Kelly found her husband unresponsive, alerted authorities and administered CPR.

Kelker-Kelly was best known for his work in long-running daytime dramas “Another World” and “Days of Our Lives,” where he portrayed the rebellious heartthrob Beauregard “Bo” Brady from 1992 to 1995. He began his turn as Bo, which lasted for more than 586 episodes, following the departure of original actor Peter Reckell, who would return to the show off and on in the following decades.

He debuted in “Another World” in 1987 and appeared in more than 400 episodes in a handful of roles until 1998, according to the actor’s IMDb page. He was also known for his work as Stavros Cassadine in “General Hospital” and its spinoff series “Port Charles.” Kelker-Kelly’s “General Hospital” tenure lasted from 2001 to 2014 and was his final TV role. His television credits also include “Jack’s Place,” “Touched by an Angel” and “Rescue 77.”

Selma Blair is apologizing following an alleged violent medical episode that unfolded on a Delta airlines flight earlier this month.

The “Cruel Intentions” star posted a video on Instagram on Friday acknowledging that she has “been quiet for a couple of weeks since October 11th.”

“You deserve to hear from me directly, and I’m sorry that it’s taken this long,” Blair said. “There is a legal matter going on, and my lawyers have asked me to not say anything about that day, and I’m listening to them, and I take this very seriously.”

Blair was arrested and taken to a hospital for evaluation late on Oct. 11 after allegedly becoming violent with a Delta flight staff, according to the New York Port Authority. The Port Authority Police Department responded to a call from Blair’s flight, traveling from Los Angeles International Airport to John F. Kennedy International Airport. Two flight attendants needed medical assistance after an alleged altercation that unfolded mid-flight and one was transported to a hospital for further evaluation.

According to dispatch audio, obtained by TMZ, a flight attendant suffered a bloody nose, and Blair is alleged to have “bashed her head” against an overhead compartment. Representatives for Blair told The Times that “Selma experienced a medical emergency that led to the alleged conduct.”

The star has been candid about her battle with multiple sclerosis (MS), a chronic neurological disorder and autoimmune disease, since 2018.

In Blair’s social media mea culpa, she said her intention wasn’t to harm anyone. “What I can tell you, though, is very simple and the truest thing I know about myself, and that not one day ever have I intended to hurt or frighten anyone a day in my life, and so to the people that I disappointed, that I hurt, that I frightened, alarmed, I am so sorry,” she continued.

“And to the people that have written, or called, or sent wishes of love or caring, it has meant everything to me and my son, who is my world. . . So right now, I’m going to be taking care of my health and my son, and thinking of you all with gratitude and love.”

The FBI is investigating the incident, and the agency issued the “Legally Blonde” star a notice charging her with assault, per a federal law enforcement official who spoke to the Associated Press on condition of anonymity. Additionally, the Queens district attorney swiftly filed charges against Blair, which included two counts of second-degree assault. According to an affidavit obtained by The Times, Blair wiggled a leg free and repeatedly kicked a police officer who was attempting to secure her to a stretcher.

Hours later, Blair allegedly kicked a Jamaica Hospital Medical Center nurse in the chest, according to the affidavit.

Representatives for Blair emailed a statement to The Times, writing that “the public account of what happened to Selma aboard a flight to New York has been built almost entirely on a police statement and a decade-old headline.”

Blair’s rep decried reports that have circulated regarding the details of the mid-flight episode, writing to “correct the record.”

“There was no attempt to open the door of the aircraft,” the statement continued. “The suggestion by anyone, that Selma does not have multiple sclerosis is outrageous. Her diagnosis has been public since 2018. What Selma has been able to do physically in the years since is nothing short of a miracle. She still has bad days, and she lives with pain daily. Selma also has pseudobulbar affect, a neurological condition secondary to her MS, which bears directly on how a medical episode presents to people who do not know her. For the same reason, she travels with a service dog who doesn’t leave her side, and the authorities took her dog from her.”

Times staff writer Alexandra Del Rosario contributed to this report.

The stunning lakeside town just under an hour from Geneva, making it an ideal autumn day trip whether you’re based in Switzerland or travelling from the UK

With its meandering canals, pastel-hued buildings and mountainous backdrop, Annecy resembles something plucked straight from a storybook. What makes it even more enticing is that this stunning French town is remarkably accessible from Geneva, where I was visiting for a city break.

While staying at the luxurious Four Seasons Hotel des Bergues in Geneva, I decided to venture across the border into France to discover what makes Annecy such a sought-after destination.

Situated just under an hour away by road, it offers a completely contrasting atmosphere to the refined Swiss city, with cobblestone streets, waterfront promenades, and numerous spots to pause for a crêpe. If you’re organising a European city break and fancy cramming two countries into one journey, Annecy is definitely worth including on your itinerary.

One of the finest aspects of basing yourself in Geneva is how effortlessly you can venture beyond Switzerland itself. While the city possesses its own charm, from its picturesque location to its chocolate boutiques, an excursion to Annecy offers a change of pace without requiring an overnight stay.

Positioned in south-eastern France, Annecy is renowned for its waterways, historic Old Town and spectacular location beside Lake Annecy, with the French Alps offering a dramatic backdrop. It possesses a markedly different character from Geneva, with a more traditional, romantic ambience.

I travelled by FlixBus from Geneva to Annecy, which took approximately 45 minutes. While travel times vary with traffic, the trip was incredibly straightforward.

The Old Town is the ideal starting point for sightseeing, with cobbled streets brimming with independent shops, cafés and eateries. It’s easy to while away an entire afternoon strolling about, browsing for souvenirs and grabbing a bite along the way.

One of the most recognisable landmarks is the Palais de l’île, a historic stone building set on a small island in the Thiou canal. Its distinctive shape and remarkable position in the water make it one of Annecy’s most photographed landmarks.

The town is also pleasingly compact, meaning you can take in most of the key attractions on foot. Even with just a couple of hours to spare, there’s ample time to meander through the streets.

No trip to France would feel quite right without sampling some local cuisine, and Annecy boasts plenty of spots to stop for something to eat.

Crêpes are an obvious go-to for a swift treat, with numerous options readily available throughout the area. You’ll also discover hearty regional dishes inspired by the surrounding Alpine landscape, including tartiflette, a warming combination of potatoes, cheese, onions and bacon.

Beyond the canals and the historic centre, Lake Annecy is yet another reason this town is so extraordinary. Renowned for its crystal-clear waters and stunning Alpine backdrop, the lake offers a spectacular contrast to the narrow lanes of the Old Town.

If the sun is shining, head towards the waterfront to soak up the views across the water and towards the mountains. Boat trips and various other activities are also on offer throughout the warmer months.

For my visit, I was based at the Four Seasons Hotel des Bergues in Geneva, which provided a comfortable and opulent starting point for discovering the local region.

Geneva itself offers enough to fill a weekend break, from wandering through the Old Town and seeing its renowned Flower Clock to perusing chocolate boutiques and sampling authentic Swiss fondue.

For those contemplating a comparable getaway, remaining in Geneva and making a day trip to Annecy is a delightful way to enjoy two locations without the inconvenience of switching accommodation.

Judy Reyes was nursing a severe case of homesickness when she arrived in Los Angeles nearly 25 years ago.

“Every month we’d have a hiatus on ‘Scrubs’ and every month, I’d head back east,” says Reyes, who plays head nurse Carla Espinosa on the ABC medical dramedy. The Bronx-born Dominican actor missed her family, friends and the theater company she helped start in 1992. She also feared she would forget her New York roots and wanted to “keep it real,” she quips. “I was so worried about being fake and not keeping it real.”

In Sunday Funday, L.A. people give us a play-by-play of their ideal Sunday around town. Find ideas and inspiration on where to go, what to eat and how to enjoy life on the weekends.

Over time, her trips back home became less frequent, especially after she got pregnant with her now teenage son and her New York family relocated down South. She’s since settled into the place she’s called home for the last three decades.

Earlier this year, Reyes reprised her breakthrough TV role on “Scrubs,” which initially ended in 2010 after a nine-season run. Meanwhile, she’s been splitting her time on set with another ABC workplace drama, “High Potential.” She plays Lt. Selena Soto, who leads a team of LAPD crime solvers. Off screen, Reyes is also the executive producer of “Freestyle: A Love Story,” a stage production that follows two lovers who meet at a freestyle show.

Just weeks before the production debuts on Nov. 6 at the Wilshire Ebell Theatre, Reyes shared a jam-packed Sunday Funday, which primarily takes place in Studio City. On the agenda are New York-style bagels (as a New Yorker, we trust her), getting a massage in the back of a sushi restaurant and enjoying sushi night with her husband and son as they’ve done since he was a baby.

“Before the kid, I was a Hollywood girl, but I’m annoyed when I have to go to Hollywood now,” she says. “I like to say we’ve contributed to the evolution of Studio City.”

This interview has been lightly edited and condensed for length and clarity.

