NEWS

Scotland, who have played at each of the past two European Championships, booked their spot at a World Cup for the first time since 1998 in dramatic fashion with an unforgettable victory against Denmark at Hampden Park in November.

Backed by tens of thousands of fans who had travelled to the United States, John McGinn’s deflected strike against Haiti earned the country’s first win at a World Cup for 36 years.

That would be Scotland’s only goal of the tournament.

They lost to a second-minute strike by 2022 semi-finalists Morocco in their second match, so they entered their final group game against Brazil knowing a draw would probably be enough to send them through as one of the best third-placed teams.

However, first-half defensive errors would prove their undoing.

They once again conceded early when defender Scott McKenna was robbed of possession inside his own penalty area, gifting an opener to Vinicius Jr.

The Real Madrid forward was denied a second when the video assistant referee (VAR) deemed he had fouled Jack Hendry before rolling the ball past Angus Gunn, but just before half-time Scotland again gave the ball away near their own goal and Vinicius Jr nodded in at the back post to make it 2-0.

Matheus Cunha extended Brazil’s advantage after half-time and a late rally failed to yield a reply that would have improved Scotland’s goal difference.

Videos show Israeli settlers, protected by Israeli soldiers, trying to seize a house under construction on the outskirts of the town of Qabalan, just south of Nablus, in the occupied West Bank.

T20 World Cup, Group 2, The Oval

New Zealand 163-6 (20 overs): M Kerr 42 (34); Gibson 2-30

England 164-1 (17.2 overs): Wyatt-Hodge 89* (53), Dunkley 49* (38)

Scorecard. Tables

England’s winning run at the T20 World Cup continued with a rampant nine-wicket victory over New Zealand in their final group game at The Oval.

Already assured of top spot in Group 2 and with it a place in next week’s semi-finals, England built on the momentum of their four previous wins by cruising a chase of 164 with 16 balls to spare.

Danni Wyatt-Hodge, now the tournament’s leading run-scorer, kept up her superb form by crashing 89 not out. She was supported by Sophia Dunkley, who made 49 not out in their partnership of 128.

Defending champions New Zealand are a shadow of the side that won this title in 2024 but the dominant nature of England’s win only added to the sense of momentum around this side.

After limiting New Zealand early on, they took three wickets in four balls without conceding a run in limiting the White Ferns to 163-6.

Sophie Devine hit three sixes in a 14-ball 30 on her final international appearance but otherwise England were always in control.

Their semi-final opponents will be confirmed on Sunday, with India or South Africa appearing the most likely.

That match will take place on Tuesday afternoon or Thursday evening back at The Oval, where England’s women’s side have never lost any of their 11 matches.

Win that and they will return to Lord’s for the final on Sunday for a chance to win their first World Cup title since 2017.

When Morocco reached the semi-finals of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, the achievement immediately transcended the boundaries of sport. It was the first time an African and Arab national team had reached that stage of the tournament. Yet what drew the greatest attention from international observers was not simply the result itself, but the way it confirmed changes that had already been unfolding elsewhere.

Football rarely exists in isolation. The fortunes of a national team often reflect deeper developments in governance, investment, youth development, and a country’s capacity to pursue long-term objectives. Morocco’s World Cup campaign brought into focus the broader transformation of a nation whose international profile has steadily expanded through diplomacy, infrastructure development, strategic investment, and regional cooperation.

That distinction matters. The World Cup did not create a new geopolitical reality for Morocco; it revealed one that had already taken shape. For several weeks, hundreds of millions of viewers encountered a Morocco that differed from the image long associated with the Kingdom. To many, Morocco had primarily been known as a tourist destination, a close European partner, or a North African state. Qatar 2022 introduced another image: a country capable of competing with football’s traditional powers, rallying a global diaspora, and projecting ambitions that extend well beyond its immediate neighborhood.

The scale of that exposure helps explain why the tournament proved so consequential. The 2022 FIFA World Cup reached an estimated audience of more than five billion people across television and digital platforms, giving Morocco a level of global visibility that few international events could ever provide.

This evolution reflects broader changes in the international system. Throughout much of the twentieth century, a state’s influence was measured primarily through military capabilities, economic strength, and diplomatic reach. While these pillars remain essential, they cannot fully explain how a country’s international image is shaped. In an era shaped by digital communication and instantaneous information flows, the ability to capture global attention, generate narratives, and engage international audiences has become another source of influence.

Football occupies a unique position within that landscape. No other sport crosses cultural, linguistic, and geographic boundaries with comparable ease. A World Cup captures the attention of governments, businesses, media organizations, and public opinion all at once. For several weeks, it places a country under a level of global scrutiny that no public diplomacy campaign could realistically achieve.

Morocco benefited from that exposure in remarkable fashion. Victories over Belgium, Spain, and Portugal naturally attracted worldwide attention. Yet the significance of Morocco’s campaign also lay in what it revealed about the Kingdom’s distinctive position at the intersection of multiple geopolitical spaces. Throughout the tournament, the Atlas Lions received support far beyond their domestic fan base. Celebrations unfolded across cities in Africa, the Arab world, and Europe. Those scenes illustrated something analysts had long observed but rarely witnessed so vividly: Morocco simultaneously belongs to several geopolitical spheres.

The team’s appeal was not built on sporting success alone. It also rested on a moral and ethical capital that substantially strengthened its international standing. Across much of the Global South, Morocco came to embody the possibility that a nation operating outside football’s traditional centers of power could challenge the established hierarchy without abandoning values deeply rooted in its own identity. Images of players embracing their mothers after victories, the importance given to family, and the respect shown toward opponents throughout the tournament resonated in ways that athletic performance alone rarely achieves.

Competitiveness, humility, and attachment to deeply held values combined to create a powerful sense of identification. That helps explain why Morocco inspired support far beyond its own borders.

Looking back, the 2022 World Cup stands out as a genuine turning point. It did not, by itself, redefine Morocco’s place in the world. What it did accomplish was introducing much of international public opinion to a modern Morocco—confident in its identity, proud of its history, and already engaged in a far-reaching process of transformation.

When Performance Becomes an International Language

Morocco’s 1–1 draw with Brazil at the 2026 FIFA World Cup lends itself to a reading that reaches well beyond football. For decades, African national teams were largely viewed through the prism of isolated upsets against the sport’s established powers. Morocco now appears to have moved beyond that perception. Consistent results over several years have established the image of a team capable of competing regularly with the world’s elite.

This evolution reflects a broader pattern often found in international affairs. A country’s status rarely changes because of a single success. It changes when success ceases to be viewed as exceptional. The result against Brazil therefore says less about an unexpected sporting achievement than about Morocco’s growing place within world football’s established hierarchy.

The real shift is not that Morocco earned a result against Brazil. It is that such a result has become part of normal expectations.

The Foundations of Influence

Morocco’s growing stature on the football field is also the product of sustained investment in talent development. The Mohammed VI Football Academy has become one of the clearest expressions of that long-term strategy. With some of Africa’s most advanced training facilities, an integrated sports medicine center, and highly qualified coaching staff, the academy has helped build a generation of players capable of competing in the world’s leading leagues. The objective has never been limited to short-term success. It has been to establish the conditions for Moroccan football to remain competitive over time.

The success of this development model now extends well beyond the senior national team. Morocco won its first FIFA U-20 World Cup by defeating Argentina 2–0 in the final of the 2025 tournament in Chile. This dynamic illustrates the depth of the country’s football structure and suggests that recent achievements are part of a broader trajectory rather than an isolated cycle. The ability to produce successive generations of highly competitive players has become one of the defining features of Moroccan football.

Few countries possess the ability to inspire such diverse audiences. Morocco’s history, geography, and human ties connect it simultaneously to Africa, Europe, the Arab world, the Mediterranean basin, and, increasingly, the Atlantic community. Football has made that distinctive position visible in a way that few other instruments could.

