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Tokyo, Japan – Nearly eight years after moving to Japan for work, Abdul feels more accustomed to life in the East Asian country than in his native Bangladesh.

But as the Japanese government moves to tighten the rules for permanent residency and public sentiment towards immigrants sours, Abdul is reconsidering his future.

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“I don’t know what the Japanese government will do in the future, if they’ll make things stricter again,” Abdul, a tech engineer who lives in northern Tokyo with his Bangladeshi wife, told Al Jazeera.

Abdul, who is preparing to apply for both permanent residency and citizenship, is aware of the possibility that he may soon have to leave.

“I have to be prepared if both of my applications are rejected,” said Abdul, who asked not to be identified by his real name.

“Right now, I am starting to look for opportunities outside of Japan.”

Under rules set to come into effect in phases from October 1, applicants for permanent residency will need to show that their annual household income exceeds the Japanese average – a stipulation that will be applied retroactively for applications submitted since April – and demonstrate Japanese-language proficiency.

Applicants will also be required to have a pension pot equivalent to 30 years of payouts.

In an announcement detailing the changes, Japan’s Immigration Services Agency stressed the need for foreigners to “live independently” and have “a stable life without the risk of becoming a burden”.

Sarah Nelkin, an American who has lived in Japan for the last 14 years, is among the many long-term residents who fear they will not qualify under the new rules.

A lover of Japanese animation and video games, Nelkin first moved to Japan as a university student and has since built a career in the country’s bustling entertainment industry.

Like Abdul, Nelkin, who submitted an application for permanent residency shortly before the announcement of the changes, is anxious about what the future holds.

If her application is rejected, she plans to apply to become a Japanese citizen – which would mean giving up her US citizenship, as Japan does not recognise dual nationality.

“I’ve lived my entire adult life in Japan … I would rather not give up my American passport. My mother lives in the US, and I want to retain my citizenship for a lot of reasons, like visiting family,” Nelkin told Al Jazeera.

“But at this point, I might have to give up my American nationality.”

Risa Hagiwara, a professor of economics at Meikai University in Urayasu, Japan, said the changes reflect a shift towards a “selective and conditional” immigration policy that is in tension with Japan’s need for labour amid a shrinking population.

“Japan needs foreign workers because of labour shortages. But if the conditions for long-term settlement become substantially more difficult, this could potentially reduce Japan’s attractiveness to foreign workers who are considering Japan as a place to build their long-term lives,” Hagiwara told Al Jazeera.

Hot-button issue

Immigration has become an increasingly hot-button topic in historically homogenous Japan.

Japan’s foreign resident population remains small compared with developed peers such as the United Kingdom and France, where 10 to 15 percent of residents were born overseas.

But it has been growing fast, hitting a record 4.12 million people, or about 3 percent of the total population, as of the end of 2025, according to government data.

By some estimates, Japan’s foreign-born population could reach the OECD average of 10 percent by 2070.

Meanwhile, the number of Japanese nationals fell by more than 900,000 between January 2025 and 2026 amid the country’s rock-bottom birthrate, according to government figures.

Hagiwara said that Japan is at a crossroads as foreign-born residents play an increasingly important role in Japanese society.

“If Japan wants to rely on foreign workers to address labour shortages, it also needs to consider what happens after they come to Japan,” Hagiwara said.

“The question is increasingly not only ‘how many foreign workers does Japan need?’, but also ‘what kind of society does Japan want to build with the people who come here?’” she said.

Japan’s mooted immigration shake-up comes amid a broader rightward shift in the country’s politics.

While campaigning for the leadership of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party last year, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said the country should “reconsider, at least for now, policies that allow in people with completely different cultures and backgrounds”.

Takaichi’s subsequent coalition agreement with the right-wing Japan Innovation Party (JIP) pledged a firm stance against foreigners who break the rules, as well as steps to address “potential social friction” from a growing foreign population.

At the same time, the far-right, anti-immigration Sanseito party has gained ground with its “Japan First” messaging, winning a record 15 seats at the most recent lower-house election to become the third-largest opposition party.

Public opinion has also moved against immigrants.

In a recent survey by the Institute of Social Science at the University of Tokyo, 56.3 percent of Japanese people said they opposed accepting more foreigners, up from 35.6 percent in 2024.

Nelkin and Abdul have both felt the change in sentiment.

“Before 2024, I never felt any discrimination against foreigners, but recently there has been a shift … especially online,” Abdul said.

Nelkin said peers have become outspoken in their dislike of foreigners.

“Even seemingly decent people are just saying racist stuff,” she said.

“I’ve worked for this country and specifically avoided breaking any rules, and they’re saying you are never enough,” she added. “That’s really hard.”

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France is sending military assistance to Saudi Arabia to protect the Yanbu oil facilities as the Kingdom battles the Iran-backed Houthi rebels of Yemen. The move comes amid growing concerns about the remaining flow of oil from the region, which France, as well as the rest of Europe, relies upon heavily.

In a live television interview Thursday night Paris time, French President Emmanuel Macron said he was sending an unspecified number of troops and equipment to the Saudi Arabia to protect the Yanbu energy hub, located on the Red Sea.

“This is the agreement we have finalized ​with ⁠the Saudis,” Macron explained. “We are going to send ⁠military resources, that is to ​say, soldiers, radar systems and defense ⁠systems, to protect this site — ⁠not ​to get us involved in any conflicts, but to ⁠protect this site.”

The French leader did not elaborate on the exact equipment he would send, how many troops, or when they would arrive. Nor did he address what would happen if French personnel were killed or injured or equipment damaged or destroyed. We have reached out to the French Embassy for further details. Based on his mention of radars and seeing that the threat to Saudi oil infrastructure is almost entirely from aerial attacks from drones and missiles, these will likely be air defense forces.