5:15 a.m.: Admire the sunrise

I’m an early riser. I get up at like 5:15 or 5:30 a.m. I have a Breville machine, so I’ll make a cappuccino. I’ll take my supplements and I’ll pull up the shade on my terrace and watch the sunrise. I take photos and I send them to my besties on the East Coast. My bestie who lives in a high-rise on 43rd Street also has a terrace and sends me photos of her sunset. My husband’s an early riser too. He has business in the U.K., so he’s always up before me. If I’m not up by like 5:30 a.m., he’s like, ‘Babe, are you OK?’ So I’ll watch the sunrise, catch up on the news and do a little bit of doomscrolling to my detriment.

8 a.m.: Have L.A.’s most New York bagels

Everything opens late on Sundays, so we’ll wait. We’ll either go to Sam’s Bagels, which has the best bagels — the most New York bagels. We’ll either get a half dozen of the mini ones or four of the regular-sized ones with the seeds on them, and we’ll get cream cheese, of course, and lox. Or we’ll go to Belle Bakery Cafe on Ventura Boulevard in Studio City. We’ll have either a full breakfast like bacon, eggs and toast or an omelet. They have the best fresh bread. You can get the bread during breakfast, but they won’t sell you the baguettes until after 11 a.m. You can’t make them give you anything earlier. You get there at 11 a.m. and you’re lucky if you get some. They sell out quickly.

10 a.m.: Pick up the best tuna from Erewhon

We’ll go to an Erewhon or Bristol Farms to get prepared foods for at least the first half of the week. Sometimes we’ll go to the farmers market on Fairfax, but that gets to be a little bit too busy. It’s too hot and there’s too much to do, and for my menopause, it’s not safe for the environment for me to be there. Erewhon has the best tuna fish, so we’ll pick that up that goes well with the bread that I told you about. I’ll add some capers or a pickle or two, then you have a sandwich for the rest of the day or into the next morning.

11 a.m.: A quick workout sesh at home

We’ll come back home and I’ll do some weights in the garage and my husband will do some stairs in the back of our house, or we’ll just do a walk in the hills near our house. I used to walk the hills a lot more before my dog passed away. I find it very sad, so I probably get a weekly walk in now, but I like to do my weights. It makes me feel good and prepared for the rest of the day.

1 p.m.: Get a massage in the back of a sushi restaurant

Sunday is nail day. My favorite place is Mod Nails on Ventura [Boulevard]. My girl Hannah, who runs the place, hooks my nails up, and we have nice, long talks. We rage talk about everything that’s wrong with the world and in our lives, and I get the coolest pedicure. I don’t have tips this time around because I have to keep going back between ‘Scrubs’ and ‘High Potential.’ Nurses can’t wear them long, so maybe next month I’ll get my gel fills, which is what she’s an expert at. Hannah does my nails better than anybody I’ve ever had. They run an acupuncture studio in the back. Her husband does acupuncture. It’s a really reasonably priced, wonderful experience.

Then on that street, I might go to Jonathan, who’s been my masseuse for 10 years, and get a nice beatdown. Interestingly, he works out of the back of a sushi restaurant called Iroha Sushi. He’s got his own little room back there that I’ve been going to for years. Best massage I’ve ever had. He keeps me in line especially when I have to travel. I had double hip replacement, so I’ve been dealing with a lot of pain. I also may go to my acupuncturist Dr. Yi if she’s available. She’s out in Culver City at Yi Qiao.

2:30 p.m.: Watch the L.A. Watford Women FC team practice at LACC

My husband and I co-own a women’s soccer team called L.A. Watford Women FC. We’ll go watch the girls practice at LACC. My husband is very active, as am I, in supporting these women. We were able to win a regional championship last year, so now we’re kind of devoted to going and rooting the girls on in practice, and encouraging them because it’s also an activist thing where you come for the game, but you stay for the activism.

4 p.m.: Go to rehearsals for my upcoming show

Now we’ll go to rehearsals at the Wilshire Ebell Theatre because we have a show, “Freestyle: A Love Story” coming up. We’ll meet with our dancers, actors and our DJ and the staging [team]. It’s not a terribly complicated show so we’re there for a couple of hours. The show is going to premiere on Nov. 6, so we’re running out of time. We do a lot of the social media and promotion because it’s a labor of love, faith, solidarity and community.

6 p.m.: Sushi Sunday with the fam

I’ve been doing Sushi Sunday with my husband and my son since he was 5 months old. We used to go with all these other couples, but people have outgrown us or moved on or gotten jobs in other states. It’s at Kiwami. We stuff our faces like it’s a job. I think we’ve been going there longer than the entire wait staff has been there. We sit at the same table, table number six right behind the sushi bar.

If we don’t go to Kiwami, we’ll go across the street to Black Market Liquor Bar. It’s also a place we’ve been going to for years. They have an appetizer-style, Southern, saucy-inspired menu where they have things breaded and fried. Oh, they have the greatest oysters and amazing pasta. If I’m not with the family and I’m just by myself or with a girlfriend, I’ll go to Laurel Tavern, which is a pub that has the greatest little menu.

7:30 p.m.: Read 10 pages before bed

Then we’ll come home. If there’s football, we’ll watch football. We go for the Jets. Poor Jets. I’m a New York fan so the Jets or the Giants are fine with me, but my husband is addicted to suffering. After football, we’ll both get in bed with our laptops and we’ll either watch something together and I’ll rub his head until he falls asleep. Or I’ll go back to doomscrolling and watching news until my feelings are hurt or I’ll read a book that I have. Because I’m on screen so much, I’m forcing myself to read at least 10 pages a night. I’m currently reading ”Communion” by bell hooks. It’s very heavy. Then I’ll do a little bit of journaling and I’m asleep by 9:30 p.m.

It’s finally election day and you’re ready to head to the polls to cast your ballot in California’s 2026 midterm, but you don’t know where the nearest polling location is. Or perhaps you misplaced your ballot.

Here are some common last-minute election-day hiccups and how to navigate them so you can earn your “I voted” sticker on Tuesday.

I forgot to register to vote

You can still register as a conditional voter on election day through the “same day” voter registration process.

Eligible citizens who need to register or re-register to vote within 14 days of an election can complete this process at county elections offices, polling places or vote centers.

If you’ve become a U.S. citizen fewer than 15 days before the election, you may register to vote by visiting your county elections office anytime before the polls close on election day. You must bring proof that you are a U.S. citizen and sign a form saying you are eligible to vote in California.

For all those registering, the application requires a state driver’s license or California identification card number, or you can use the last four digits of your Social Security card.

If you don’t have any of those, you can still register. You’ll be assigned a unique identifier to validate your registration.

With same-day registration, you are “conditionally” registered to vote, and your ballot is provisional. Once officials have confirmed you are registered to vote in that county, your ballot is then processed and counted.

I don’t know where my polling place is

You can look for the nearest polling place by entering your address in the “Find your polling place” tool on the California secretary of state’s website.

The Los Angeles County office of the registrar-recorder/county clerk has a vote center locator that includes the wait time to cast your ballot.

I’m here at the polling place but forgot my ballot at home

You can request a provisional ballot at any polling place in the county in which you are registered to vote.

A provisional ballot is a regular ballot that is placed in a special envelope prior to being put in the ballot box.

It’s counted once election officials verify that you are a registered voter in that county and haven’t already voted in the election.

I can’t submit my mail-in ballot myself

You can have someone else submit your ballot.

Anyone can drop off your mailed ballot as long as you authorize them to do so and they do not get paid on a per-ballot basis, according to the secretary of state.

You and the person you’ve authorized to submit your mailed ballot must fill out and sign the outside of the ballot envelope.

I forgot my check-in code for in-person voting

Los Angeles County election officials say you can check in at a vote center by scanning your “quick check-in code” — a number that verifies your voter registration.

Your unique code can be found on your mailed sample ballot and vote center postcard. Take either of those hard copies to the vote center.

If you forgot the hard copies, you can find the code online. You retrieve it by verifying your voter registration here. You’ll need to input your last name, birth date, the house number of your residential address and your ZIP Code. For assistance call, (800) 815-2666, Option 2.

I’ve heard about touch-screen voting machines not working

It’s a common issue: You touch your voting machine screen, and it doesn’t show your intended selection.

Election officials say touch-screen challenges are commonly caused by user error or an easily fixed screen miscalibration.

Flag a poll worker if you’re having difficulty. If you’ve already printed a ballot that doesn’t reflect your intended selections, don’t cast it; notify a poll worker who will follow procedures for replacing the ballot.

How late is too late to put my ballot in a ballot box?

There are three ways you can submit your mailed ballot on election day:

• You can put it in a ballot drop box. The cutoff time to do so is the same time that polls close, 8 p.m.
• Drop it off at a polling place, vote center or county elections office by 8 p.m.
• Drop it off at a United States post office. To ensure your ballot is postmarked by election day, mail it at least by Thursday — five days before Tuesday’s election. If mailing on election day, get a hand-stamped postmark from a postal employee at a U.S. post office.

Where is my nearest ballot box?

The Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk’s office has an online tool here to help you find a ballot box near you.

I think I forgot to sign my mailed ballot envelope

If you turned in your vote-by-mail ballot and forgot to sign it, your vote will still count.

Your county elections official will notify you by mail, phone or email. You can also be notified by way of the “Where’s My Ballot?” tracking tool, which offers automatic notifications that will ping you if there are issues with your ballot.

To remedy the issue, your county elections office will provide you with a form to fill out and return completed.