A broader picture also emerges. Morocco’s achievements on the pitch have encouraged many foreign observers to look beyond football and discover a country they previously understood only in part. Behind the national team stands a state investing heavily in modern infrastructure, expanding its international partnerships, and strengthening its role across Africa while deepening its engagement throughout the Mediterranean.

Football has become one of the clearest expressions of that broader trajectory. It has drawn international attention to developments that were already reshaping the country.

It likewise strengthens one of Morocco’s most effective sources of soft power. Without replacing diplomacy, economic policy, or cultural outreach, football helps shape how the Kingdom is perceived abroad. Sporting success, world-class infrastructure, the organization of international competitions, and the presence of Moroccan players in Europe’s leading clubs all enhance the country’s visibility among audiences that may have little direct interest in political or economic affairs. Football has therefore become another instrument through which Morocco projects influence beyond its borders.

In today’s international environment, influence is measured not only by the ability to deter, but also by the capacity to inspire, attract, and unite. A successful national team can sometimes do more to strengthen a country’s international standing than demonstrations of hard power that no one hopes to witness.

Football, however, does not operate in a strategic vacuum. Its impact forms part of a broader national trajectory in which diplomacy, economic policy, institutional reform, and international partnerships reinforce one another.

Morocco’s return to the African Union in 2017, the expansion of its economic engagement across Sub-Saharan Africa, the implementation of major strategic infrastructure projects, and the consolidation of its diplomatic position on several regional issues all reflect a broader transformation whose significance extends far beyond sport.

The same pattern is evident in Morocco’s ability to organize major sporting events. The Africa Cup of Nations confirmed the results of years of investment in stadiums, transportation networks, and supporting infrastructure. Tournament management, logistical coordination, hospitality, and operational efficiency demonstrated capabilities already visible in other sectors of national development. The experience further strengthened Morocco’s credibility within international sporting institutions while reinforcing its reputation as a country capable of hosting events of global significance.

From Recognition to Projection

Against this backdrop, the decision to award the 2030 FIFA World Cup jointly to Morocco, Spain, and Portugal carries particular importance. Beyond its symbolic value, the decision reflects confidence in Morocco’s organizational capacity and in the institutional ecosystem that has been developed over many years.

In addition, the tournament carries a broader civilizational meaning. Its Moroccan, Spanish, and Portuguese framework creates a new narrative connecting Africa, Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic. For Morocco, this configuration reinforces the image of a country located at the intersection of these spaces and capable of transforming geography, history, and culture into instruments of dialogue, visibility, and influence.

Hosting one of the world’s most watched events requires more than modern stadiums. It demands political stability, efficient institutions, and the ability to coordinate complex operations over an extended period.

For that reason, the 2030 World Cup represents far more than another sporting milestone.  It will serve as a large-scale test of credibility as well. For several weeks, Morocco will be observed by billions of viewers, thousands of businesses, and hundreds of official delegations. Few international events offer such an opportunity to showcase a country’s transformation before a truly global audience.

Morocco’s experience reflects another broader international trend. An increasing number of states now use major sporting events to support their integration into global political and economic networks. China’s Olympic Games, Qatar’s hosting of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, and Saudi Arabia’s expanding sports strategy all illustrate this evolution. Sport has become a platform through which countries project national ambition and shape how they are perceived abroad.

Morocco’s trajectory nevertheless stands apart. Unlike countries whose sporting influence depends primarily on financial resources, Morocco benefits from a combination of history, geography, and culture that allows it to engage multiple regions simultaneously. Few countries occupy such a position. At a time when the international system is increasingly fragmented by geopolitical rivalries, economic competition, and identity politics, that characteristic has acquired growing strategic value.

Football ultimately raises a broader question about the changing nature of power itself. For decades, influence was measured largely through military capabilities, economic resources, and demographic weight. Those factors remain fundamental, yet they cannot fully account for how countries are perceived today. The emerging international landscape increasingly rewards countries able to connect regions, facilitate exchanges, and build relationships across political, economic, and cultural divides.

From that standpoint, Morocco’s evolution may signal the emergence of what could be described as a connective power. Unlike traditional middle powers, a connective power derives its influence less from the resources it controls than from its ability to connect regions, facilitate exchanges, and create strategic interfaces between political, economic, and cultural spaces. Its comparative advantage lies not in domination, but in connectivity.

Football represents only one expression of that broader transformation. Infrastructure development, Atlantic initiatives, expanding African economic partnerships, growing human mobility, and the country’s capacity to host major international events all reinforce the same strategic trajectory. Taken together, they point toward a distinctive role for Morocco within the emerging international order.

Football, then, accompanies a much deeper national transformation. It reflects Morocco’s gradual evolution from a respected regional partner into a country whose initiatives and ambitions increasingly attract attention well beyond its immediate neighborhood. The Kingdom’s Atlantic vision, its expanding role across Africa, continuing investment in infrastructure, and ability to host major international gatherings all belong to the same strategic narrative.

The geopolitical importance of football lies precisely in its ability to make visible changes that often develop far from public attention. Sporting achievements can reveal broader shifts in economic development, diplomatic influence, and a country’s strategic positioning.

For Morocco, football has become one of the clearest mirrors of a broader national ambition. It is neither the source nor the principal driver of the Kingdom’s rise. Rather, it provides one of its most visible expressions. As Morocco strengthens its position between Africa, Europe, and the Atlantic, football continues to reflect changes that extend well beyond the sporting arena.

Behind the achievements of the Atlas Lions lies a Royal Vision that places human development at the center of national progress while pursuing a broader ambition: establishing Morocco as a connective power capable of linking Africa, Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic.

Football did not transform Morocco’s place in the world. It simply made that transformation impossible to ignore.

Egypt’s foreign ministry used carefully calibrated language on Monday to restate a familiar position: unwavering support for Sudan’s “unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity” and for its “national institutions, particularly the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).” Framed as a rejection of “parallel entities” seeking to form an alternative government in exile, the statement is another sign that Cairo is tying its Sudan policy ever more tightly to General Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan and the SAF as the country’s civil war grinds into yet another year.

Behind the diplomatic phrasing lies a blunt political choice. Since the outbreak of fighting between the SAF and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023, Egypt has emerged as one of the army’s main regional backers, both politically and—according to multiple reports—quietly in security terms. Egyptian officials insist they are defending Sudanese state institutions against militia fragmentation and external meddling, a message they repeat in multilateral forums and joint communiqués with Burhan’s Transitional Sovereignty Council.

From Cairo, the stakes in Sudan are seen as existential rather than abstract. Egyptian analysts routinely describe the stability of their southern neighbour as a vital national security concern, citing fears of refugee flows, arms smuggling and jihadist safe havens along the porous border. Control of the Nile is an even deeper driver: since the 2019 fall of Omar al‑Bashir, Egypt has intensified security and military coordination with Khartoum to counter Ethiopia’s upstream Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and preserve its historic water share.

There is also a clear regime‑security affinity, however misguided that affinity might be. Burhan, a career officer who trained in Cairo and maintains close ties with Egyptian generals, represents a familiar authoritarian model for President Abdel Fattah el‑Sisi, himself a former general who came to power after a coup in 2013. Supporting the SAF fits Egypt’s long‑standing pattern of siding with Sudan’s army “whoever is in charge of it,” and buttresses Cairo’s broader preference for strong central militaries over messy civilian transitions across the region.

Officially, Egypt insists it is not a party to Sudan’s war. Sisi has repeatedly pledged “non‑interference,” and Cairo frames its role as limited to mediation, humanitarian aid, and hosting millions of Sudanese fleeing the conflict. Egyptian troops captured by the RSF at Merowe airbase in April 2023 were described as participants in pre‑scheduled joint exercises, not combat operations, a spin that few international observers bought.