Nous agissons pour protéger nos compatriotes des conséquences de la crise au Moyen-Orient. Objectifs : sécuriser les approvisionnements et faire baisser les prix à la pompe. pic.twitter.com/kvrgHcV4E4

— Emmanuel Macron (@EmmanuelMacron) September 24, 2026

The decision was prompted by repeated Houthi missile and drone attacks as well as suspected strikes from Iranian-backed militias in Iraq on Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure. Yanbu in particular is a key installation. As we have explained in the past, Saudi Arabia has diverted millions of barrels of oil per day through pipelines to its Yanbu port on the Red Sea in an effort to minimize the energy shortages due to the hostilities around the Persian Gulf.

Before Macron’s announcement on Thursday, the Houthis claimed they had carried out two more waves of attacks on Saudi targets, including one on the Saudi Aramco facility in Yanbu, “using a number of ballistic and cruise missiles, as well as drones.”

In addition, the Houthis claimed they struck Riyadh.

There was no immediate Saudi confirmation of an attack on the Saudi capital. Saudi civil defense did not issue an emergency alert for Riyadh on Thursday.

Earlier in the day, the Houthis said they struck “enemy command and control centers, operations rooms, weapon depots, missile launch platforms, and military sites belonging to Saudi-led enemy formations in Jizan,” a Red Sea port city.

“The Saudi-led military coalition in Yemen said on Thursday that it had shot down six ballistic missiles fired by the Iran-backed Houthi militia, in what appeared to be one of the largest cross-border attacks by the group since its conflict with Saudi Arabia [flared back up],” The New York Times reported.

The missiles were aimed at the Saudi cities of Taif and Yanbu, Maj. Gen. Turki al-Maliki, a spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition, claimed on X. “Escalations and violations by the terrorist Houthi militia will be dealt with firmly,” he stated, without specifying where the missiles were intercepted.

TWZ cannot independently verify any of these claims.

Today’s attacks are the latest in the escalating conflict between the Houthis and Saudi Arabia. Earlier this year, the Houthis imposed a blockade on the Bab al-Mandab Strait (BAM) and began striking Saudi ships in the southern part of the Red Sea as well as critical energy terminals on that body of water and Saudi refineries. Iranian proxies have also struck the vital East-West pipeline that carries oil to the Red Sea to bypass the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran vastly curtailed shipping after the launch of Operation Epic Fury. The East-West pipeline reportedly reopened after being shut down following a long-range drone attack.

The stark reality facing Macron is that if Saudi oil infrastructure and transport nodes near the Red Sea are destroyed or the pipeline that feeds it is shut down for months the last major oil lifeline from the region — and especially to Europe — will be closed off, sparking a deeper energy crisis.

Iran has already severely curtailed the flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz since the U.S. and Israel attacked it on Feb. 28. The movement of oil has been further impeded by a U.S. blockade on Iranian ports. However, transits have been increasing as of late, thanks in large measure to U.S. military escorts that U.S. Central Command claims have allowed more than a billion barrels of crude to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. Still, the traffic is far below what it was before the war broke out.

Having both the Strait of Hormuz largely closed and energy exports out of the Red Sea shut down simultaneously is a nightmare scenario. By Thursday evening Eastern time, the per-barrel price of Brent crude oil shot up to nearly $107, according to OilPrice.com. It had fallen below $100 per barrel just two days earlier.

Given all this, the French president sought to offer reassurance about oil supplies, according to France 24.

“He said he had carried out ‘intense diplomatic activity,’ meeting in recent weeks with the leaders of Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Nigeria, all hydrocarbon suppliers, to ensure France keeps receiving the same volumes,” the publication noted.

“We have replenished gas stocks and also oil stocks” for the months ahead, the French president also said.

Macron’s decision follows one by the U.K.’s  Royal Air Force (RAF) on Tuesday to deploy one of its Voyager aerial refueling jets to help Saudi Arabia defend against Houthi attacks. As with the French move, it is a response to concerns about the flow of oil.

“Escalating tensions in the Gulf could have negative consequences here in the UK—such as rising prices, disruptions to energy supplies, and increased costs for British businesses,” the U.K. Defense Ministry (MoD) explained in announcing the deployment. “The Houthis pose a threat to stability in the Middle East; therefore, it is in the UK’s national interest—economically and in terms of security—that they do not succeed in their aims.”

“We unequivocally condemn Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia, and our position is clear: both Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni government have the right to self-defense,” the ministry added. 

The jet will operate from a U.K. air base in Cyprus and will begin air-to-air refueling operations in the coming days, the BBC reported.

The French and British deployments contrast decisions by the U.S. and other nations not to get involved with the Saudi-Houthi fight.

Last week, Trump turned down a direct plea from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Kingdom’s de facto leader, to attack the Houthis. Meanwhile, Pakistan and Turkey, which signed the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement with Saudi Arabia, have yet to provide any direct military aid. The pact holds that an attack on one is considered an attack on all; however, it doesn’t stipulate exactly what actions should be taken.

The security situation in Yemen has drastically deteriorated since the launch of Epic Fury after the Houthis joined the U.S.-Iran conflict on the side of their major supporter.

The Houthis have been directly attacking Saudi Arabia over claims that the kingdom has imposed a blockade on them. Beyond that, the mostly dormant civil war between the Houthis and internationally recognized Yemeni government forces, backed by Saudi Arabia, reignited in the wake of operation Epic Fury. The Houthis have made large territorial gains in the renewed conflict, including capturing the port city of Mokha and two key islands in the Red Sea. This has strengthened the Houthi hold on the BAM. You can read more about that in our story here.

3. The Houthis have reportedly attempted to seize ROYG-controlled islands in the Red Sea from which Houthi fighters could launch attacks on international shipping. Houthi forces reportedly landed on the Hanish Islands in the southern Red Sea on the morning of September 10 after… pic.twitter.com/tiFPgNDOHZ

— Institute for the Study of War (@TheStudyofWar) September 11, 2026

The civil war in Yemen erupted in 2014 and expanded a year later when a Saudi-led coalition joined forces with the government ousted by the Houthis. The fighting between Saudi-led forces and the Houthis largely abated after a tenuous ceasefire took hold in 2022. The Saudis held off on getting involved in the recent Red Sea conflict, which saw the U.S. and coalition warships duking it out with the Houthis and eventually led to a U.S.-led air campaign over Yemen. The United Kingdom was another significant player in that air campaign.