The form will be given to you two days prior to the day your county certifies the election, so be sure to fill it out and return it to your county elections office right away.

How late is too late to vote at the polls on election night?

In California, any voter who is in line at 8 p.m. when the polls are scheduled to close is allowed to vote, according to the secretary of state.

If there is a line when the polls close, a poll worker stands at the back of the line to let people who arrive after 8 p.m. know that the polls have closed.

Any voter who arrives after the polls have closed may not be allowed to vote, even if voters who were in line to vote before the polls closed are in the process of voting.

Protecting this region from climate change is a theme of the King’s trip and was the focus of his visit to the Bonefish Pond National Park. The site was once a rubbish dump but has been redeveloped and now protects 1,235 acres of mangroves.

The King walked along a new boardwalk through the wetlands to see the conservation work being done to protect this vulnerable, low lying island from climate change.

He met students carrying out field work in the wetland waters asking them about their exams and ambitions to be marine biologists.

“We’ve so been looking forward to this,” said Joanne Smith, president of the Bahamas National Trust Council.

“We want more Bahamians to get involved in our national parks so they can use it to better themselves… we are so pleased to have the King here, this is really significant for us.”

Then it was on to the Junkanoo, where the King could be seen dancing alongside attendees dressed in feathered headdresses and bright costumes.

The history of the Junkanoo is not clear but it’s believed it emerged out of the slave trade when enslaved men and women were given time off to mark Christmas.

A small protest near the parade, which had activists holding placards with the words “Pay us what you owe us”, was moved on by the police.

The small group of protesters were from the Bahamas National Reparations Committee.

The King acknowledged the “great suffering of the past” when he first arrived in the Bahamas, as he faced calls for slavery reparations.

Noelle Nicholls, chair of the reparations committee, said :”We are demanding an apology for those crimes, and reparations for the harm that was done.”

Nicholls said the protesters’ presence “amidst the pomp and pageantry of the celebrations… are for us also a sombre occasion, because this is the King returning in a way that has still not atoned for the sins of the past.”

The King has confirmed that Commonwealth leaders will discuss the legacy of slavery at a major summit in Antigua next week.

MINNEAPOLIS — A man who played a major role in defrauding a federal food program in Minnesota was sentenced Wednesday to 30 years in prison, the latest punishment in a sprawling scheme to collect millions of dollars during the COVID-19 pandemic by claiming to have fed needy children.

The depth of fraud in Minnesota — dozens of people have been convicted — has repeatedly drawn the attention of President Trump, who ridiculed the Democratic governor for failing to stop it and partly cited it as grounds for an extraordinary immigration crackdown in the state’s largest cities.

Salim Said operated Safari Restaurant in Minneapolis, which specialized in dishes from Somalia. He was accused of vastly overstating the number of meals when seeking payment for providing food. The government said he was responsible for $44 million in fraud, some of which was committed by others he recruited.

Said was claiming a “ridiculous daily distribution of 6,000 meals” while FBI cameras showed 40 people a day collecting food, prosecutors said in a court filing.

“The defendant and his sites did not serve thousands of children; he served a calculated, lucrative lie,” prosecutors said in court documents.

Said, a native of Somalia, denied the allegations while testifying at trial in 2025. He described his restaurant as a go-to spot for Somali immigrants in “Little Mogadishu” and said many meals were delivered.

“If you’re making good food,” Said told the jury, “people will come to you.”

Said’s attorney didn’t immediately return a message seeking comment on the decades-long sentence ordered by U.S. District Judge Nancy Brasel. A sentencing memo filed ahead of the hearing by his lawyer, Samuel Savage, was unavailable to the public.

COVID-19 brought changes to a federal program that typically fed children through schools. Restaurants could participate, and food distribution was extended to places outside schools.

“For 21 consecutive months, Said made thousands of fraudulent reimbursement claims, day after day, month after month,” prosecutors said. “Each submission represented meals purportedly provided to underprivileged children, yet the listed children themselves were entirely fictitious.”

The government said Said hit the jackpot: He bought a $1.2-million home, commercial real estate and an $87,000 pickup truck.

Said was convicted of a raft of charges in 2025, along with Aimee Bock, the leader of a Minnesota nonprofit, Feeding Our Future. She is serving a 42-year prison sentence for devising the overall plan to recruit Said and others to join the federal food program during the pandemic.

State auditors found that the Minnesota Department of Education received numerous complaints about Feeding Our Future, but often told the group to police itself. In January, Gov. Tim Walz said he would not run for reelection after being pounded by Trump about theft in programs that rely on federal cash.

Dolores Huerta, the fiery and resolute activist who helped launch and guide the nation’s first enduring labor union for poor farmworkers and later became an inspiration to women and liberal true believers, has died. She was 96.

Erik Olvera, a spokesman for Huerta’s family, told The Times on Wednesday that Huerta died in Bakersfield, surrounded by members of her “huge family.” The cause, he said, was cancer.

“It’s a tough time,” Olvera said. “She was incredibly beloved, and not only was she beloved, but she was an icon to so many people around the country and around the world, really. If anything, her family is clinging to memories and clinging to each other as they mourn.”

Huerta never gave up on her dream of a more equitable distribution of wealth in America, campaigning for working people for years beyond standard retirement age.

The emotional compass of the United Farm Workers of America for decades, the petitemother of 13 attained singular stature as a rule-breaking proto-feminist, godmother of the Chicano power movement and doyenne of American labor.

Huerta’s fervent crusading for the dispossessed made her the potent alter ego to her union co-founder, the soft-spoken and methodical César Chávez, though the full complexity and pathology of their relationship only became apparent late in her life.

The duo’s history took an unexpected and dark turn in March 2026, when two women came forward to say they had been sexually assaulted by Chávez when they were teenage girls, with Huerta telling the New York Times that the venerated labor leader also had twice forced sex on her, resulting in a pair of pregnancies.

Nearly 96 at the time, Huerta said she had remained silent for six decades to protect the farmworker movement. But she added: “I now understand that I am a survivor — of violence, of sexual abuse, of domineering men who saw me, and other women, as property, or things to control.”

Some wished Huerta had spoken out earlier, at least within the insular union, in order to prevent others from being victimized. But her many champions insisted the late-life revelation reflected badly only on Chávez, who for decades before his fall from grace had been an American civil rights icon and a virtual secular saint to the political left.

Some historians insist that Huerta be given full recognition for teaming with Chávez during much of the early foundational work that produced the UFW, from its founding in 1962 in the San Joaquin Valley farm town of Delano through her leave from full-time work with the union in the late 1980s.

It was Huerta who hurried from pickup truck to back stoop to pool hall, to recruit many of the union’s first members; Huerta who stormed up and down the picket lines to keep striking workers out of the fields; Huerta who helped negotiate one of the first contracts ever for farmworkers in North America; and Huerta who struggled to keep the union relevant, as its membership and clout faded. She turned the phrase “Sí, se puede!” into a chant that animated rallies and marches well into a new century.

Complications and byzantine controversies helped stymie the union in its adolescence, with Huerta usually supporting Chávez, even as he became distracted from the union’s central work and demanded absolute power. Their obsession with loyalty and often-imagined conspiracies ended with purges of some of the UFW’s most dynamic leaders and organizing stagnation, even as field hands continued to labor under abysmal conditions.

Huerta later devoted much of her time to women’s rights, Democratic Party politics and community organizing.

In 1999, the 69-year-old great-grandmother helped obtain extra government benefits for workers who lost their jobs in a citrus freeze and stared across the contract bargaining table at lawyers for the giant Gallo wine company. Even late in life she still toured the nation as a public speaker and used her foundation to register voters and campaign for progressive causes. Liberal groups clamored to have Huerta at the front of their marches. Often sporting a jaunt red beret, she locked arms with activists one-quarter her age.

Her Dolores C. Huerta Foundation supported endeavors as diverse as a performing arts camp for children, higher education mentoring for high school students and food distribution to victims of floods that inundated the Central Valley in 2023. The foundation became something of a family business — headed by her daughter, Camila Chávez, and supported by legal advice from her son, Emilio Huerta, while four other relatives served on the board.

In another step to cement Huerta’s legacy, one of her nonprofits broke ground in 2025 for the Dolores Huerta Peace & Justice Cultural Center in Bakersfield, the San Joaquin Valley city she called home. The $35-million project, paid for largely by the state of California, will include an academy to teach future generations how to become community organizers. “They are the ones who are going to guide us forward,” the 95-year-old told a crowd, which stood under a scorching sun for the groundbreaking.

Through it all, Huerta insisted her primary loyalty remained la causa — the struggle to win better wages, working and living conditions for poor people, particularly farmworkers.

Beginning with the early organizing days in the 1960s, Huerta inspired passions almost as intense as her own. She won almost breathless admiration from followers for the way she faced down sometimes violent anti-union forces, worked for days with little rest and negotiated late into the night, while others faded. She alienated others with a waspish temper, an unwillingness to forgive even small slights and inattention to some of the details that make a union work.

To the union faithful, she was the “Madonna of the Fields.” Some said Huerta reminded them of the soldaderas, a handful of women warriors who followed Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa into battle during the Mexican Revolution. The growers, whom she almost always scorned, had another name for her: “the dragon lady.”