The line between deterrent presence and de facto involvement has become increasingly blurred. Analysts note years of intensifying joint drills, intelligence cooperation and arms ties between the two militaries since 2019. Think‑tanks and regional media have reported unconfirmed Egyptian airstrikes on RSF positions and possible targeting of gold‑mining camps in northern Sudan, amid allegations by RSF leaders that Cairo is providing drones and tactical support to the SAF—claims Egypt denies. The pattern points towards at the very least a protective security umbrella for Burhan’s forces, far beyond the strict neutrality Cairo proclaims.

Yet in Burhan Egypt is backing a very risky partner. By hinging its Sudan strategy almost entirely on the SAF and Burhan’s sovereignty council, Egypt is betting on a man and an institution that look increasingly incapable of reunifying the country. The war has left tens of thousands dead, displaced over 14 million people, and pushed parts of Sudan towards famine, with the army losing and regaining territory in a grinding stalemate against the RSF. Burhan’s own legitimacy is deeply contested: he led the 2021 coup that derailed a fragile civilian‑military power‑sharing agreement, and his government is widely seen by pro‑democracy groups as a continuation of military dominance rather than a path to elections.

Cairo’s categorical rejection of “parallel governments” sounds like a defence of state unity, but in practice it risks delegitimising genuine civilian coalitions seeking to organise outside the SAF‑RSF binary. By equating Sudan’s “national institutions” with the existing military leadership, Egypt narrows the political horizon and sidelines the broad civilian forces that led the 2018–2019 uprising—precisely the actors most likely to provide a sustainable, inclusive settlement. If the SAF continues to fragment on the battlefield or loses further territorial control, Cairo may find that its red lines have locked it into defending a shrinking power centre with dwindling popular backing.

There is also a long‑term reputational cost. Egypt positions itself as a mediator through formats such as the “Quad”, and hosts conferences of Sudanese civil and political actors in Cairo. But as long as its public diplomacy is tethered to explicit promises that it “will not be lax or late in supporting the legitimate Sudanese government” under Burhan, that positioning is scarcely credible. On the contrary, Egypt has decisively and actively allied itself to Sudan’s military junta.

Canberra says tech platforms are still letting too many children bypass its under-16 social media ban.

Australia says it will double fines on social media companies that fail to keep children off their platforms, accusing Big Tech of dodging the spirit of its under-16 ban.

The government said on Saturday that new legislation would raise the maximum penalty for systemic breaches from 49.5 million to 99 million Australian dollars ($31m to $68m) and give the eSafety Commissioner stronger powers to force platforms to comply.

The regulator is investigating possible breaches by Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok and YouTube.

“It’s clear Big Tech are not doing enough to comply with the law – there are still too many children on social media,” Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said.

“These changes reflect the seriousness with which we take any failure by social media companies to comply.”

The ban, which came into force on December 10, made Australia a global test case for countries trying to curb children’s access to social media. The United Kingdom, Indonesia, the United Arab Emirates and New Zealand are among those watching or considering similar restrictions.

But children have continued to evade the rules by using accounts registered to older people, creating fake profiles or logging in through private browsers.

A peer-reviewed evaluation published this month in the British Medical Journal found “insufficient evidence” that the ban had sharply reduced social media use among young people. Researchers surveyed more than 400 children before the measure took effect and again three months later, finding “substantial circumvention” of the rules.

The government says more than five million accounts held by under-16s have been blocked, but Communications Minister Anika Wells said platforms were still falling short.

“Based on the regular updates I receive from the eSafety Commissioner, it is clear to me that social media platforms are adopting tricks straight out of the Big Tech playbook and doing the bare minimum to get by,” Wells said.

“Social media platforms are some of the richest and most powerful companies in the world, and we’re serious about holding them to account,” she added.

The new powers would allow the eSafety Commissioner to demand documents and evidence from platforms, age-checking companies and app stores.

Platforms must show they have taken “reasonable steps” to keep under-16s out. Some use artificial intelligence to estimate ages, while users can also verify their age with a government ID.

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s caption reads:

An officer walks past a Royal Air Force Harrier GR7 ground attack jet, from the 2nd/4th Wing RAF Cottesmore, parked inside a hardened shelter at a base in an undisclosed location in the Gulf 04 March 2003 AFP PHOTO/POOL/Chris Helgren (Photo by CHRIS HELGREN / REUTERS POOL / AFP) (Photo by CHRIS HELGREN/REUTERS POOL/AFP via Getty Images)

• If you want to talk politics, do so respectfully and know that there’s always somebody that isn’t going to agree with you. 
• If you have political differences, hash it out respectfully, stick to the facts, and no childish name-calling or personal attacks of any kind. If you can’t handle yourself in that manner, then please, discuss virtually anything else.
• No drive-by garbage political memes. No conspiracy theory rants. Links to crackpot sites will be axed, too. Trolling and shitposting will not be tolerated. No obsessive behavior about other users. Just don’t interact with folks you don’t like. 
• Do not be a sucker and feed trolls! That’s as much on you as on them. Use the mute button if you don’t like what you see.  
• So unless you have something of quality to say, know how to treat people with respect, understand that everyone isn’t going to subscribe to your exact same worldview, and have come to terms with the reality that there is no perfect solution when it comes to moderation of a community like this, it’s probably best to just move on. 
• Finally, as always, report offenders, please. This doesn’t mean reporting people who don’t share your political views, but we really need your help in this regard.

Every morning Marisol Winfrey Herrera’s three-and-a-half-year-old daughter Jo reminds her to turn off the tap while washing her hands and brushing her teeth.

When they leave home, she reminds her mother to keep a bottle of ice with them to offer it to homeless people, who they sometimes find wilting in the Tucson heat. At first, they press the ice-filled bottles on the homeless folks to help them revive, then they offer the water to drink and hydrate. At her daycare, Jo is taught water-saving habits to combat Tucson’s soaring heat.

It is what prompted Herrera to join No Desert Data Center, a residents’ group that opposes two large data centres coming up on either side of Tucson – the $3.6bn project on the city’s southeast edge and a $5bn project on its northwest side in the town of Marana, together known as Project Blue.

The group believes these would consume more water and power than the city set in the Sonoran Desert can afford.

“We are in the middle of a 30-year drought, which is now an extreme drought,” says Lisa Shipek, co-executive director of the Watershed Management Group, a Tucson-based nonprofit.

“Water was a unifying theme in our campaign. The Colorado River cuts are looming, and this project would take water away,” Herrera told Al Jazeera.

Water flows in the Colorado River, which provides much of Tucson’s water through the Central Arizona Project canal system, have dropped by 20 percent since the year 2000 compared with water flows in the 20th century due to climate change, melting snow caps and warmer weather, making water cuts to Tucson imminent as the state could face as much as 77 percent water cuts.

“We say Not One Drop for data centres,” says Herrera, speaking of the campaign’s particularly emotive appeal for residents as water cuts get deeper and temperatures rise, with Tucson recording the warmest weather in 125 years last July and August.

Beale Infrastructure, a San Francisco-based company that is owned by investment management company Blue Owl in New York, had asked the city of Tucson to acquire 290 acres that were outside city limits for Project Blue. That would make it the city’s largest water consumer and among its largest power consumers. Beale did not respond to an emailed request for comment.

But at city council meetings, City Councillor Kevin Dahl began seeing hundreds of residents turn up to express their opposition to the project.

“Not for many issues do we get so much response,” he said. Herrera was among those who went.

Pitting environment against unions

At council meetings, Beale executives proposed that Project Blue could be the economic engine the city needed. It would create a few thousand jobs for construction workers, ironmongers, plumbers and other such workers during the construction of the project and a few hundred after that.

“Sometimes people travel as far as Phoenix for work,” Dahl said about Arizona’s largest city, which is nearly a two-hour drive from Tucson.

The project could bring jobs closer. Beale also expected the project to generate nearly $250m in taxes for the city, county and state in the first 10 years.

This left councillors with a difficult decision to make, weighing the project’s economic benefits against allocating it a share of the city’s increasingly scarce water and power.