Meanwhile, exacerbating concerns about the flow of oil from the Red Sea, “a senior adviser to Iran’s supreme leader warned Thursday that Iranian forces and their Houthi allies in Yemen could respond to any new U.S. attacks by opening ‘a new front’ in its war with the U.S. by targeting energy supplies in the Red Sea,” CBS News reported.

The statements came after U.S. President Donald Trump on Wednesday once again threatened Iran.

“Will a deal be made with Iran that lets them rebuild and create a far greater country than it ever was before?” Trump asked rhetorically. “Or do I annihilate the Islamic Republic and do it quickly, never giving them a chance to kill and destroy people and countries again?”

Trump added that he believed he would make a peace deal with Iran after the upcoming U.S. midterm elections, which will decide the control of Congress.

As we noted yesterday, with gasoline and diesel price increases damaging the economy, the war and Trump’s handling of it have been unpopular with voters.

The fact that France is sending forces to Saudi Arabia is an ominous development and another indication that the current spate of unrest that began with Epic Fury does not appear to show any signs of ending anytime soon.

Contact the author: howard@twz.com 

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Last week, NASA Administrator Jared Isaacman cryptically teased plans for a new high- and fast-flying X-plane with a silhouette of an aircraft that immediately drew comparisons to the famed SR-71 Blackbird as a backdrop. In our report, we looked at what it could mean, including the possibility of reviving the SR-71, or at least using it to inform or even cobble together a new airframe. Now it turns out that an SR-71 that had been on display at NASA’s Armstrong Flight Research Center for years is suspiciously missing.

Steve Trimble, Aviation Week‘s defense editor and friend of TWZ, was first to report the disappearance of the former NASA SR-71, also known by the tail number 844, at Armstrong. That facility is collocated with Edwards Air Force Base in California. Trimble’s piece says that satellite imagery shows the jet has not been seen since at least May 17. The aircraft in question, which originally carried the U.S. Air Force serial number 61-7980, was the last Blackbird produced and the last one to fly, taking to the skies for the final time in 1999.

“The current disposition of the aircraft is unclear, but Aviation Week sources suggest that the aircraft was moved into a hangar earlier this year for an inspection,” according to the story. “The presentation and the disappearance of the display SR-71S with the 844 tail number for NASA raises the possibility of a return-to-flight program after a more than 26-year-long hiatus.”

The presentation mentioned above is the one NASA’s Isaacman gave last week at the annual All-In Summit in Los Angeles, California, during which he shared the SR-71-esque silhouette.

“In the service of the first A [aeronautics] in NASA, we are rebuilding our X-plane fleet. The X-59 is researching quiet supersonic flight, but it’s just the beginning,” he said at that time. “As NASA recommits to flight test and works alongside industry to push the boundaries of airframe and propulsion design, it will not be long before NASA once again is flying as high and as fast as we had in decades past, and then even more.”

Isaacman has made expanding NASA’s X-plane fleets a top priority since taking charge of the agency last year.

“You sure that’s a Blackbird?” the NASA administrator said during a live interview that immediately followed his remarks after the image was brought up, but did not offer any further clarification.

“NASA has a long history of building and flying experimental aircraft that push the boundaries of what is possible,” NASA told TWZ directly when asked for more information. “As Administrator Isaacman has said, we want to see more X-planes flying in the years ahead, developing the technologies that will allow us to fly higher, farther, and faster than we have in decades. We look forward to sharing more as those efforts progress.”

We have reached back out to NASA in light of Aviation Week‘s report.

As we wrote in our initial reporting on Isaacman’s comments:

“As for bringing a Blackbird back into operation for high-speed testing, which is now at the forefront of military aeronautics (and civilian to a lesser degree) after decades of being sidelined, that would be a very challenging operation. The SR-71s are long retired and have been placed in museums and other display areas. While the Pentagon could technically claw some of them back from their ‘on loan’ status, reconstituting even one of them would be a major undertaking as the entire support ecosystem that once sustained them has been gone for decades. Still, having a Mach 3+ capable jet for testing would be a highly relevant tool in a new age of high-speed flight exploration.”

“On the other hand, building a new test aircraft that aims higher and faster than the SR-71, but may be based on its ‘DNA,’ is certainly possible. Such an aircraft could leverage material science, avionics, flight controls, and engines that are seven decades more modern than its progenitor. Technology demonstrators in this class could also already exist in the classified domain. NASA could possibly assume ownership of one after the Pentagon declassifies it, as well.”

“Regardless of how such an exotic aircraft is obtained, one of the biggest differentiating factors could be that a NASA aircraft is piloted by a human onboard, instead of it being a drone, but an uncrewed aircraft is possible too.“

Aviation Week‘s report today notes that tail number 844 would probably be the best available candidate for returning to flight status. In addition to being the last produced and the last to fly, NASA previously upgraded it, including with “an automated digital flight and inlet control system to virtually eliminate the Blackbird’s problem of violent engine unstarts at high speed.” It has also been sitting in a controlled area in the Mojave Desert that is great for preservation.

SR-71 LASRE in Flight over California’s Mojave Desert

It is also worth pointing out here that Isaacman is personally aware of the time and resources it takes to reconstitute high-end vintage military aircraft. He founded private ‘red air’ aggressor firm Draken International, making him once the owner of the world’s largest private air force stocked with old jets. His own private collection includes a demilitarized, ex-Ukrainian two-seat MiG-29UB that he flies regularly. He has also been working to restore a former Royal Air Force swing-wing Panavia Tornado F2 interceptor, which would be the most complex private military jet flying, if or when it returned to working condition.