A woman of frenetic energy who lived in a world of myriad contradictions, Huerta was one of the only women in many board rooms and union halls full of men. She was a jet-setting, president-schmoozing pragmatist, who in unguarded moments spoke mystically about her two youthful encounters with UFOs. She was the devout Catholic who had the last four of her children with a man she never married, Richard Chávez, Cesar’s younger brother. (Only in 2026 did she acknowledge having two other daughters, given to others to raise, fathered by César Chávez.)

Her relationship with Cesar Chávez was as complex as it was volatile — a fact acknowleged by UFW regulars long before Huerta’s charges about his sexual misconduct.

The two met through their work for the Community Service Organization (CSO), a progressive group that sought better government services and equal rights for poor and minority people. Both were called to the cause by the organization’s founder Fred Ross Sr. — Huerta in Stockton and Chávez in San Jose — and later united over their common concern for farmworkers. But even when he became statewide leader of the CSO, Chávez could not persuade the group to focus its energies on organizing field workers.

It was 1961 and Chávez was living in East Los Angeles when he called Huerta to his home one day and said, “We have got to start the union. If we don’t do it, nobody else will,” Huerta once recalled. He left the CSO, and Huerta followed.

Both soon moved their families to the Kern County farm town of Delano. Chávez relied on Huerta for nearly everything. When she wasn’t going door-to-door to recruit new members, Huerta negotiated with growers and created union hiring halls. She formed farmworker ranch committees and moved to the East Coast for months to promote the union’s national grape boycott.

But Chávez and his right hand also clashed routinely during their decades-long collaboration. The two would explode in shouting matches over strategy, while other union leaders shrank from the room. In audio recordings of one 1979 confrontation reviewed by the New York Times, Huerta fought back and demanded respect as Chávez called her a “stupid bitch” and accused her of stealing. Huerta might quit, or be fired. Inevitably, she would be back in the fold within a few days or weeks.

“Their commitment to the cause trumped all else and grew into a mutual dependence that survived decades of discord,” wrote Miriam Pawel, a former Los Angeles Times editor, in the biography “The Crusades of Cesar Chávez.” Asked by ABC News if she tried to protect Chávez, Huerta replied, “Always. Always.”

During a wine grape strike in the Central Valley, Huerta and other UFW women once locked arms in a human blockade between the union’s male picketers and replacement workers wielding two-by-fours. She blocked one worker’s car with her own, to prevent him from going to work and breaking a 1965 strike against rose growers in McFarland.

Chávez never doubted Huerta’s resolve. He once called her “totally fearless, both mentally and physically.”

Her years of community organizing in Stockton taught Huerta how to inspire even the most humble of her poor constituents.

In the union’s founding days, Huerta helped recruit a 19-year-old grape picker named Eliseo Medina to perform a one-man picket at the Port of Los Angeles — supposedly to stop the loading of a shipment of non-union grapes. The grapes never materialized. But Medina recalled how Huerta’s spirit and determination galvanized him.

“Dolores had a gift for making you believe in yourself,” Medina said. “She has an ability to inspire you and urge you to do things you could not think were possible. She is one of those life-changers.”

An Echo Park mural features Dolores Huerta alongside artist Frida Kahlo.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

Medina left the Chávez-Huerta led union, believing it had strayed from its core work. He went on to become the international secretary treasurer of the more than 2-million-member Service Employees International Union (SEIU) — just one of many UFW acolytes who fueled the labor movement as it staged a modest resurgence in the 21st century.

Huerta was at the center of many of the union’s landmark achievements, including the negotiation of a contract in 1966 with the Schenley Wine Co. It was the first labor agreement obtained by farmworkers themselves with an agricultural company, according to the union’s history.

But the UFW’s fortunes would rise and fall. One low ebb came in 1973 with the loss of many contracts to the Teamsters Union, which struck sweetheart deals with growers. But some union insiders also complained that the UFW had failed by not winning enough concessions for the workers it represented. The union’s membership plummeted.

Two years later, momentum swung again, as the union helped persuade California Gov. Edmund G. “Jerry” Brown Jr. to impose the toughest farm labor regulations in the nation.

The union’s membership would spiral downward until Chávez’s death, at 66, in 1993. There was a sense among many insiders that the union became overly insular, with repeated purges designed to promote absolute fealty to Chávez.

In one incident, students graduating from English classes at the union’s headquarters, La Paz, ended a slide show with the words: “The Union is not César Chávez, the Union is not La Paz, the Union is the farmworkers.” Huerta, fuming, demanded to know which of the teachers had planted this message, which she viewed as an act of treason against Chávez — an episode detailed by one of the teachers, Jeffrey W. Rubin, who went on to become a history professor at Boston University.

“Confronted there by Huerta, Richard Chavez, and Cesar Chavez himself, we were accused of being part of a subversive plot, railed at, called ‘chicken s—’ by Cesar, and thrown out of La Paz and the union,” wrote Rubin, who kept the episode quiet for years.

At the same time, the UFW lost contracts and sometimes failed to provide the benefits it promised to workers. Huerta was one of many union leaders unable to set Chávez, and the UFW, on a better path.

Dolores Huerta at rosary, standing next to the body of labor leader and civil rights activist Cesar Chavez (1927 – 1993) at rest in the pine coffin in Delano, Calif., on Wednesday, April 28, 1993.

(Jose Galvez/Los Angeles Times)

As Chávez’ son-in-law Arturo Rodriguez took control of the union in 1993 and began clawing to regain members and clout, Huerta remained the UFW’s most public persona.

At hundreds of marches across the nation that she attended with regularity throughout her life, parents would push forward, telling their children they were witnessing a historic figure. Asked for an autograph, she would boldly scrawl: “Sí, se puede.”

The phrase — “Yes, it can be done” — had been part of the union’s fabric since 1972, when some doubters suggested the union would fail in its campaign against an anti-union law in Arizona. Huerta responded, “Sí, se puede,” creating a mantra for the American left.

Born April 10, 1930, in Dawson, a small mining town in the mountains of northern New Mexico, Dolores Clara Fernandez moved to Stockton when she was 3, along with her mother, two brothers and two sisters. Her father and mother had divorced, but Juan Fernandez’s legend had been fixed — a brawling union leader and New Mexico state legislator. Her mother, a hotel operator, believed in public service and would not let the poorest guests go hungry.

Dolores thrived on a middle-class upbringing of Girl Scouts, violin lessons and tap dancing, describing her mother’s generosity as a guiding force. She was bright and popular and even founded a teen center where she and other kids hung out.

But Dolores would recall her high school years as a time of slights and rewards not received — injustices she linked to her Mexican American heritage. When police ordered her teen center shut down, it became clear it was because they did not like whites socializing with Mexican American, Black and Filipino kids.

Those setbacks would not be forgotten.

Dolores Huerta in Santa Fe, N.M., in 2019.

(Associated Press)

After community college in Stockton, Huerta became a teacher. But she left after just a year, because, she said: “I thought I could do more by organizing farmworkers than by trying to teach their hungry children.”

Soon she met Ross and Chávez and her life’s path would be set. Even her name seemed to brand her for the work. When she divorced her second husband, Chávez advised her to hold on to her last name. Dolores Huerta means Sorrows of the Orchard.

Along the way, there would be great personal heartache.

In 1968, she was at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on the night Sen. Robert F. Kennedy was shot. The Democratic presidential front-runner had just finished his California primary victory speech — thanking Chávez and Huerta — when an assassin gunned him down.

Twenty years later, her politics thrust Huerta even more directly in the path of violence. A television camera captured the images of a San Francisco police officer clubbing her as she and others peacefully picketed an appearance by Vice President George H.W. Bush. The blows ruptured Huerta’s spleen and nearly killed her.

She later won an $850,000 settlement from the city for the attack. Some in the union said that Chávez‘s insistence that Huerta give the money up to the UFW created another rift that caused her to leave the union.

Huerta would struggle, as well, to find time for her expansive family — which in the end included 13 children, counting the two fathered by César Chávez.

Among her greatest heartaches grew out of the struggles of her oldest daughter, Celeste, a schizophrenic who, on occasion, would leave the institutions where she lived and wander the streets.

Huerta’s union zealotry would inspire a range of emotions from her other children.

“We understood very quickly she wasn’t ours to have,” said son Emilio, the lawyer, a Central Valley activist.“She sort of belonged to the farmworker movement. And it was our job to support her.”

He and several other of the Huerta offspring devoted their lives to the UFW and related causes, basking in a sense that their family played a part in history. That did not always make up for the personal slights — the times their mother would fob them off on union allies or neighbors, or miss a birthday.

In a bittersweet essay, Dolores’ daughter Juanita once recalled how her mother forgot to pick her up from junior high school. She compared Huerta to a train “rattling all the windows behind me, blaring out its horn, announcing its simultaneous arrival and departure with an incredible clamor, but rushing constantly forward.”

At a 69th birthday party in 1999, Huerta told a large dinner gathering that her own sacrifices had been overblown.

“It was our families who sacrificed,” she said. She then told a story about driving a carload of children to school one day in an automobile limping along because a tire had been slashed by union opponents. “That,” she said, “was kind of how we made it through life.”