Activists also raised concerns about whether Tucson Electric Power (TEP), the power utility, would raise rates for consumers so it could expand capacity to provide power for Project Blue. After raising rates by 10 percent in 2023, TEP proposed a 14 percent rate hike in June 2025 for grid upgrades made in the previous year.

Lee Ziesche, an activist from the Democratic Socialists of America who is campaigning to make TEP a public utility, said Project Blue could “lead to higher temperatures and higher rates” because of the heat island effect of the air conditioners and higher rates for power.

She often hears from residents that a rate hike would make it hard to pay bills or put on air conditioning, even as the number of 100-degree Fahrenheit (37.8 degree-Celsius) days has increased in Tucson, which is among the hottest cities in the United States.

The same concerns of needing ramped-up air conditioning would plague data centres too, experts say.

“The viability of data centres in Arizona will always be subject to climate change and heat risks,” says Kate Gordon, chief executive of California Forward, a think tank that works on a sustainable economy.

“The heat in Arizona makes energy less efficient, and servers heat up, so projects will need higher amounts of water and cooling, which developers have to balance against a possibly lower real estate and labour cost,” she said. “I am always amazed at how climate does not figure in business plans.”

Dahl and Andres Cano, a supervisor in Pima County, in which Tucson is located, had discussions with Beale representatives.

“We thought they would go elsewhere if the city did not acquire the land” for the project, Dahl said. Cano also came away with the same impression.

In August 2025, Tucson councillors voted unanimously not to acquire the land for the project or provide it with water and power. In December, Cano became one of only two supervisors in Pima County to oppose the project, and it was approved for construction in an unincorporated part of the county.

“It will create short-term construction jobs for what will ultimately be a project with few wins,” Cano said. “This pitted the environment and unions, but industry is not for unions. This will have just about 100 jobs when it is done.”

With no access to Tucson’s water supply, Beale decided to cool its servers with air conditioners rather than water and use a closed-loop water system, so it would recycle and reuse water.

But Vivek Bharathan, a spokesperson for the No Desert Data Center, said using air conditioners would increase power usage.

Nearly half of TEP’s power comes from fracking, he says. Data centre demand will only mean “more fracking somewhere else, climate and health consequences all along the way”.

The state’s largest data centre

Even as Project Blue was making its way through a fraught approval process, Beale announced another data centre project in the neighbouring farming town of Marana. It was to be spread over 600 acres (242 hectares), twice the size of Project Blue. The area was spread over two farm plots, one owned by the Mormon church and the other by a family trust of city council member, Herb Kai.

This project, too, is slated to bring thousands of construction jobs to a farming town as well as tax revenues.

But when Jackie McGuire, a mother of three and former Wall Street banker, heard about it, she and other residents launched a campaign to stop the land from being rezoned for a data centre. Residents wanted Marana to stay a farming town.

McGuire, who works as a research analyst, said the data centres’ servers and large air conditioners that would be installed to keep them running would raise the project’s cost and make Marana unbearably hot.

Temperatures rose by up to 2.2F (1.22C) downwind from data centres in the Phoenix area, a study published in May had found.

“The heat generated will be like one to two million space heaters,” McGuire says. “It can go up to 112 degrees [44.4C] here already. The heat island effect could make Marana uninhabitable.”

The Marana data centre will be provided power by TEP and Trico, which announced a 7.23 percent rate hike in January.

McGuire and other residents campaigned to have a referendum on whether the land could be rezoned for a data centre. Their plea was not successful, and the city council approved the rezoning of the land.

But the experience of the campaign had invigorated McGuire, and she decided to run for city council herself. The central issue of her campaign is to bring transparency to the data centre’s functioning.

Even as the campaigns in Pima County and Marana raged on, La Osa, the state’s largest data centre project, took shape in Tucson’s neighbouring Pinal County. The 3,300-acre project by the Vermaland real estate group was expected to house 59 data centres and two of its own natural gas facilities, as well as a utility-scale battery storage system.

But residents worried about noise pollution from protracted project construction and a possible increase in power costs.

“I’m worried about the constituents in that area, about the power bills going up, even though you’re saying that they’re going to pay for it,” Pinal County Supervisor Rich Vitiello said in a board of supervisors meeting on May 27.

In the face of such opposition, a La Osa lawyer spoke at the meeting to say the project had been scaled down and would now house 11 data centres from the 59 planned earlier.

‘A straw to the aquifer’

Sharing limited water has long been an emotive issue in the state, and the looming Colorado River cuts and data centre projects have brought such concerns to a head.

Arizona fought one of the longest-running cases, stretching more than three decades, in the US Supreme Court over the sharing of Colorado River water with California. Eventually, Congress adjudicated to provide California with a greater share of the water, which turbocharged its economic growth.

“No water can flow into Tucson and Phoenix unless California gets its full share,” says Jason Robison, co-director of the Gina Guy Center for Land and Water Law at the University of Wyoming College of Law.  “Arizona has always been in a tough spot.”

It strengthened the state’s long-held tradition of conservation.

“Arizona communities have been preparing for the drought conditions we see today since 1980,” a spokesperson for the Arizona Department of Water Resources said in an emailed response.

Authorities have curtailed lawns in Tucson, he said, and educational campaigns of the kind Herrera’s daughter underwent are the norm.

It has meant that groundwater reserves go deep, and homeowners are assured of a water supply before it is given to data centres or farms.

“The use by data centres is low compared to farm use, especially alfalfa and hay,” says Eric Kuhn, retired general manager of the Colorado River Water Conservation District and co-author of Science Be Dammed: How Ignoring Inconvenient Science Drained the Colorado River.

However, “data centres are not under the same rules to replenish water” as other industries, says Sharon Medgal, director of the Water Resources Research Center at the University of Arizona. “So it adds a straw to the aquifer.”

Arizona’s governor, Katie Hobbs, who is up for re-election in November, has represented to the Bureau of Reclamation that the state is home to essential industry, including semiconductors, space and data centres, and so needs a higher share of water from the Colorado River. Water, as well as its use for data centres, has been an important issue in primary races across the state.

Construction began for Project Blue at the end of April. No Desert Data Centers’ activists arrived just after dawn to protest. Within days, they found subcontractors bringing in water to control dust on site from construction. County authorities cited Beale.

Then Beale began digging wells on site after reportedly receiving permits allowing that from the Arizona Department of Water Resources. This is likely for 31,000 gallons  (more than 117,000 litres) a year, which is just enough for toilets and kitchens and will likely be recycled for reuse after.

“This may not yet be a winning story,” Bharathan, the spokesperson for the No Desert Data Center, said. “But it is a continuing story.”

Tiny Cape Verde have become the history makers of World Cup 2026 by defying all odds to become the smallest country to earn a spot in the knockout stages of the competition.

Their improbable run through the group stage, with a third straight World Cup draw, was completed with a 0-0 draw against Saudi Arabia on Friday night to advance in the tournament.

Keeping goal for Cape Verde throughout has been Vozinha, 40, who has embodied the grit of his nation.

“We are small, but we have big hearts and we are fighters,” said the goalkeeper, who last season played for Chaves in Portugal’s second tier.

The island nation off the western coast of Africa, which is making its debut on football’s grandest stage, already held 2010 champion Spain to a 0-0 draw – a shock in itself to begin their campaign.

They then came from behind to get a 2-2 result against Uruguay – the winners of the inaugural World Cup in 1930.

“The team was very eager to show this to the whole world,” Cape Verde coach Bubista said while draped in his country’s flag after the Saudi Arabia game.

“We are proud of having arrived at this stage. We have shown that we are a small country, but that we fight for the things that we want to achieve.”

Cape Verde’s three points put the team in second place behind Spain, which beat Uruguay on Friday night and won the group.

Cape Verde will play reigning World Cup champion Argentina in Miami on July 3.

Drawing all three group matches doesn’t guarantee advancement at major football tournaments, but several teams have done it in the past. Those include: Wales in 1958, Ireland and the Netherlands in 1990, and Chile in 1998. New Zealand, however, also got three draws at the 2010 World Cup and were eliminated.