At the same time, the SR-71 is in a completely different category, having been the very definition of a high-demand, low-density asset even at the very peak of its service life with the Air Force. Only 32 of these jets were ever built, and they were notoriously complex and expensive to operate and maintain. The aircraft’s Pratt & Whitney J58 turbojets ran on JP-7 fuel that is no longer in regular production. After 9/11, the possibility was raised of returning a Blackbird to service to support the Global War on Terror, but doing so was projected to cost between $40 and $45 million – and that was just two years after 844’s last flight.

There is also a possibility, in line with Isaacman’s comments last week, that 844 could re-merge in a substantially different, reworked form. There is even the potential it could be retrofitted for uncrewed, or at least pilot-optional, flight. Any such conversion effort would also be a major undertaking, as would sustaining the resulting bespoke jet. As we noted earlier, NASA could also use the SR-71 at Edwards to help inform other future designs.

At the same time, maybe this is all a coincidence and the SR-71 in question is getting some other form of TLC, but its months-long absence is certainly a curious development in light of the current push for new X-planes under Isaacman’s leadership.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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Published On 25 Sep 202625 Sep 2026

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For the past six months or so, a curious-looking vessel with a very boxy superstructure has been taking shape at a shipyard in the Chinese city of Shanghai. A new satellite image lends credence to an earlier assessment that this is a mothership to support China’s growing fleets of ever-larger submersible drones, though it could also have other roles.

TWZ obtained the image of the ship in question, which was taken on September 10, from Vantor. Since then, it has also received an overall coat of gray paint, pointing to future service with the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN). It is some 669 feet (204 meters) long and around 98 feet (30 meters) at its widest. In terms of basic length and width, the vessel being built now is very roughly comparable to China’s Type 071 amphibious warfare ship. However, it appears to be much taller overall than the Type 071.

The new ship has been under construction at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard on Changxing Island in Shanghai since at least April. This yard produces a variety of naval vessels, including surface combatants and amphibious assault ships, as well as commercial designs.

The September 10 image, which shows the ship from the stern, is interesting for a number of reasons. It notably confirms that the design not only has a well deck, but that it is sized around what looks to be a large cradle-like platform visible in the shot. The very roughly 164-feet (50-meter) long rectangular platform has an arch-shaped structure at one end and two teardrop-shaped ones at the other, as well as six pillars, three on each side, in between. The teardrop-shaped structures, in particular, point to the platform being at least a semi-submersible, as they would help with stability and otherwise guide the flow of water while being pulled along.

The satellite image also clearly shows six large struts extending from the top of the stern end of the superstructure, each one which is paired with a shorter strut, for a total of 12. Earlier this month, independent naval analyst H.I. Sutton, who tracks undersea warfare developments in particular, posited that these struts could be used to lower a platform or some other similar structure below the hull of the ship. He also assessed that they could be used as part of a larger system capable of moving payloads between decks internally. This would help account for the configuration of the core superstructure, especially how high it is all the way from the front to the back. Overall, signs point to the inside of the superstructure being largely hangars and other open work spaces, allowing for multiple large UUVs to be carried and supported. Individual UUVs would be launched and recovered, one at a time, via the cradle.

In making his assessment, Sutton drew specific attention to a previously shown rendering of a proposed Chinese scientific research vessel with a roughly similar strut-based system at the stern for deploying submersibles and other large payloads. However, on that design, the system was entirely exposed rather than contained with an extended superstructure.

The platform seen immediately behind the ship being built at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard aligns with Sutton’s assessment about the purpose of the struts. At the same time, launches and recoveries could also be conducted in a more traditional manner via the well deck. The design of the cradle-like platform would seem to suggest the latter option is at least part of the plan.

The general idea of launching and recovering payloads through the bottom of the hull of a ship, including through moon pools, is hardly new. As another point here, Russia is known to have highly specialized mothership submarines that can carry crewed midget submarines and large uncrewed submersibles attached underneath their hulls, and that are also capable of launching ultra-long-range nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed torpedoes. The idea of deploying and retrieving large UUVs via well decks using cradle-like systems is something being explored by other navies globally, including in the United States. All that being said, a large specialized ship built for the purpose of launching and recovering very large underwater vehicles in an operational capacity is unique.

The image from September 10, as well as other recent views of the ship, highlight other features that are now taking shape. This includes a large opening on the starboard side, which could be for launching and/or recovering lifeboats or other watercraft, or moving payloads to and from the pier while docked, as well as a multi-pronged mast on top of the bridge. An additional part of the ship’s superstructure extends behind the bridge area, and there is what looks to be a hangar inside. There is no attached helipad present now, but one could well be added later on somewhere on top of the superstructure. Many naval auxiliaries, as well as commercial ships designed for offshore support and other specialized tasks, have open helipads on raised frames attached to different parts of the superstructures.

Though there is growing clarity about the ship’s design, many questions do remain about the full breadth of its intended purpose. In Sutton’s view, the PLAN has a need, just in general, for a dedicated mothership to support its growing uncrewed underwater vehicle (UUV) fleets. The PLAN is pursuing various tiers of UUVs to perform a host of different missions, including intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), as well as mine-laying, special operations support, and even launching direct attacks on enemy vessels. Larger and larger UUV designs have been steadily emerging in China, which could require more specialized launch and recovery options to be feasibly employed operationally, especially from other vessels at sea. Deployment and retrieval at sea could, in turn, support very long duration missions far from China’s own shores.

“With smaller UUVs, even up to 20 meters like the AJX-002 and HSU-100 paraded in Beijing last year, they are road mobile. Truck mounted cranes should be sufficient for getting them in and out of the water making operations much simpler. With these latest, much larger XXLUUVs [extra-extra large uncrewed underwater vehicles] however, China will start to need dedicated port facilities,” Sutton wrote previously on his website. “Until now China has been using floating docks to house the two XXLUUV prototypes being tested on Hainan. One of these docks was purpose built while the other may have been taken up from general use.”

China’s naval unmanned systems.

Consisting of (in order), AI enabled unmanned submersible (HSU-100), used for detection and attack.