Approaching her 90th birthday in 2020, Huerta spent a day that might have been more typical for someone half her age. She protested at the Fresno County Board of Supervisors for increased pay for home healthcare workers, who made just $12 an hour. Huerta hadn’t planned on being arrested that day, but when she felt police used excessive force on one of the protest leaders, she changed her mind. Take me too, she said, according to USA Today. Officers cinched a plastic zip-tie around her wrists and led her away.

More typically in her later years, she supported her foundation. In one moment, she might be campaigning for a bond measure for a middle school gym in the poor San Joaquin Valley community of Weedpatch; in seemingly the next, she would be stumping via Zoom for Joe Biden, during his fight to take the White House from President Trump.

In 2020, USA Today named Huerta one of the 100 women “who’ve made a substantial impact on our country or our lives over the past 100 years.” By then, at least half a dozen schools across America bore her name. Others considered taking her name after they removed Chávez’s following the sexual abuse revelations.

President Obama presented Huerta with the country’s highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, in 2012; the one-time community organizer, who made his way to the White House, honoring a woman still doing the work.

“The great social justice changes in our country have happened when people came together, organized and took direct action,” Huerta said in accepting the honor. “It is this right that sustains and nurtures our democracy today.”

Olvera, the family spokesman, said Wednesday that Huerta’s relatives would be announcing the details of a public memorial in the coming days.

The tune of “Famous Last Words” reverberates throughout the Immanuel Presbyterian Church, a high-ceiling Gothic structure in Koreatown, on a rainy October morning.

The anthemic, life-affirming final track from My Chemical Romance’s 2006 album “The Black Parade” has taken on a new sound here. It’s being played on the church’s organ. Mallory Haney, the musician at the keys, also plays “Disenchanted “ and “Mama,” other songs from the same album celebrating its 20th anniversary, throughout the morning.

What connects this place of worship to a band known for its macabre aesthetic, however, is its music video for the song “Helena” from the album “Three Cheers for Sweet Revenge.”

Filmed here in 2005, the video sees frontman Gerard Way belt the sorrowful lyrics at the front of church with his bandmates and a group of dancers around him. Behind them is a black casket with the body of the eponymous Helena.

My Chemical Romance fans including Charlotte Calvert of Pensacola, Fla., top, attend Ghouls’ Day Out.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

She eventually rises from the dead and dances her way through the congregation.

Now in 2026, several men wearing all black with red ties, like Way does in the music video directed by Marc Webb, trickle in as soon as the doors open. Later, a young woman in a black dress, mimicking what Helena wears on screen, makes an entrance and heads straight to the front to take photos with the casket and flower arrangements that re-create the scene.

“Helena: An Immersive Tribute,” as this experience is dubbed, also features multiple photo ops around the church’s premises that reference the band’s emblematic art (including a statue of Pepe, the marching skeleton on the cover of “The Black Parade” album).

Behind this fan-focused event are Sam Gomez and Kimmy Perez, a Mexican American married couple who make a living putting on pop culture-inspired events, and, in the case of Perez, selling her art under the brand SpooksieBoo at conventions around the country.

My Chemical Romance fans including Benji Godinez, left, and Jennifer Campos, both of Los Angeles, attend Ghouls’ Day Out at Immanuel Presbyterian Church in Los Angeles.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

The festivities at the church will conclude Saturday with a larger event called Ghouls’ Day Out, featuring the same displays inside the space, plus food vendors, an artist market and a My Chemical Romance cover band, Sweet Revenge, out back for attendees to enjoy.

“We’re doing everything we can to give fans the best My Chem experience short of seeing the actual band,” Gomez says during a recent video call.

“I’ve heard some call it MCR Con, which that’s literally what it is!” Perez adds laughing:

Gomez and Perez held the first Ghouls’ Day Out in May 2021, making it an annual staple for My Chemical Romance fans. On top of the May event, this year they decided to bring it back in October to coincide with the band’s series of concerts at the Hollywood Bowl.

Their relationship with Immanuel Presbyterian Church started when its operations manager, Niambi Rendon, attended one of the pop-up events they organize throughout Southern California.

My Chemical Romance fan Cecilia Calvert of Alamogordo, N.M., is overcome with emotion while attending Ghouls’ Day Out.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

Struggling financially, the church sought new partnerships to raise funds. In fact, part of the proceeds from the “Helena” tribute and Ghouls’ Day Out goes to help the church’s food pantry.

But though it wants to take advantage of the My Chemical Romance connection, the church has one key rule: Nothing on display can cross the threshold from “spooky” to “satanic.”

A little blood is fine, Gomez says, but nothing too gruesome. “The most important thing is nothing that’s going to either make fun of or cast a shadow on the clergy. We’ve had many cosplayers that want to come as an evil priest or evil nun. We can’t have that,” Gomez says.

Now in its seventh edition (since 2026 had twice the festivities), the event’s popularity has grown, bringing fans from across the country and even international visitors.

MCR fans including Jenelle Smith, left, and Joanna Glezakos, both of Toronto, attend Ghouls’ Day Out.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

Megan Rose, 33, traveled from rural Virginia to Los Angeles with her partner to attend one of the shows. Looking for other My Chemical Romance-related activities to do while in the city, she learned about the “Helena” tribute on social media.

“The architecture is beautiful and I’ve been having as much fun looking at the church as I have the fandom set up and I think they’ve done a very good job with all the props,” she says.

Mayela González, 41, came all the way from Monterrey, Mexico. A fan of the band since her teenage years, she was in disbelief stepping into a location she’d seen countless times on screen. “I hope the band keeps going, and they don’t stop after this tour,” says González. “I hope they release a new album and keep on performing live.”

“The event has just grown over the years as we allow fans to tell us what they want it to be,” Gomez says. “And over the years, the feedback has been, ‘More MCR theming.’” Gomez and Perez take that commitment to fan satisfaction seriously.

Tracy Phillips who portrays the titular “Helena” poses with a young MCR fan at Ghouls’ Day Out.

(Jonathan Garcia)

“We found the company, which is still in L.A., that made the ‘Helena’ casket that’s in a music video and they said, ‘We can make you an exact replica,’” adds Gomez.

More importan, they also have the real Helena on site. Tracy Phillips, the actor and dancer who played the title role in the music video, takes photos with fans. She made her first Ghouls’ Day appearance in 2025.

“Outside of the church I’m no one, and then I walk into the church in this makeup and dress and people are crying,” says Phillips with a smile. “It’s kind of a bizarre juxtaposition of people knowing me and people not knowing me at all.”

The church is the site where My Chemical Romance filmed its music video for its 2005 hit song, “Helena.”

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

Post-Helena, Phillips worked with the band once more as an assistant choreographer on the “Teenagers” music video. That was nearly 20 years ago. Earlier this month it hired her again after all this time so she could choreograph 20 dancers in three numbers for the Long Live the Black Parade shows at the Hollywood Bowl.

“I was fortunate to get to work with them again,” Phillips says. “They’re all such kind people. Gerard is so kind and brilliant and it was really fun to get to circle back around. It felt like this full-circle moment in a different capacity.”

In the past, the band had posted about Ghouls’ Day Out on its official Instagram account, which led Gomez and Perez to believe at least someone in its team was aware of their event.

My Chemical Romance fans including Savannah Monrreal of Inglewood attend Ghouls Day Out.

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

This time around, the band sent them an official “The Black Parade” flag, following its first night at the Bowl, that they now have on display at the church as one of the photo-ops.

Ghouls’ Day Out has generated new opportunities for the church, which hopefully means Gomez and Perez will be welcomed back for years to come.

“Now that the church is known in the My Chemical Romance community, they’ve had people go to them saying, ‘I want to have my wedding there,’” adds Gomez with a joyful grin.

The L.A. City Council took modest steps Tuesday to help the homegrown film industry as it struggles to keep production in California.

The City Council passed two film-friendly measures, one that creates free permits for so-called micro-shoot productions and another that limits parking fees on city-owned lots, yards and civic properties and staging areas to $1 a day, regardless of the size of the project.

The city currently charges $450 a day for base camp parking at city-owned parks and $100 to $300 a day for crew parking, according to FilmLA.

“Both efforts advanced today aim to support independent shoots and attract aspiring storytellers to our city,” Councilmember Adrin Nazarian, who introduced the initiatives, said in a statement. “As we work to protect established productions, we must also uphold Los Angeles’ reputation as a hub for the next generation of filmmakers. People need to believe that this is still the town to turn their filmmaking dreams into reality.”

Micro-shoot permits refer to sets with up to 10 filmmakers on site that have a minimal community impact. Under this new ordinance, student filmmakers, documentary crews and ultra-low-budget projects will be able to obtain free permits. City departments soon will report back to the Council on how they plan to implement this.

The idea behind the $1 permits is to turn more areas of L.A. into homes for all kinds of productions.

Nazarian is chairman of the Council’s recently formed Ad Hoc Committee on Film, Entertainment and the Creative Industry, aimed at making filming in L.A. more accessible.

The steps come as film and TV production in the area continues on a downward trend. FilmLA, the nonprofit group that handles film permits for the region, recently reported that shoot days between July and September were down 4.8% from the same period last year and nearly 29% below the five-year average.