On the eve of the match, Bubista mused, “Everyone is entitled to dream and nothing is impossible.”

The Blue Sharks proved him right, overcoming seemingly insurmountable odds as this country of just  530,000 reached the round of 32.

A woman, her face painted with a flag of the archipelago, held a sign that read: “Small Islands, Big Dreams,” a dream that these underdogs have made reality as they continue their charmed run on the world stage.

They did it with another strong game from Vozinha, whose tournament success has helped him amass more than 16 million Instagram followers.

He had a save in first-half stoppage time, grabbing a header from Mohamed Kanno to keep Saudi Arabia scoreless. Another save came in the 66th minute when he leaped to deflect a shot from Mohammed Abu al-Shamat.

A third came in the 92nd minute when he stopped a shot by Abdullah al-Hamdan.

“There is a lot of quality in our national team,” Vozinha said. “Maybe for many of you, you think the Cape Verdean player is not good enough. But we came here to show that we have a lot of quality and we are here to compete and our players can play everywhere in the big competition, in the big leagues.”

A group of shirtless men in the crowd each painted one letter of his name on their chests as they cheered Cape Verde.

But Vozinha had a much bigger fan among the crowd of 68,278 as his mother Ana Candida Evora watched from a luxury suite, waving a tiny Cape Verde flag. It was her second match of the tournament after missing Vozinha’s epic seven-save performance against Spain because of visa issues.

Cape Verde had a chance to score in the 50th minute, but Kevin Pina’s shot from distance was just above the crossbar. Another chance came in the 74th minute when Laros Duarte’s shot from the middle of the box was stopped by goalkeeper Mohammed al-Owais.

A last chance to score came in the final seconds when Nuno da Costa sent a shot from the middle of the box wide left.

But it didn’t matter because a couple of minutes after the final whistle, Spain completed its victory over Uruguay and set off a joyous celebration among Cape Verde’s players and fans, many of whom cried as they rejoiced.

Having led his squad to new heights, Bubista was asked if he could have imagined such a run entering the tournament.

“I’ve always said that sooner or later Cape Verde would be on such a stage,” he said. “Of course, it’s hard to have such a forecast, but I always knew.”

Saudi Arabia were eliminated after finishing with two points in the group stage.

“We were very poor in terms of creating things, controlling the game and creating actions,” coach Georgios Donis said. “And one cannot win a game this way. It would be very difficult.”

This is the moment rescuers pulled a newborn baby from beneath the rubble of a collapsed building, after two deadly earthquakes hit Venezuela.

Videos shared on social media show rescuers in the city of La Guaira moving the baby away from the rubble and handing it over to a man, who appears to be the father. The mother was also pulled alive from the rubble a while later, AFP reports.

Rescue efforts are continuing in the country, after back-to-back quakes struck the country, killing at least 920 people and injuring more than 3,360.

More on this story.

The 2026 World Cup will have 13 different kickoff times. You can use the Al Jazeera Sport widget to find out exactly when your team is playing in your local time.

Who: Colombia vs Portugal
What: FIFA World Cup 2026 Group K match
Where: Hard Rock Stadium, Miami
When: Saturday, 7:30pm local time (23:30 GMT)
How to follow: We’ll have all the build-up on Al Jazeera Sport from 20:30 GMT ahead of our live text commentary stream.

One of the biggest group games of the 2026 World Cup takes place in Miami on Saturday when Colombia face Portugal in a battle of Group K’s top two.

Colombia, powered by Luis Diaz and Daniel Munoz, have already booked their ticket to the round of 32 as the current table-toppers, while Cristiano Ronaldo-led Portugal, who are second, are also assured of a knockout berth.

Those standings could change after Saturday’s fixture at Hard Rock Stadium, where a capacity crowd is expected after tickets reportedly sold for thousands of dollars.

Al Jazeera tells you everything you need to know about Colombia vs Portugal:

Portugal expect ‘away’ atmosphere in Miami

Spearheaded by the larger-than-life presence of superstar Ronaldo, Portugal are a huge and popular draw globally – but for this match, Colombia will hold the spectator edge at Hard Rock Stadium.

With hundreds of thousands of Colombian Americans living in ‌the Miami metropolitan area, the Colombian team has a partisan crowd behind them. In the lead-up, Portugal coach Roberto Martinez remarked that his side would be playing “away from home” while acknowledging the enormous hype around the final matchday for both teams.

Colombia vs Portugal is the most in-demand fixture of all 72 group-stage games, according to The Athletic, with five million ticket requests made in the first 24 hours of the Random Selection Draw in December.

“It means I had to buy tickets for my family in November,” Martinez quipped when asked about the fan dedication. “That’s what it means, because I knew it was going to be difficult to get tickets.”

“I think it’s fascinating. The passion of the game in a difficult moment in the world. Football still brings unity, it brings passion, it brings inspiration for the kids … So I hope football wins and inspiration of anyone that watches the game.”

While Colombia have reached ⁠the knockout stages with six points from two games, Portugal sit second on four points and are all but through. Finishing second could give them a tougher path in the knockout stage, with England or Croatia potential opponents.

Colombia coach warns team against Ronaldo, Vitinha

Colombia coach Nestor Lorenzo said his team will need “special tactical discipline” against Portugal, whom he considers one of the favourites to win the tournament. The Colombians need to avoid defeat to advance as group winners, but Lorenzo was taking nothing for granted against the No 5 side in the FIFA world rankings.

“We’ll try to maintain our style and our footballing identity,” he said.

“But without a doubt, we have to pay attention to the other characteristics and strengths [that Portugal] has. It’s a very well-coached team. They have a coach and players who are at the elite level of world football … and ‌that shows in their game.”

Lorenzo also said Colombia will be wary of the threat posed by Ronaldo, who scored twice in the last match, and Vitinha, the defensive midfielder known for his ball control, work rate and playmaking abilities.

“Both Vitinha and Ronaldo are decisive players. One in the organisation of the game and the quality of his playmaking, and the other in finishing,” he added. “So we absolutely cannot leave them alone or neglect them. Hopefully, the team collective will be well-oiled.”

Colombia are set to feature in the World Cup knockouts for the first time since 2018, having failed to qualify for the 2022 World Cup in Qatar.

Colombia vs Portugal prediction

Opta’s supercomputer has calculated a 48.9 percent probability of Portugal winning this fixture, while Colombia is assessed a 26 percent chance of victory. There is a 25.1 percent probability of the game ending in a draw.

Overall, Colombia are favourites to finish on top of Group G, with a 53.32 percent probability, according to Opta.

Colombia vs Portugal: Kickoff time, TV channel

• Colombia: DSPORTS, RCN TELEVISION SA, CARACOL, DGO (6:30pm Colombia Standard Time)
• Portugal: RTP 1, RTP Play, LiveModeTV, SPORT.TV5 (00:30am on Sunday, Western European Summer Time)
• United Kingdom: BBC iPlayer, BBC One, Red Button 1 (00:30 am on Sunday, British Summer Time)
• USA: FOX, FOX One, Telemundo App, Telemundo Network, Peacock, (7:30pm, Eastern Daylight Time)

To check the TV listings for your country, head to FIFA’s TV listing schedule here.

What’s the scenario in Group K?

Colombia (six points) and Portugal (four points) are assured of a round of 32 berth each as the top two teams. The Democratic Republic of the Congo are third with one point, and Uzbekistan bottom with zero.

The top two teams from each of the 12 groups, along with the eight best third-placed teams, will proceed to the round of 32.

DR Congo have to beat Uzbekistan to stand a chance of advancing via the third-place team route.

Can Portugal finish on top of Group K?

Yes, Portugal can topple Colombia from first place in Group K if they beat the South Americans. Currently, they have a two-point difference.

If Portugal draw with Colombia or lose to them, Ronaldo’s side will remain second.

What’s the benefit of winning a group?

Group winners start their knockout campaign against a third-placed team from another group.