Unmanned patrol boat.

Unmanned mine-laying/attack submersible (AJX-002), this was previously mistaken for a nuclear powered torpedo.
Because the… pic.twitter.com/Mlj55XLNBH

— Zhao DaShuai 东北进修🇨🇳 (@zhao_dashuai) September 3, 2025

“This arrangement also has a significant drawback: each floating dock can only carry a single XXLUUV,” Sutton added. “Or if more than one, then they both need to be placed in the water at the same time. Because the whole dock floods, there cannot be one undergoing maintenance while another is being launched or recovered.”

A mothership vessel able to discreetly deploy and recover large uncrewed and crewed submersibles and other large payloads underwater could be tasked with more specialized missions, including cutting cables, retrieving objects from the seabed, and other kinds of undersea espionage. There is overlap here with more benign roles, such as submarine rescue, salvage, and even deep-sea scientific research. There is also the matter of servicing an expanding array of Chinese underwater infrastructure, including sensor and communications networks. As something of a corollary, Russia’s spy ship Yantar is officially described as an oceanic research vessel. In China, the line between military and non-military assets and capabilities, including ships, is often very blurry, to begin with, as TWZ regularly highlights. This dichotomy was observed right at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard around the end of last year after pictures of a commercial cargo ship being used to showcase a new family of containerized weapons, sensors, and other systems went viral online.

It is also worth pointing out that the boxy and largely enclosed design of the ship now being built at Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard will inherently make it difficult to observe any activities onboard. This will have the additional knock-on effect of helping keep any payloads, as well as the crew, shielded from the elements. This could be valuable for operations in harsher locales, including waters in and around the Arctic, an ever-more strategic part of the world where China is working to be more engaged.

We also do not know if the apparent mothership vessel is intended to be a one-off or part of a larger class. It could be a stepping stone to broader plans or be part of an already extensive fleet of bespoke naval auxiliaries, as well as unique ostensibly commercial vessels, in service in China today. The PLAN’s aforementioned UUV ambitions will bring along significant test and evaluation requirements, as well as the need to support actual future operations.

If nothing else, evidence is only growing that the new ship under construction at the Hudong-Zhonghua Shipyard is intended to serve, at least in part, as a mothership for large submersible drones.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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Chinese authorities have reportedly taken possession of an F-35 cockpit canopy and weapons-bay door that were inexplicably diverted to Hong Kong while being shipped from Australia to the United States. The incident appears to have left physical components that incorporate aspects of the fighter’s low-observable design in the hands of a country that has spent years doing whatever it could to gain information on the aircraft and America’s stealth technology secrets in general.

So, what does all this mean? Let’s put it in perspective.

The parts in question were being shipped by UPS from Australia to the United States in late May, according to people familiar with the matter cited by Bloomberg. The components from a Royal Australian Air Force F-35A were being sent to the United States for inspection and possible repair or disposal.

F-35 sustainment procedures explicitly cover the movement of F-35 parts, including unserviceable components, through the program’s logistics network. The U.S. Air Force’s transportation guidance directs F-35 shipments outside the Defense Transportation System to follow approved Joint Program Office procedures. In other words, moving an unserviceable Australian F-35 component to the United States for inspection, repair, or disposition is consistent with the normal sustainment process.

What is highly unusual is where this particular shipment ended up. F-35 components moving through an established international logistics system apparently stopped in South Korea, were then routed to Hong Kong. Chinese authorities subsequently took possession of the parts and have not returned them, according to the sources cited by Bloomberg.

“For security reasons, we can’t discuss the status of specific shipments or our shipping procedures,” Lockheed Martin told us in response to a request for clarification about the incident. The company added that it “follows all U.S. regulations established by the Department of War and regulated by the Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) regarding the shipment of aircraft components. Our teams handle every shipment with the utmost diligence and safeguards to ensure the integrity of the F-35 program and the security of our allied partners.”

The Pentagon’s F-35 Joint Program Office has acknowledged a “shipment issue” involving F-35 components and said U.S. authorities and industry partners are working to recover them and investigate what happened.

Lockheed Martin, UPS, and the Pentagon have not publicly provided a detailed account of how the shipment was diverted or what happened to the parts after they reached Hong Kong.

Australian Defense Minister Richard Marles also confirmed that Canberra was aware of the incident and was working with the United States and Lockheed Martin.

Marles has sought to play down the potential security implications of the components, saying his understanding was that the shipment did not contain sensitive equipment or sensitive parts. That does not by itself answer the more specific question of what could potentially be learned from these particular pieces of an F-35. After all, not every physical component of an F-35 is necessarily highly classified or capable of revealing meaningful information about the aircraft’s design. At the same time, a cockpit canopy and weapons-bay door involve structures, materials, interfaces, tolerances, and treatments that all have to work within the aircraft’s low-observable design. If radar-absorbing material or other specialized treatments remain on the components, that could potentially make them far more sensitive from a technological exploitation standpoint.

The condition of the parts is also unknown. We do not know how much of their coatings or other treatments remain intact, whether Chinese authorities have examined them, or what information could actually be extracted from them in their current state.

Above all else, there is little specific information in the public domain about what F-35-related technical information Chinese intelligence already has acquired over the years, what physical components or materials it may already possess, or what additional information could be gained through espionage, cyber operations, industrial access, observation of deployed aircraft, or other means.

Without these facts, it is impossible to gauge what damage could have been done by this loss. Still, viewed in a vacuum of those unknowns, simply having an F-35 canopy and weapons-bay door in Chinese possession represents a significant loss of control over sensitive physical hardware — there is no way around that reality — and the severity of that loss could be substantial depending on the physical state of the parts.

The circumstances are particularly sensitive because, as we mentioned in the opening of this article, China has pursued multiple avenues for acquiring information on the F-35 for many years, with publicly documented cases involving cyber operations, technical information, supply chains, and human expertise. Some aspects of China’s subsequent stealth aircraft designs have also prompted comparisons with U.S. aircraft, although claims that China simply ‘cloned’ entire aircraft are not supported by the available evidence.