“The stark reality is that California is on the brink of losing its position as the nation’s premier destination for production spending,” Nazarian said during a City Council meeting this month. “While we retain the Hollywood name, the data makes it urgently clear, crisis-level clear, that Los Angeles is fast losing its footing as the center of film and television production.”

“Night Watch” has an easy hook, starting with its setting. The immersive monster show is staged inside an ominous white van.

Yes, a real van. It’s creepy, and pulls equal inspiration from immersive theater, video games, escape rooms and environmental design. At a little over 30 minutes or so, it’s refreshingly approachable, a bite-sized slice of interactive, participatory theater that lingered with me long after I saw it. And not just because there were moments that startled me. “Night Watch,” like any good monster story, has metaphors on its mind.

“Night Watch” is the creation of Sara Biel and KJ Knies, a husband-and-wife creative team with day jobs working for a themed entertainment design firm. On their own, however, they go by Bee’s Knees. There’s buzz around “Night Watch.” Its initial October dates sold out nearly instantly, but the couple is extending the run at least into mid-November. Additional tickets will go on sale Wednesday at 9 p.m., and those interested are advised to join the waitlist.

The couple’s experience in theme park design is evident in “Night Watch,” as its small cargo van is ripe for exploration, with TVs, monitors, filing cabinets and more outfitted with vintage tech and lore-building corporate paraphernalia. Before the show properly began, I started frantically combing through folders and flipping through notebooks.

KJ Knies and Sara Biel are the creators of “Night Watch,” an immersive horror story set in a van.

(Bee’s Knees)

Yet I soon learned my goal here was not so much to find clues, like in a typical escape room, but to build a personality profile. Participants are assigned the role of an overnight security guard to monitor a mysterious tech firm. You’re unaware, at least at the start, of what kind of business the company is in, but “Night Watch” wants you to get to know the person who held the job before you. The van is outfitted with posters of national parks, hinting at someone who was longing for a life with more freedom and travel than a working-class career provides.

“Night Watch,” off the bat, wants us to grapple with how personal dreams can clash — or become lost — with the corporate world. It feels personal, and that’s no accident, says Biel, as the show was informed by the couple’s own talks about their future.

Throughout “Night Watch,” attendees are tasked with examining security footage.

(Bee’s Knees)

“I moved to L.A. to become a writer. KJ moved to L.A. to become a filmmaker,” Biel says. “Now we’re on this different corporate path. Is this the path that we should be on or should we have listened to our gut and went a more artistic direction? I feel like all of our friends are going through this. You move to this city to do one thing, and you fall into a different path. That’s not bad. I’m of the opinion that you follow the doors that open as you go, but that’s what we were grappling with and what we wanted to bring into this show.”

With monsters, of course.

I completed “Night Watch” solo, but the show can accommodate up to four people (tickets for two start at $90). You’ll interact with an actor who plays your co-worker during the production, primarily via a two-way radio. At times, you’ll monitor the action outside of the van. Other moments have you digging into the digital files of the previous security guard, who is said to have mysteriously left his job. But mostly you’ll just talk with your unseen co-worker, who might push you into philosophical discussions about your hopes for a better life. This creates an inherent tension in “Night Watch.” You might know on one level that this is a monster story, and yet like me, find yourself opening up about personal details, trying to manifest a better day for yourself.

Details inside the van.

(Bee’s Knees)

With “Night Watch’s” emphasis on security footage and old computer logs, Knies says he was influenced by full-motion video games, citing the work of Sam Barlow and his voyeuristic crime game “Her Story.” It isn’t hard to see the show as a thinly veiled statement about our current tech-obsessed era, with each day bringing with it seemingly fresh announcements about some new site, social media add-on, gadget or AI tool that promises to improve our lives (but rarely, if ever, does). There’s a moment when you start to wonder if the business you’re providing security for is actually one of the “good guys.”

The project’s story, says Knies, began with a simple sketch from Biel: “The first idea that Sara pitched me was a monster sucking souls and pooping gold.” It spiraled from there, and the last half of “Night Watch” comes quick as we unravel its multiple mysteries. And that’s where the frights, heightened by the intimacy of the van, come in.

“We really wanted to play with having a confined space that we could manipulate to our advantage,” Biel says. “We wanted to play with the effects of moving the van and shaking the van and closing off your viewpoint.”

The confined venue — a dimly lit storage van — helps participants narrow in on the mission.

(Bee’s Knees)

The van has other benefits, too, especially in L.A. where it’s hard to find a unique venue for a limited-run show. “The cheapest and easiest places you can get are white walls with tile floor, but then you’re going to spend so much money decking that out to make it feel like a lived-in space,” Knies says.

“Night Watch” is currently staged outside of Hatch Escapes, home to some of the city’s finest escape rooms, in Arlington Heights. Biel says the two are talking to Hatch about hosting the show there long-term, but there is one hitch. The van is a rental, and at some point it will need to be returned.

“Don’t tell Enterprise that we painted on their walls,” Knies says.

This week in SoCal theme parks

An audio-animatronic Indiana Jones figure hangs above guests on Disneyland’s Indiana Jones Adventure.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

• Indiana Jones is adventuring again. Disneyland’s popular Indiana Jones Adventure reopened after a six-week refurbishment on Friday with a number of changes. Most of them will be invisible to guests, but Disneyland engineers worked behind-the-scenes to make the attraction more reliable and found ways to increase its capacity. They also added some spiders. Read all the details here from my walk-through of the attraction last week.
• A bookstore for us immersive, theme park geeks. Coming next year to Los Angeles, near the corner of Melrose and Fairfax avenues, is Genres Book Society, boasting a design led by former Walt Disney Imagineer Ann Morrow Johnson. Genres is part bookshop, part speakeasy and part immersive venue. There’s a dragon, a secret bar and a tree with glowing books. Read more about this bookshop dreamed up by Clare Grant and Karissa Marston here.
• Nikki, meet Nikki. One of my highlights of this year’s Halloween Horror Nights at Universal Studios Hollywood was interacting with a scare actor playing the role of Nikki from the film “Obsession.” The other week, the actor who initiated the role in the movie, Inde Navarrette, visited the horror event and had her own dalliance with one of the park’s Nikki performers.
• Still need Halloween plans? The doors of downtown’s Clifton’s, a venue some say inspired Walt Disney (although this isn’t really confirmed by any official sources), will be open for an immersive theater dinner show. Expect roving actors, multiple storylines to follow and an otherworldly wedding that may or may not involve monsters. The current operators of the historic space have big plans for programming similar such events throughout the holiday season. “The Dark Wedding” runs Friday through Sunday, and tickets start at $65.

A farewell to Halloween season (but mostly just to Cars Land’s zombie car)

A mostly deceased “zombie car” struggles to come to life at Cars Land in Disney California Adventure.

(Todd Martens / Los Angeles Times)

The first Oogie Boogie Bash at Disney California Adventure was held this year on Aug. 18, which means Halloween season is coming to a close after a 2½-month celebration. Our local theme parks will be wrapping up Halloween festivities this weekend, and it was a good one. Universal Studios Hollywood shined with a “Sinners”-inspired maze, but the star of the event was its dedication to Ozzy Osbourne. And Knott’s Berry Farm was wise to partner with the Magic Castle.

But in terms of pure decor, the Disneyland Resort has everyone beat, and I wanted to take a moment to salute my favorite Halloween adornment. I was initially nervous, as when the resort debuted its Halloween look in August the zombie automobile in Cars Land was missing. I make a beeline to it each season because it’s such a demented tale that I want to make sure it hasn’t left the park. This mostly dead skeleton car sits outside Radiator Springs Curios, owned by the character of Lizzie. Lizzie is a widow, lovesick at the loss of her husband Stanley.

The shop was under refurbishment earlier in the season, hence the reason for the zombie car’s late arrival, but I was relieved when it finally materialized a couple weeks ago, its body trying to emerge from the ground from under a tree. It’s a morbid story. Lizzie, see, has created a “ghoul-ant” (coolant, get it?) in the hopes of bringing dead cars back to life. She wants to use it on Stanley, but not until its perfected. It’s not. This mostly lifeless car struggles every few seconds to get its engine going. Occasionally, it musters enough strength to get the radio powered on. But it’s mostly just trapped in a near-dead state.

This zombie car is nothing more than the result of a failed experiment, and the implication is there will be more, as Lizzie will not stop until she’s reunited with Stanley. It’s more than a little sick, but also a statement about the way a lost love can forever haunt us. In that sense, it’s perfect, and I adore it. See you, hopefully, next year, zombie car.

The best thing I ate at the parks this week

The short rib lasagna from the Hearthstone Lounge.

(Todd Martens / Los Angeles Times)

With the heat briefly lifting a little bit ago, it was time to revisit my favorite dish at the Disneyland Resort. It’s heavy, hence the reason I was eager to tackle it when things cooled down. I’ve ordered the short rib lasagna from the Grand Californian’s Hearthstone Lounge three or four times over the past year, and I’m now convinced it’s among the best items on the menu at any restaurant at the resort, including the high-end fine dining establishment Napa Rose. It’s that good. And yes, it’s pricey at $42, but it’s a large portion and could easily be split. In fact, I wish I had done the latter, but I was at the park solo and had to immediately end my night after feasting on this decadent dish because I was simply too full to continue exploring. The tender short rib easily peels apart with a fork, and it’s plentiful. A trio of cheeses, and a heavily creamy Bechamel sauce, coupled with a buttery Mascarpone, make this the perfect winter dish. I’ll be at Disneyland on Thanksgiving, and am half thinking of making this my holiday meal rather than turkey.