In this case, the Group G winner will face a third-placed team from Group D, E, I, J or L in the round of 32 in Kansas City on July 3.

Form guide

(Last five games, latest first)

Colombia: W-W-W-W-L

Portugal: W-D-W-W-W

Both teams have a solid record over the last five matches, with Portugal edging Colombia with an unbeaten streak over that period.

Portugal thrashed Uzbekistan 5-0 and were held to a 1-1 draw by DR Congo in the first game of the World Cup. They defeated Nigeria and Chile in pre-World Cup friendlies and beat the USA in a March friendly.

Colombia defeated DR Congo 1-0 and Uzbekistan 3-1 at the tournament. Before that, they beat Jordan and Costa Rica in June friendlies but lost to France in a March exhibition fixture.

Colombia vs Portugal: Team news

No injuries have been reported by either Colombia or Portugal.

Colombia predicted lineup

(4-3-3): Vargas (goalkeeper); Munoz, Sanchez, Lucumi, Mojica; Puerta, Lerma, Arias; Rodriguez, Suarez, Diaz

Portugal predicted lineup

(4-2-3-1): Costa (goalkeeper); Cancelo, Dias, Veiga, Mendes; Neves, Vitinha; Neto, Fernandes, Felix, Ronaldo

Seattle, United States – There were goals. There were jubilations and heartbreak. There were raucous crowds, confrontations and comradery. There were protests, politics and Palestinian flags. There was a missed penalty. There was joy. There was disappointment.

Egypt’s 1-1 draw with Iran in Seattle at the FIFA World Cup on Friday had it all. Iran is still in contention to qualify as one of the eight best third-place finishers, depending on Saturday’s results.

Wild celebrations among the Egyptian fans erupted outside the stadium after the match, as the country proceeded past the World Cup group stages for the first time.

“The feeling is outstanding,” Daniel Salib, who was draped with an Egyptian flag, told Al Jazeera.

“After this game, and the game we played against New Zealand, and how we played against Belgium, we absolutely deserve it. So, I couldn’t be more proud of this country and this team.”

Egypt survived a late Iranian onslaught that saw Team Melli, as the Iran team is known, hit the woodwork and have a goal chalked off by VAR for offside.

Iran also had a penalty saved in the first half, but the entire match was action-packed, going blow-for-blow.

Iran supporter Saeed Nassef said he was disappointed with Friday’s result but hopeful that Iran would still make it through to the round of 32, all depending on the results of Sunday night’s games.

“The Iranian team did a beautiful job. They faced a lot of hardship, but we’re really happy how they played,” Nassef told Al Jazeera.

Protests

Protesters against the Iranian government had gathered outside the stadium, waving US and Israeli flags and holding up photos of Iranian opposition figure Reza Pahlavi.

Nassef, who carried the official Iranian flag, which features the name of God, was one of several fans who told Al Jazeera they faced harassment from opposition activists.

“We’re here to support the team. We’re here to support sports… It’s not cool for people to come here and say bad things because we are here to support the players. We want some happiness,” he said.

After the match, Al Jazeera witnessed a confrontation between antigovernment activists and a supporter carrying an Iranian flag.

The protesters hurled insults at the fan, calling him a “terrorist” and saying he should leave the country. They also engaged in expletive-laden Islamophobic chants.

The fan, who identified himself by his first name only as Milad, approached a man leading the chants on a megaphone and criticising Team Melli fans. He stood inches away from the protester before police officers intervened to pull them apart.

“My issue is not political. My issue is: Players, they play for the country, they play for the people. I support the people. That’s it,” Milad said.

“Good or bad, it doesn’t matter. Our people went and they tried to create joy for other people, and that’s all that matters,” he added.

But the commotion did little to overshadow the nearby festivities where Egyptians had gathered, singing and dancing at their country’s historic moment.

Electric atmosphere

Inside the stadium, the atmosphere was electric throughout the match – not an empty seat, not a quiet moment.

When the first half concluded, several sets of Iranian and Egyptian fans started taking pictures together.

The players also showed support for each other. After the final whistle, several Egyptian players consoled their Iranian counterparts, who were visibly upset with the result.

Throughout the 90 minutes, spectators appeared to be alternating in their chants between “Iran, Iran” and “Misr, Misr”, Arabic for Egypt, rather than chanting over each other.

There were a few pre-Islamic revolution Iranian flags in the crowd – featuring a regal lion and sun – but they were far outnumbered by the country’s official flag.

Some people waved LGBTQ+ pride flags and rainbow paraphernalia, due to the game being designated the World Cup’s “Pride Match”. But there did not appear to be any problems in the stadium, despite the hype around the issue.

The Egypt supporters boasted their ancient heritage with pharaohs’ headdresses and outfits.

“We’re so proud to be Egyptian and so proud of our national team,” said Karim Elshabini, who was sporting a gold and black pharaoh’s headpiece and a red Egypt football top.

“It feels amazing. Everybody’s vibing really well. People are really cool. The Egyptian fans, the Iranian fans, we’re all having a really good time.”

There were numerous Palestinian flags at the match, including a couple that were prominently displayed behind the goals.

Egypt fan Bilal Ali, who brought a Palestinian flag to the stadium, told Al Jazeera he would like to keep politics out of football, but with Israeli atrocities continuing in Gaza and elsewhere, he could not remain silent.

“I feel guilty sometimes when I get to [see] the game and our people in Palestine just get bombed and killed,” Ali added.

Several Egyptian and Iranian fans shouted “Free Palestine” as they walked past Ali with his flag.

‘Minab 168’

There was more than football at the game.

Hameed, an Iranian fan who wished to be identified by his first name only, wore a shirt that said Minab 168.

The message is meant to honour the victims of the school in southern Iran that was bombed on the first day of the US-Israel war on the country.

“I just want to remind the world that the plight of these kids who were bombed, either intentionally or not intentionally, should not be forgotten,” Hameed told Al Jazeera.

“This is why we should not have wars.”

He added that there must be a credible investigation into the incident.

“Politics aside, humanity needs to survive, and the only way to do it, whether the kids are being blown up in Palestine, in Lebanon, in Iran, in Sudan, in Congo, we’ve got to protect them,” Hameed said.

Political statements, flags and protests aside, at the final whistle, the moment belonged to Egypt with a historic sporting achievement.

“Seeing your country after all these years of cheering them, all the highs and lows, finally putting in all the high, good effort and getting good results is a surreal feeling,” said Rafael Youssef, who had the colours of the Egyptian flag painted on his cheek.

“I’m very happy for them, very happy to be here with them.”

At least 920 people are confirmed dead and more than 51,000 missing after two earthquakes struck Venezuela on Wednesday.

Rescuers are racing against time in Venezuela, three days after two powerful earthquakes struck, with at least 920 people confirmed dead and more than 51,000 still missing.

The twin, magnitude 7.2 and 7.5 quakes hit on Wednesday, devastating the coastal area around La Guaira, where authorities moved on Friday night to restrict access as traffic chaos began to hamper search efforts.

With a scarcity of government rescue teams, Venezuelans have become desperate in the hardest-hit areas, digging through rubble with their hands, with aid agencies warning the critical 72-hour survival window is closing fast.

Officials said anyone who wants to enter the area around La Guaira would now have to seek official permits, but provided few details of who would be allowed in.

People reported seeing few state rescue teams in the hardest-hit areas, despite authorities projecting an image of a robust government response.

“Each person saved is a miracle,” said Jorge Rodriguez, president of the National Assembly.

“We are not going to hide absolutely anything about the magnitude of this tragedy.”

Government forces distributed food and water to survivors in La Guaira, and Acting President Delcy Rodriguez said her government was mounting a full response during these “critical hours for rescuing people alive”.

She welcomed the arrival of international rescuers and humanitarian aid.

Rodriguez said La Guaira had been “militarised” and more help was on the way, even as residents said it was just a fraction of what they needed.