China And The F-35: A History Of Espionage

In 2014, U.S. authorities charged Chinese businessman Su Bin with conspiring with two other Chinese hackers to break into the computer systems of U.S. defense contractors. Prosecutors alleged that the group targeted information on aircraft including the F-35 and F-22. The alleged hacking campaign ran from 2009 to 2013.

Su Bin later pleaded guilty and was sentenced to nearly four years in prison. The Justice Department’s 2026 case against former Air Force fighter pilot Gerald “Runner” Brown connects the two cases. Prosecutors allege that Brown used a co-conspirator to negotiate his work training Chinese military pilots with Su Bin.

Brown, a retired U.S. Air Force major who spent more than 24 years in the service, subsequently worked as a contract simulator instructor training U.S. military pilots on the A-10 and F-35. In February 2026, the Justice Department charged him with providing and conspiring to provide unauthorized defense services to Chinese military pilots.

According to the criminal complaint, Brown traveled to China in December 2023, where he allegedly began training People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) personnel. Prosecutors say he also answered questions about the U.S. Air Force for three hours on his first day in China. Brown has been charged, and the allegations have not been adjudicated. He is one of multiple former Western aviators alleged to have provided training services and/or intelligence to Beijing.

The Honeywell case provides yet another example, this time involving the defense industry’s supply of technical information.

In 2021, the State Department reached a $13-million administrative settlement with Honeywell over alleged violations of the Arms Export Control Act and International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR). Honeywell had voluntarily disclosed alleged unauthorized exports and retransfers of ITAR-controlled technical data.

The case involved 71 engineering drawings containing dimensions, geometries and layouts for manufacturing castings and finished parts used across multiple aircraft, engines and military systems. The State Department said the unauthorized exports and retransfers involved Canada, Ireland, Mexico, China, and Taiwan.

Among the systems covered by the drawings were components associated with the F-35 and F-22. The case did not allege that Honeywell deliberately sought to provide China with sensitive military technology; rather, it concerned alleged violations of export-control requirements.

There has also been a physical supply-chain precedent.

In 2022, F-35 deliveries were temporarily halted after the Pentagon discovered that a magnet in the aircraft’s Honeywell-built turbomachine pumps —which provide critical power functions to the jet — contained a cobalt and samarium alloy produced in China. The material itself was not considered a security or flight-safety threat, but the discovery demonstrated how difficult it can be to maintain complete visibility over a global supply chain involving thousands of companies and multiple tiers of subcontractors.

Taken together, these cases demonstrate several different pathways through which China has appeared in the F-35 security story: cyber theft, unauthorized technical-data transfers, supply-chain exposure, and alleged exploitation of former Western military expertise.

The Hong Kong incident would add another major category: physical access to actual F-35 components.

These are only some of the publicly documented examples. There is no public way to know the full extent of information or physical material Chinese intelligence may have acquired over the years, but is very likely far larger in scope than what is available in the open source.

Chinese Access Concerns Have Shaped F-35 Export Policy

The security issues surrounding the F-35 are significant enough that concerns about China have affected not only how the United States protects F-35 technology, but where Washington is willing to export the aircraft in the first place.

The proposed sale of F-35s to the United Arab Emirates became deeply entangled in U.S. concerns about Abu Dhabi’s growing military and technology relationship with China.

Washington had approved a potential package involving 50 F-35As, but U.S. officials and lawmakers expressed concerns about Chinese intelligence activity and technology in the UAE. Among the broader concerns were Chinese telecommunications infrastructure and the possibility of Chinese military or intelligence access to facilities associated with advanced U.S. weapons. A Congressional U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission report later cited the potential presence of Chinese intelligence collection capabilities and military facilities in the UAE as risks to the proposed F-35 sale.

The issue has now resurfaced with Saudi Arabia.

The State Department recently approved a potential $24.3-billion sale to the Kingdom involving 48 F-35s and associated equipment. But U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly warned that China’s military and technology relationship with Saudi Arabia could create opportunities for Beijing to obtain sensitive F-35 information.

According to reporting based on U.S. officials familiar with intelligence assessments, a Defense Intelligence Agency report raised concerns about Chinese military access to Saudi bases, Chinese technology in Saudi telecommunications infrastructure, and whether secure facilities could be maintained for F-35 operations. The assessments also questioned whether Saudi Arabia would limit contact between Chinese military and intelligence personnel and F-35-related sites.

What Could The Components Reveal?

As we noted earlier, there is no way to gauge the intelligence impact of the loss at this stage. The central unknown of what China already knows about the F-35, and what it may already have in its possession — especially related to these components — is the key variable here.

Regardless, an F-35 canopy and weapons-bay door can provide information that cannot otherwise be easily obtained and gives a different level of fidelity in terms of material exploitation than what construction data and blueprints alone could.

The F-35’s low observability is the product of an extremely complex combination of airframe shaping, construction materials, external coatings, manufacturing tolerances, speciality apertures, and more.

A canopy is a particularly demanding part of any stealth aircraft. It has to satisfy optical and structural requirements while also controlling radar reflections. The cockpit is historically a major source of radar reflectivity, including the pilot’s helmet. Therefore the canopy’s materials, construction, interfaces, and specialized treatments can be critical to the aircraft’s overall low-observable performance, and especially from the critical frontal aspect.

The F-35’s canopy has been an ongoing work in progress for many years. It has had chronic material issues, especially when it comes to delamination. Multiple iterations spread over two decades have recently resulted in a major improvement of the issue. The tight balancing act of keeping the canopy transparent enough, while controlling the F-35’s stealthy signature and having that mix of materials be robust enough to last for a reasonable amount of time has been a major investment for the program. If the canopy is of a later variation, that loss alone could be substantial and could help China with their own low-observable canopy development programs even if they already had original information on the F-35’s canopy original design dating back years.