Tell us your stories. Ask us your questions.

Have a theme park tale to share? Whether it was a good day or less-than-perfect day, I would love to hear about it. Have a question? A tip? A fun photo from the parks to share? Email me at todd.martens@latimes.com. I may feature your note in an upcoming newsletter.

Ride on,

Todd Martens

P.S.

Morning crowds at Disneyland just after park opening, known as “rope drop.”

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

Late breaking theme park news arrived Tuesday morning courtesy of trade group the Themed Entertainment Assn., which released its 2025 global attendance report. The news for the theme park sector is … mixed? Here in SoCal, attendance at Disneyland Park and Disney California Adventure increased ever-so-slightly, at 0.4% each. Disneyland drew 17.4 million in 2025, making it once again the second most-visited park in the world, behind only Walt Disney World’s Magic Kingdom. Just over 10 million visitors took in California Adventure.

Universal Studios Hollywood fared less great, suffering an attendance dip of 8%. The report attributes the downtown to our devastating wildfires early in the year, as well as a decline in international tourism to the region. It’s worth noting that the park in 2023 opened Super Nintendo World, and it’s newness may have worn off a bit for local visits last year. Overall, the park drew 8 million guests.

Also suffering declines in attendance were Knott’s Berry Farm and Six Flags’ Magic Mountain, each dipping about 4%. Knott’s drew 4.3 million attendees while the Valencia park brought in 3.2 million visitors.

—

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The suggestion caught Ross Newhan off guard.

The Angels had just reached the promised land, after more than four decades of wandering through baseball’s wilderness. Who better than Newhan, who had been there since Day 1, to write a first-person account of that long and winding road to their first World Series?

Newhan was reluctant. That would make the story about himself, which he despised. The editors prevailed, and within the story he delivered a sentence that struck deep within the heart of every loyal and long-suffering Angels fan.

“I can’t help but feel a sweep of emotions seep through the cynicism and dispassion that is the byproduct of being present for all or part of every Angel season,” he wrote on Oct. 14, 2002.

To this day, the Angels have one guy in the Hall of Fame: Vladimir Guerrero. The Times has two: Jim Murray, the Pulitzer Prize-winning sports columnist, and Newhan.

If Vin Scully provided the voice for the first half-century of Major League Baseball in Southern California, Newhan provided the words.

Newhan died on Sunday, at 89, after what his wife Connie called a “cardiac event.” His reporting — first at the Long Beach Independent Press-Telegram, then over 37 years at The Times — distinguished The Times as a national source for baseball coverage.

Ross Newhan, center, interviews Jim McGlothlin, left, and Jim Fregosi of the California Angels during the 1969 season.

(The Sporting News via Getty Images)

He was so renowned within baseball that the Dodgers, MLB, and the players’ union posted condolences.

Bud Selig, the former commissioner and occasional antagonist in Newhan’s columns, told The Times: “I mourn the passing of Ross Newhan. He was an excellent sportswriter, and I always had a great amount of respect for him personally and for his work.”

In his Hall of Fame acceptance speech, he reserved a special mention for a teacher at Wilson High in Long Beach, the one that envisioned a writer blossoming within a student dozing in class.

“If a high school journalism instructor named John Gartner hadn’t hollered my name and pounded my desk one day, I might still be sitting there asleep,” Newhan said, “with no real clue what I wanted to do in my life.”

Ross Newhan, receives the J.G. Taylor Spink Award from Jane Forbes Clark, chairman of the National Baseball Hall of Fame, in Cooperstown, N.Y., on Aug. 5, 2001.

(Associated Press)

In the 1990s, as a young reporter at the Riverside Press-Enterprise, I was among a small group of writers talking with Tony Gwynn, the San Diego Padres’ Hall of Famer. Newhan was there too, and as the group dispersed, he told me: “You ask good questions.”

Talk about inspiration: It was as if Clayton Kershaw had seen a kid throw a curveball and said, “Not bad.”

Behind a gruff and occasionally intense exterior, Newhan had a heart of gold. Mike DiGiovanna, the longtime Times baseball writer, called Newhan “a security blanket” for colleagues needing a fact check, a phone number or an introduction to someone famous.

“He was a giant without the giant ego,” DiGiovanna said.

Newhan trained former Times colleague Jason Reid on how to cover baseball. Reid affectionately called him “Boss Ross.” The two were such relentless reporters that, amid the wild initial days of the McCourt family ownership of the Dodgers, Reid got co-owner Jamie McCourt so frazzled that she actually said this: “This is bad because you guys remember everything and you write everything down.”

Newhan and Reid had reported on concerns with the McCourt financing before the ownership deal closed, and six years before Frank McCourt’s divorce attorney admitted in court that McCourt had put “not a penny” of his own money into the deal. That did not make Newhan and McCourt the best of friends, but neither did it make them bitter enemies.

“He seemed to take a sort of pride in being the guardian of Los Angeles baseball, for lack of a better term,” said Hall of Fame president Josh Rawitch, then the Dodgers’ publicist. “He had an ability to garner respect from people even when he was writing something you weren’t happy about.”

Said Mike Scioscia, on whom Newhan reported as a Dodgers player and Angels manager: “Ross was a true gentleman and had a real matter-of-fact way of asking questions that put you at ease.”

Ross Newhan shares a happy moment with his great granddaughter, Bailey, earlier this year.

(Courtesy of the Newhan family)

There was nothing flashy about Newhan, not in his writing, certainly not in the way he conducted himself. He let his work and its credibility speak for itself.

Newhan is survived by his wife, Connie; his son, David, and daughter-in-law, Karen; his daughter, Sara, and son-in-law, Mike; five grandchildren and one great-grandchild.

The story about David is the one most often recalled Monday, because it really was a story about his father.

David, the kid that tagged along with Newhan when the Angels held spring training in Palm Springs, developed into a major leaguer. He had joked with reporters that he hadn’t been sure if rumors of his call-up were true because “as everyone knows, you can’t believe what’s in the paper.”

In 2004, as Newhan and I covered a game at Dodger Stadium, David appeared as a pinch-hitter for the Baltimore Orioles against the Colorado Rockies, in his first major league at-bat in three years. Newhan was glued to his laptop, where these words suddenly appeared: “In play, run(s).”

Waiting, waiting, waiting … and then I heard one of the loudest screams I have ever heard. Rawitch heard it too. Everyone in the press box heard it.

“Home run.”

The scream was out of character for a professional writer, entirely in character for a proud father. He aced both, and we’ll miss him.

RUSSELL Brand had an “insane sexual appetite” and treated women poorly, his former PA told his rape trial yesterday.

Helen Berger described him as a “peacock” who would allegedly find random women online to satisfy his lust.

Ms Berger, who worked with the comedian from June 2006 to February 2007, said: “Though I’ve worked with a lot of celebrities before and seen a lot of people normalising bad behaviour, this was on another level.”

In a statement read to Southwark crown court, she said Brand, now 51, was having sex day and night and described him getting “antsy” on deadlines.

She said he would joke: “May I go and have sex now?”

But she said sexual activity would also make him depressed.

Read more on Russell Brand

BRAND TRIAL

Russell Brand in ‘f*****g sheets’ rant after alleged rape, court hears

‘RAPE’ TRIAL

Brand jury shown pics of home where he ‘raped woman & told her clean up mess’

Ms Berger, who worked for Brand through his agent John Noel, told the court she would often be called to go to the comedian’s flat in Camden, North London, where she found he was always in his underwear.

She described seeing him use MySpace to find women and invite them over for sex.

She also recalled being instructed to get phone numbers for Brand from female fans when she first started working for him but said she felt uncomfortable and told him she would not do it anymore.

Ms Berger said she quit working for Brand within months because she became sick of him.

She wrote: “I worked a lot and was exhausted, emotional, and it was a lot to deal with.

“I always had to manage my emotions around him. He had an insane sexual appetite and was sleeping with people day and night.

“He was very open about what his needs were. We didn’t have a specific conversation about it.”

Brand, supported in court by wife Laura Gallacher, denies three rapes, three sexual assaults and indecent assault on six women between 1999 and 2009.

Mr Justice Bennathan told jurors the defence case would begin today.

NEW YORK — Democrats and outside watchdogs are planning a massive presence at the polls on Election Day driven by concerns that President Trump will further leverage the vast resources of the federal government to interfere with a midterm that could hobble his final two years in office.

They won’t be the only ones there. A sprawling election protection effort on the left that is expected to deploy tens of thousands of monitors will be met by the largest-ever monitoring program by the Justice Department and still more observers from Republican-aligned groups. The result could be unlike anything seen at the polls in modern times.

The effort among Democratic and nonprofit groups includes training volunteers to stand watch outside polling places and report activities they consider concerning. The network includes traditional government watchdogs such as Common Cause and the American Civil Liberties Union plus a flood of volunteers assembled by state Democratic parties, congressional leaders, national activist groups and organizations focused on protecting democracy.