Rodriguez, the former vice president, took office in January after the United States captured and removed then-President Nicolas Maduro.

Venezuela has been facing economic disarray for more than a decade, and many people reject the legitimacy of the political movement Rodriguez represents.

‘People are still terrified to re-enter what were their homes’

The number of dead was expected to climb, as people reported tens of thousands of missing on independent digital databases.

Those figures likely included people who have been incommunicado due to the lack of phone signals, and some reports may be duplicates.

The number of injured was more than 3,300 as of midday Friday, and authorities said they had rescued 243 people.

The International Organization for Migration said up to 6.76 million people could be affected, some two million of them in Caracas alone.

The destruction was amplified by the quick succession of shallow quakes, experts said.

Loyce Pace, the International Red Cross regional director for the Americas, said “people are still terrified to re-enter what were their homes.”

Venezuelan authorities said 861 volunteers from Mexico, the US, El Salvador, Switzerland, Colombia and beyond were in the country, and more were coming from elsewhere.

US prosecutors reach into Somalia for a suspect in US fraud case.

Mogadishu, Somalia – United States prosecutors have reached across the world to seize a leading suspect in a Minnesota fraud case, arresting him in the Somali capital, Mogadishu.

Abdikerm Abdelahi Eidleh, 42, was taken into custody on Thursday, with US authorities announcing the arrest on Friday. His capture is the clearest sign yet that the pursuit of those behind the scheme has gone international.

Neither US nor Somali officials have disclosed how Eidleh was located. However, the Department of Justice said his arrest was the result of cooperation between the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Somalia’s National Intelligence and Security Agency.

Prosecutors describe Eidleh as the alleged second-in-command to Aimee Bock, the convicted mastermind of a scheme built around Feeding Our Future, a Minnesota nonprofit that channelled federal money meant to feed needy children during the COVID-19 pandemic.

In 2022, the US charged 47 people over a roughly $250m fraud that exploited a federal child-nutrition programme, the largest pandemic-relief fraud prosecuted in the country to that point.

Eidleh fled to Somalia as the scheme unravelled. Bock was recently sentenced to more than 40 years in prison.

According to prosecutors, Eidleh recruited operators into the scheme and collected bribes and kickbacks, often disguised as consulting fees and funnelled through shell companies.

He is accused of setting up his own meal sites under the names of stand-in owners, falsely claiming they were serving thousands of children a day, and inventing supplier firms to bill the government for food never delivered.

“This is a big fish,” US Attorney for Minnesota Daniel Rosen told CBS News, calling Eidleh a key figure who recruited businesses and paid bribes to loot public money.

Crackdown on Somali community

The Trump administration has seized on the Feeding Our Future case to target Minnesota’s Somali community, the largest in the country, with about 84,000 people of Somali descent in the Minneapolis-St Paul area.

Most were born in the US or are naturalised citizens.

Somalia was placed among a list of countries on Trump’s travel ban when he returned to power in 2025 and he has also threatened to revoke the citizenship of naturalised Americans convicted of fraud.

Late last year, he also described Somalis as “garbage” in one of his many rhetorical attacks on both Somalia and the Somali American community.

Federal immigration enforcement agents flooded the Minneapolis area, and two people were killed by ICE agents – Renee Good in early January and the nurse Alex Pretti weeks later – igniting weeks of protest.

In January, Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem moved to end Temporary Protected Status, a designation shielding people from deportation to dangerous homelands, for about 1,100 Somalis, ending protections that had stood since 1991.

A federal judge blocked the termination in March, and the legal fight continues.

A double strike from Arsenal’s Leandro Trossard against New Zealand carried Belgium to top of Group G, ahead of Egypt on goal difference.

Belgium defeated New Zealand 5-1 to book their place in the knockout rounds of the 2026 World Cup on Friday, eliminating the All Whites from the tournament. The result secured the European nation’s first win of the World Cup, as they finished on top of Group G in Vancouver.

A double strike from Arsenal’s Leandro Trossard and goals from Kevin De Bruyne, Romelu Lukaku and Alexis Saelemaekers carried Belgium into the last 32 in first place ahead of Egypt on goal difference.

Egypt claimed the runners-up spot after a 1-1 draw with Iran in Seattle. The Iranians finished third in the group and face an anxious wait to know about their knockout fate.

Belgium dominated a lopsided first half and had alarm bells ringing in the New Zealand defence early on when Trossard’s angled shot cannoned off the inside of the upright only to be cleared off the line by Tyler Bindon.

Belgium looked poised to take the lead moments later when Jordanian referee Adham Makhadmeh pointed to the penalty spot after Trossard’s shot hit the arm of covering defender Finn Surman.

But VAR sent Makhadmeh to the monitor to take another look at the decision, which was subsequently overturned and New Zealand breathed again.

Yet Belgium did not have long to wait before the breakthrough and again it was Trossard who proved to be in the right place at the right time, bundling home from close range after De Bruyne’s corner sowed panic in the six-yard box.

Trossard effectively made the game safe five minutes into the second half, controlling a rebound in a crowded area to volley home past New Zealand goalkeeper Max Crocombe at the near post.

De Bruyne then stroked home an elegant low finish in the 66th minute to make it 3-0, a crucial goal which saw the Belgians leapfrog over Egypt into first place on goal difference.

Yet there was to be a dramatic end when New Zealand’s Elijah Just volleyed home a consolation strike from the edge of the area to make it 3-1.

That could have been potentially costly, with the goal suddenly bumping Belgium down into second place.

But Lukaku nodded home his team’s fourth in the 86th minute with his first touch just a minute after coming on as a substitute to return Belgium to the top of the table.

Saelemaekers completed the scoring with a shot from the edge of the area.

Cape Verde’s stunning debut headlines the team list for the World Cup knockouts, which begin on Sunday in Los Angeles.

The 48-team FIFA World Cup is nearing the end of the group stage matches and moving towards the knockout stages, beginning on Sunday.

Only 32 teams will advance to the next round of football’s most prestigious tournament. The 2026 iteration in North America is the first time 48 teams have featured, and some debutants have already left their mark.

Here’s what you need to know about the round of 32:

What is the format of the World Cup knockouts?

The top two teams in each of the 12 groups, along with the eight best third-place finishers, advance to the knockouts.

The knockout phase begins with the round of 32, introduced at the World Cup following the tournament’s expansion from 32 to 48 teams.

Then comes the round of 16, followed by the quarterfinals, semifinals and a playoff for third place. The final is on July 19.

The stage-wise breakdown of the tournament’s knockout schedule is:

Round of 32: June 28 to July 3

Round of 16: July 4–7

Quarterfinals: July 9–11

Semifinals: July 14–15

Bronze medal match: July 18

Final: July 19

Which teams have qualified for the round of 32?

So far, 26 teams have punched their ticket to the knockouts. They include:

⚽️ Colombia

⚽️ Argentina

⚽️ France

⚽️ Norway

⚽️ Germany

⚽️ USA

⚽️ Mexico

⚽️ Switzerland

⚽️ Canada

⚽️ Brazil

⚽️ Morocco

⚽️ South Africa

⚽️ Ivory Coast

⚽️ Bosnia and Herzegovina

⚽️ Ecuador

⚽️ Netherlands

⚽️ Japan

⚽️ Sweden

⚽️ Australia

⚽️ Spain

⚽️ Cape Verde

⚽️ Paraguay

⚽️ Egypt

⚽️ England

⚽️ Ghana

⚽️ Portugal

FIFA World Cup 2026: Round of 32 full schedule

Sunday, June 28

• South Africa vs Canada, 12pm (19:00 GMT) — Los Angeles Stadium, USA

Monday, June 29

• Brazil vs Japan, 12pm (17:00 GMT) — Houston Stadium, USA
• Germany vs Paraguay, 4:30pm (20:30 GMT) — Boston Stadium, USA
• Netherlands vs Morocco, 7pm (01:00 GMT+1) — Estadio Monterrey, Mexico