The F-35’s canopy has been a notorious work in progress, specifically the low observable coating/delamination issue which has improved a lot in recent years with new materials and processes. So no, you do NOT want to lose that in to China! https://t.co/9V0jdRAiwA

— Tyler Rogoway (@Aviation_Intel) September 19, 2026

The F-35’s weapons-bay door has its of sensitivity issues. It is effectively a major section of the aircraft’s outer shell, with its structure, edges, interfaces, tolerances and treatments all having to function without creating unacceptable radar signatures. Its construction and material attributes can be reasonably extrapolated for the rest of much of the F-35’s outer mold-line. Above all else, if the radar absorbent material remained intact on the door, that would signify a major loss when viewed without any understanding of what China already knows about the F-35’s radar absorbing surface treatments. Historically speaking, RAM technology is among America’s closest guarded material sciences secrets.

For the time being, Australian officials have said they do not understand the parts to be sensitive. The investigation will ultimately have to establish what the components actually contain and what could be learned from them.

The incident comes at a moment when China’s own stealth fighter efforts are undergoing an extraordinary expansion.

The PLAAF is now operating the J-20, China’s first operational fifth-generation stealth fighter, in increasingly large numbers. The smaller J-35 is also moving toward broader service, including a carrier role for the People’s Liberation Army Navy.

China has also moved into what Western observers generally describe as sixth-generation fighter development.

Two new tailless combat-aircraft designs emerged publicly in December 2024. One is the large Chengdu aircraft commonly referred to as the J-36, while the other is associated with Shenyang and is variously called the J-XDS or J-50. Both have continued flight testing and yielded several prototypes with individual refinements.

The exact capabilities and eventual operational roles of these aircraft remain uncertain. They are developmental designs, not established operational equivalents of the F-35 or other sixth-generation systems. However, China is clearly building an increasingly broad ecosystem of fifth- and next-generation low-observable combat aircraft, both crewed and uncrewed. In the latter category is a growing number of stealthy drones, including long-endurance types.

China didn’t likely need physical access to an F-35 canopy or weapons-bay door to develop the J-20, J-35, or its next-generation aircraft. But additional information about how a mature Western stealth aircraft handles materials, coatings, interfaces, manufacturing, and the integration of those elements can still have great potential value to an industry developing its own systems. This includes technologies intended to counter the U.S. combat aircraft and their low-observable characteristics.

The F-35 has been produced in large numbers, is operated by a growing coalition of countries, and has been subjected to years of testing and operational experience. Its low-observable design represents decades of accumulated U.S. research and industrial know-how. At the same time, the global scale of the program inevitably makes control over sensitive information more complicated. More aircraft, more maintainers, more industrial partners, and more international logistics mean more points at which information and physical hardware have to be controlled. Over time, a program of this size will see an erosion in its secrets, but a major loss can drastically accelerate what should be a more gradual and control decline in security.

The potential intelligence value of the components also has to be considered in the context of foreign material exploitation, or FME. Major military powers maintain dedicated capabilities to recover, examine and characterize foreign weapons, aircraft, sensors, materials and other equipment. The objective is not necessarily to reproduce an entire system. More important is determining how something is built, what materials and manufacturing techniques are used, how individual components perform, and where industrial strengths or limitations may lie.

That is why countries have historically gone to extraordinary lengths to recover even crashed or damaged pieces of sensitive military hardware. The bigger the prize, the more risk an intelligence service would be willing to take in order to realize a recovery.

The sensitivity surrounding the physical remnants of an F-35 is not new. When a Japan Air Self-Defense Force F-35A disappeared over the Pacific in 2019, the search quickly became more than a rescue operation. U.S. and Japanese forces mounted an extensive effort to locate the wreckage, with U.S. Navy P-8A aircraft and a destroyer joining the search. TWZ noted at the time that even scattered F-35 wreckage could expose valuable technological secrets, while the aircraft’s location on the seabed raised the prospect of an underwater espionage and recovery operation.

That concern has also been evident in subsequent F-35 recovery operations. That concern has been reflected in subsequent F-35 recoveries. In 2022, the U.S. Navy recovered an F-35C from roughly 12,400 feet in the South China Sea after a carrier landing accident, removing the possibility that the aircraft could be accessed by another country.

Unanswered Security Questions

At this point, there is no public evidence that the Hong Kong diversion was a deliberate Chinese intelligence operation, although it is certainly possible. It is also unclear whether Chinese authorities have examined the F-35 parts or what level of new and useful information has been recovered from them.

If, as reported, Chinese authorities have taken possession of the parts and have not returned them, that would be an extraordinary development. If the diversion was genuinely the result of a shipping or logistics error, the outcome would itself be extraordinary. It would raise serious questions about the security controls surrounding the movement of F-35 hardware even without evidence of deliberate interference.

The timing is also notable. Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Washington this week for a state visit with President Donald Trump, with the two leaders meeting amid broader disputes involving technology, security, and the future of U.S.-China relations. Whether the F-35 shipment comes up directly in those discussions is not known, but it would be an obvious subject for U.S. and Chinese officials to address through diplomatic channels.

“Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States Donald J. Trump and First Lady Melania Trump, accompanied by the President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping and Madame Peng Liyuan.” pic.twitter.com/hyPHOBC99Q

— Rapid Response 47 (@RapidResponse47) September 24, 2026

For now, however, the central question remains how the parts got there. Until that is answered, we won’t know if this was a simple logistics failure or a deliberate intelligence operation. And beyond that, what China already knew about the components it now may have in its possession — a question we may never truly get an answer to.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

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Published On 24 Sep 2026 16:01 GMT24 Sep 2026 16:01 GMT