The Democratic National Committee created a first-of-its-kind cybersecurity unit staffed by former CIA and FBI officials to monitor and report online misinformation, including artificial intelligence deepfakes, said Jane Kleeb, vice chair of the DNC.

That’s as Democratic mayors, attorneys general and secretaries of state host tabletop exercises simulating worst-case scenarios, such as a surge of Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials at voting locations or the seizure of ballots and voting equipment.

On Capitol Hill, Democratic leaders have assembled a legal team that rivals that of any presidential campaign.

“We’ve never done this before,” Kleeb said of the party’s sweeping efforts. But “we’ve never had to deal with the president of the United States saying that he may seize ballots, put ICE agents outside polling locations and other kinds of very clear direct threats to the voting process.”

The Department of Justice has already filed lawsuits in California and Alaska that could affect ballot counting or certification.

While Trump continues to make baseless allegations of cheating in the election, administration and military officials have said they have no plans to deploy immigration agents or troops to polling sites.

White House spokeswoman Lauren Bis blamed “radical Democrats” for creating fears about election security by refusing to enact voter ID requirements and other Republican-backed measures.

“President Trump has done more than any other president to ensure we have free and fair elections,” Bis said.

Tens of thousands of volunteers trained to observe

State Democratic parties have trained an estimated 10,000 volunteers to observe polling places and report anything potentially concerning they might see from federal agents. Common Cause has trained roughly 16,000 more volunteers to stand watch at voting precincts, said Suzanne Almeida, vice president of states for the group.

She said a broader Election Protection coalition involving 300 other groups has trained tens of thousands more.

Smaller pockets of volunteers from other groups also are preparing to show up, including roughly 100 organized by Senate Democrats and hundreds more from a Democratic-allied group called Save America, which is training clergy members, veterans, teachers and other local community members. National groups such as Indivisible and MoveOn are activating their own expansive networks.

There are so many organizations working to protect the voting process — including many that cannot legally coordinate with each other — that some officials involved worry about unintentionally creating chaos outside polling locations.

Almeida said Election Day confusion is possible in some precincts but the nature of the threat requires a collective effort.

“It will actually take all of us if some of the threats we are most worried about come to pass,” she said.

Trump administration sends its own team

Harmeet Dhillon, a Trump appointee who leads the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, was asked on CBS’ “60 Minutes” whether the Republican administration is planning to send ICE agents to polling places.

“There is no plan to do that,” she responded.

Still, the Justice Department is planning its largest-ever election monitoring effort, with about 1,000 department staff expected to observe voting and ensure federal laws are being followed, spokesperson Kiersten Pels said. That comes after a primary season in which the department said it deployed more than 100 election monitors across hundreds of polling locations.

At least one of those placements sparked tensions with local officials. Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, a Republican, said the behavior of two monitors during that state’s primary was “a bit aggressive” and “irregular.” A Laramie County clerk said the Justice Department monitors arrived at the polls intending to interview voters, but her office didn’t allow it.

The department disagrees that the monitors did anything improper, Pels said. She added that the monitors are trained to comply with federal law governing conduct at polling places and won’t “interfere with the voting process.”

Democratic lawmakers and voting rights advocates have raised concerns that the Trump administration’s monitors could intimidate voters or abandon the duty they’ve had for decades to protect against civil rights violations.

The department plans to send them to every state, focusing on high-population areas, jurisdictions that have had problems in the past and districts with close elections, according to a senior department official who briefed reporters on the condition of anonymity.

The Republican National Committee said its operation involves deploying “election integrity deputy state directors” in 22 states, among them Arizona, Michigan, Georgia and North Carolina.

Those workers are the “eyes and the ears of the RNC in the field” who recruit volunteers and organize trainings, said Ally Triolo, the RNC’s election integrity communications director. Their mission is to surface anything that seems unlawful.

At the same time, the RNC has enlisted nearly 22,000 poll workers and is recruiting poll-watching volunteers for competitive districts. The poll watchers will “observe the process and help ensure election rules are followed in accordance with the law,” Triolo said.

Local election officials prepare for increased attention

While federal monitors have quietly observed elections for decades, largely without incident, some election officials are taking precautions.

Chris Swope, the city clerk in Lansing, Michigan, said he preemptively contacted law enforcement and his attorney in case federal monitors violate election law, although he expects them to abide by the rules.

The Democratic Mayors Association issued guidance to local Democratic officials with detailed instructions about what to do if federal agents appear at polling locations.

It notes that federal law prohibits the presence of federal immigration agents, the FBI or other investigative personnel. It also issued a reminder that federal agents are not allowed to be armed at the polls, nor are they allowed to interact with voters or handle ballots or election equipment.

Justice Department officials have said their monitors won’t be armed and will not interfere with voting. Asked about department monitors being sent to Georgia, Trump told a reporter recently: “They’re not going to do anything other than watch.”

Some of the poll observations have already begun. Mary Corcoran, Save America’s executive director, said her group’s volunteers have been monitoring precincts during early voting in Georgia, Michigan, North Carolina and Ohio to help give voters a sense of security.

“The fear is the point, and we must do something about it,” she said. “Left unanswered, fear does the work of keeping people home without a single agent setting foot at a polling place.”

Peoples and Swenson write for the Associated Press. AP writers Jacqueline GaNun in Lansing, Mich., Mary Clare Jalonick in Washington and Jessica Hill in Las Vegas contributed to this report.

Match of the Day pundits Toby Alderweireld and Ashley Williams analyse Manchester United’s 3-0 defeat by Bournemouth, with Alderweireld suggesting there is no “togetherness” among the United squad.

MATCH REPORT: Manchester United 0-3 Bournemouth

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IS there anything that sparks joy in the hearts of children more than the zoo?

Combine it with one of the most popular kids’ books, Room On The Broom, along with some Halloween-themed activities, and you have the perfect potion for family fun.

That’s exactly what you can expect from Twycross Zoo this half-term.

Until November 1, the attraction has introduced a new magical corn maze based on Julia Donaldson’s much-loved book, to celebrate its 25th anniversary.

Bringing the fantastical tale — about a witch and the menagerie of animals she picks up on her broomstick — to life, it’s an experience that swept my children away.

Based in the middle of the Leicestershire zoo’s Gruffalo Discovery Land, the excitement started building as soon as my five-year-old son and three-year-old daughter were handed a tote bag filled with goodies.

WAIL OF A TIME

I drove Irish Route 66 with deserted golden beaches and pirate-like islands

TEMPTED?

Tiny ‘Bali of Europe’ town with stunning beaches, €3 cocktails and £20 flights

The best way to any child’s heart.

There was a passport to get stamped and, more importantly, sweets to power them through.

It wouldn’t be Halloween without some sugar, of course.

With a promise of more treats to discover along the way in the corn maze, we took off at a speedy pace — although with timed entry slots, it never felt like we were being rushed.

Greeted by a wall of hay bales, pumpkins and pictures of the famous characters, we began to make our way through the warren of narrow paths in search of surprises.

Magical clues guided our path through the tall corn crops to several clearings where we found quotes from the book and a cute stamping station where the kids could mark their findings in their passports.

Make sure to keep your eyes peeled for sweets hidden in pumpkins along the way.

Waiting for us at the end was a giant broomstick photo opportunity and a chance to meet the witch — perfect for souvenir snaps.

There’s no time-limit on the maze but my eager kids managed to whizz through in 15 minutes, which gave us plenty of time to explore the rest of the Gruffalo Discovery Land — and that was before we even made our way round the zoo.

Named after another one of Julia Donaldson’s best-sellers, The Gruffalo Discovery Land is home to a treetop play area as well as interactive character trails and meet-and-greet opportunities.

It’s ideal for younger kids. But the real fun sits within the main zoo.

Twycross is home to more than 500 animals and it’s the only zoo in the UK to house all four species of great apes — gorillas, chimpanzees, orangutans and bonobos.

The latter were a particular favourite during our visit as we watched them loudly play and squabble from both an outside platform and an inside viewing window, giving us a full 360-degree experience.

It made a welcome change from watching my own children wrestle each other.

We all loved watching the penguins in action, too, timing it perfectly when we caught them at lunchtime indulging in a fish supper.

It wasn’t difficult to spot the UK’s only herd of kordofan giraffes either, who weren’t at all fazed by us staring up at them.

In fact, one even came over for a closer inspection, extending his long neck towards the ground in fascination.

The zoo is easy enough to walk around with kids, although be warned that work is currently going on in some areas, with boards blocking off certain enclosures as the zoo undergoes a £25million transformation.

We’ll have to wait until next year to see what’s in store for those areas, but the closures certainly didn’t ruin the experience.

After a packed day on foot, we were ready for some downtime — and that is exactly what we got at Hampton by Hilton in Nuneaton.

For those travelling from afar, the hotel is an easy 20-minute drive away and the perfect overnight stay for families.

The Hub restaurant here features a menu guaranteed to keep little mouths satisfied, including burgers, paninis and pizzas.

But if none of that takes your fancy then a short walk down the road is a gorgeous Nepalese restaurant, Crossed Khukris Gurkha.

A set meal for four costs £66 and comes with poppadums, dumplings, a number of curries and loads of extras.

We were so well fed and at less than £17 a head, the price is scarily good.

I suppose it is Halloween after all . . .