Tuesday, June 30

• Ivory Coast vs Norway, 12pm (17:00 GMT) — Dallas Stadium, USA
• France vs Sweden, 5pm (22:00 GMT) — New York New Jersey Stadium, USA
• Mexico vs 3C/3E/3F/3H/3I, 7pm (02:00 GMT+1) — Mexico City Stadium, Mexico

Wednesday, July 1

• USA vs Bosnia and Herzegovina, 5pm (01:00 GMT+1) — San Francisco Stadium, USA
• 1L vs 3EHIJK, 12pm (16:00 GMT) — Atlanta Stadium, USA
• 1G vs 3AEHIJ, 1pm (20:00 GMT)— Seattle Stadium, USA

Thursday, July 2

• Spain vs 2J, 12pm (19:00 GMT) — Los Angeles Stadium, USA
• 2K vs 2L, 7pm (23:00 GMT) — Toronto Stadium, Canada
• Switzerland vs 3EFGIJ, 8pm (03:00 GMT+1) — Vancouver Stadium, Canada

Friday, July 3

• Australia vs 2G, 1pm (18:00 GMT) — Dallas Stadium, USA
• Argentina vs Cape Verde, 6pm (22:00 GMT) — Miami Stadium, USA
• 1K vs 3DEIJL, 8:30pm (01:30 GMT+1) — Kansas City Stadium, USA

The US has struck Iran for the first time since the two sides reached a Memorandum of Understanding on June 17. The US says it hit Iranian military sites amid claims Iran’s forces attacked a commercial ship in the Strait of Hormuz.

U.S. Central Command said it struck Iranian targets today in response to an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) attack on a cargo vessel exiting the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday. This marks the first U.S. kinetic response against Iran since Washington and Tehran signed a Memorandum of Understanding about a peace deal last Friday.

CENTCOM said the strikes were “a powerful response to yesterday’s attack on a commercial ship that was transiting the Strait of Hormuz.” The command added that “U.S. aircraft struck Iranian missile and drone storage locations and coastal radar sites after Iran hit M/V Ever Lovely on June 25 with a one-way attack drone. The Singapore-flagged cargo ship was exiting the Strait of Hormuz along the Omani coast at the time of Iran’s attack.”

That incident “clearly violated the ceasefire,” the command proclaimed. “Furthermore, Iran’s dangerous behavior undermined freedom of navigation as commerce increasingly flows through the vital international trade corridor.”

As we noted yesterday, the attack on the Ever Lovely prompted the U.N. International Maritime Organization (IMO) to pause its plan to evacuate hundreds of ships stuck in the Persian Gulf which has been largely closed since Iran was attacked by the U.S. and Israel.

Earlier on Friday, President Donald Trump told reporters “We’ll find out,” when asked if Iran faced any consequences for the ship attack.

Asked if he considered the ceasefire to still be in place, the president said: “I don’t like the fact that they took a shot yesterday. Actually, four, we knocked down three at a ship, not an allied ship, but a ship, a very expensive ship, and it was fine, but it took a little beating. They shouldn’t be doing that. You’ll find out.”

There was no immediate military response from Iran, a U.S. official told us. However, as we have reported in the past, these kinds of attacks have resulted in tit-for-tat kinetic actions between the two nations. We also do not know the level of command and control the Iranian government has over hardline IRGC elements and if these kinds of attacks are occurring independent of the government leadership’s wishes.

In its post on X, CENTCOM said its forces CENTCOM forces “continue to provide safe passage coordination and support to commercial vessels transiting the strait. The U.S. military remains present and vigilant to ensure all aspects of the agreement with Iran are adhered to, obeyed, and in full force and effect.”

The U.S. and Iran continue to negotiate over a future peace deal, but many sticking points remain, including how the country’s nuclear material will be dealt with and future nuclear operations monitored.

This is a developing story.

UPDATE: 5:56 PM EDT –

After the U.S. airstrikes, Iran reiterated that it will continue to hold at risk shipping in the Strait that does not follow its rules for transit.

“Iran has repeatedly stated that the situation in the Strait of Hormuz will not return to what it was before the U.S. attack on Iran,” the official Iranian IRIB media outlet stated on X. “Any transit through the Strait must follow the routes announced by Iran; otherwise, the security of vessels cannot be guaranteed.”

UPDATE: 8:05 PM EDT-

The IRGC Navy claims it “struck American military targets in the region in retaliation for earlier aggression against Iranian coastal areas,” the official Iranian Press TV media outlet reported.

“The force made the remarks in a statement issued on Friday, saying its reprisal ‘targeted the deployment sites of the US terrorist military in the region,’” the outlet added.

However, there was no visual proof provided of any attack.

CENTCOM declined comment.

Rescue workers in one Caracas neighbourhood say no help has arrived, two days after twin quakes tore through the city. Al Jazeera’s Noris Soto says aftershocks are making the search for survivors harder and rescue efforts are turning to the recovery of bodies.

Only competitions involving professional athletes will be held, with all other activities cancelled.

This weekend’s Diamond League track and field meeting in Paris will go ahead as planned despite the historic heatwave gripping the country and stretching emergency services, organisers said.

Hours after Paris police authorities said they wanted the event cancelled, the French Athletics Federation (FFA) confirmed on Friday that it would take place on Sunday at Charlety Stadium, in agreement with the police prefecture.

Citing the exceptional heat that has affected Paris since June 21, the police prefecture had asked organisers of the meet, and other events scheduled this weekend, including a music festival and a Pride march, to cancel.

The prefecture said it would be forced to comply with the order if they didn’t agree voluntarily, as emergency services needed to concentrate their efforts on protecting the most vulnerable people.

Noah Lyles, Femke Bol and Mondo Duplantis are among the athletes expected to compete in Paris.

The FFA, which organises the meet, said it would be staged in “an adapted format designed to ensure the safety of all participants”.

Only competitions involving professional athletes will be held, with all other activities cancelled.

“Since the beginning of this extreme weather event, the French Athletics Federation has been closely monitoring the situation in constant coordination with government authorities. The safety of athletes, coaches, volunteers, officials, spectators and all staff involved remains our highest priority,” the FFA said.

Among the measures put in place to mitigate the effects of the heat, the FFA cited delaying the opening of the stadium gates to the public, reinforcing medical and emergency services, and providing additional drinking water stations and shaded areas.

The average temperature recorded at 30 weather stations by the Meteo France weather agency on Thursday reached 30 degrees Celsius (86 degrees Fahrenheit) again, matching the record for the hottest day nationwide set the previous day.

More than three-quarters of France has been placed under a red weather alert for the first time.

The US has struck Iranian missile and drone storage sites in retaliation for what it says was an Iranian attack on a commercial ship in the Strait of Hormuz. The tit-for-tat has raised doubts about the stability of the US-Iran agreement, as Kimberly Halkett reports.

Gary and Sarah Andrews’s daughter Wynter died 23 minutes after she was delivered by Caesarean section at the Queen’s Medical Centre on 15 September 2019 after repeated warning signs of her being in distress had been missed.

Wynter died from a loss of oxygen flow to the brain – which an inquest found could have been prevented had staff delivered her earlier.

Sarah, 41, had been admitted to hospital on 14 September, six days after initially experiencing contractions.

The inquest heard the maternity unit was “busy” when she arrived, with information on the patient’s history not properly handed over to other staff at shift changes.

The inquest found Wynter may have survived if “multiple missed opportunities” had been spotted.

In what would become a recurring theme about warning signs being missed, the coroner cited a 2018 letter from midwives to bosses at the trust, outlining concerns over staffing levels as “the cause of a potential disaster”.

“The grim predictions… were indeed realised some 10 months later when Wynter died as a result of the unsafe practices warned about,” coroner Laurinda Bower said.

The Care Quality Commission (CQC) prosecuted NUH over her death in January 2023, with the trust pleading guilty to care failures.

The criminal prosecution resulted in NUH being fined £800,000.