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Under international law, this means they are allowed to stay in the country while their asylum application is considered.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Small boat arrivals made up {{smallBoatsAsylum.percent}} of asylum applications between {{smallBoatsAsylum.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”28682833?2496655\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”28682833\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people arriving in the UK by small boat each year since 2018. Each bar is split to show arrivals up to 22 Sep and arrivals after that date. Total arrivals by year were as follows: 2018: 299, 2019: 1,843, 2020: 8,462, 2021: 28,526, 2022: 45,755, 2023: 29,437, 2024: 36,816, 2025: 41,472. So far in 2026, 17,784 people have arrived by small boat, as of 22 Sep. This is the fifth highest total for the years shown, by the same point in the year.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”Boats that arrived in the UK from {{boatSize.period}} carried an average of {{boatSize.value}} people. This {{boatSize.change}} 2021.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-6\\\”:\\\”Experts say [overcrowding in boats makes crossings riskier](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cj9j8r8z90wo). At least 84 people died while attempting to cross the Channel in 2024, according to the United Nations (UN).\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-7\\\”:\\\”When looking at the scale of small boats crossings, the number of these arrivals is about {{smallBoatsImmigration.percent}} of the size of total immigration into the UK from {{smallBoatsImmigration.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-1__component__para-8\\\”:\\\”The government has pledged to [“smash the gangs”](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo) behind these crossings in order to reduce the numbers.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Who is arriving in the UK on small boats?\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”People from {{nationalities.top}} accounted for {{nationalities.percent}} of all arrivals from {{nationalities.period}}.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25573101?2496655\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25573101\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries from which the UK receives most arrivals by small boat. The countries and corresponding arrivals detected are as follows: Eritrea with 5,875 arrivals detected, Sudan with 4,191 arrivals detected, Afghanistan with 4,042 arrivals detected, Somalia with 3,901 arrivals detected, and Iran with 3,657 arrivals detected. The figures are for July 2025 to June 2026.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”FALSE\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”In the latest figures covering {{modernSlavery.period}}, at least {{modernSlavery.value}} people who arrived by small boat were found to be potential victims of human trafficking or other forms of modern slavery, according to the Home Office.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How else do people stay in the UK without permission?\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Another {{otherMethods.value}} people were detected entering the UK without permission via other methods including hiding in vehicles, travelling on ferries or through airports from {{otherMethods.period}}. This {{otherMethods.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”There are also individuals who arrive legally, for example via a work or study visa, and then overstay their limit.\\\”,\\\”small-boats__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”The total number of people who live in the UK illegally after arriving legally is not known.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__include-title\\\”:\\\”Asylum applications and hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people are in asylum accommodation?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”An asylum seeker is someone who wants to be in the UK because they say they cannot live safely in their own country due to persecution or violence.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The government must house an asylum seeker if they cannot financially support themselves while their claim is being considered. There were {{accommodation.value}} people in asylum accommodation as of {{accommodation.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”About {{accommodationHotels.percent}} of those people, {{accommodationHotels.value}}, were in hotels. These are used when there is not enough shared housing available, such as houses of multiple occupation (HMOs) or [former military sites](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cjr0lx7n0y3o).\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”The government [has pledged to stop the use of hotels](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo) by 2029.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”More people are in hotels across the south of England than elsewhere in the UK, while HMOs are more common in the north of England and Scotland.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Numbers of asylum seekers in hotels by council area\\\”,\\\”lookup-noscript-message\\\”:\\\”A modern browser with JavaScript and a stable internet connection is required to view this interactive\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__component__lookup-1__subtitle\\\”:\\\”Type in a postcode or the name of a local council below to see how many asylum seekers are housed in the area\\\”,\\\”news_vj_search_lookup_invalid_postcode\\\”:\\\”Please enter a full UK postcode\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_title\\\”:\\\”Asylum accommodation in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_as-of\\\”:\\\”as of {{date}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_per\\\”:\\\”per 100,000 residents\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_this-is\\\”:\\\”This is\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_much-lower\\\”:\\\”less than half\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_lower\\\”:\\\”lower than\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_average\\\”:\\\”about the same as\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_higher\\\”:\\\”higher than\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_much-higher\\\”:\\\”more than double\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-header\\\”:\\\”Asylum seekers in hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-zero-figure\\\”:\\\”There were no asylum seekers in hotels in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_hotels-comparand\\\”:\\\”the average for a UK council with asylum seekers in hotels, if you calculated it as a share of its population\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-uk-figures\\\”:\\\”{{number}} of {{total}} councils across the UK have asylum seekers in hotels\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25656794?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25656794\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map_alt\\\”:\\\”A map of which local authorities in the UK use hotels to house asylum seekers. 101 of 361 local authorities are using hotels as of June 2026.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map__mega_height\\\”:\\\”500\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-map__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_hotels-source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-header\\\”:\\\”Asylum seekers in other forms of accommodation\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-zero-figure\\\”:\\\”There were no asylum seekers in other forms of accommodation in {{council}}\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_comparison_other-comparand\\\”:\\\”the average for a UK council with asylum seekers in non-hotel accommodation, if you calculated it as a share of its population\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-uk-figures\\\”:\\\”{{number}} of {{total}} councils across the UK have asylum seekers in non-hotel accommodation\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25656669?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25656669\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-map-alt\\\”:\\\”A map of which local authorities in the UK use HMOs or other accommodation types to house asylum seekers. 321 of 361 local authorities are using hotels as of June 2026.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-2__search-results_other-source\\\”:\\\”Home Office\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How many people apply for asylum in the UK?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”A total of {{claims.value}} people applied for asylum in the UK from {{claims.period}}. This {{claims.change}} same period in the previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25573132?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25573132\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people applying for asylum in the UK, including main applicants and dependents, from July to June in the years 2002 to 2026. In the 12 months to June 2002, there were 75,668 claims. By 2005, this figure had more than halved. Applications hovered under or around 40,000 until 2022, when they reached 88,213. Levels swelled to around 100,000 in 2023, 2024 and 2025. From July 2025 to June 2026 there were 85,891 asylum applications.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”320\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”Most people who arrive in the UK by small boat claim asylum, but they were only {{smallBoats.percent}} of all asylum seekers from {{smallBoats.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”The rest include people who arrived by other illegal means or who came to the UK legally and applied for asylum while holding, or just after holding, a valid visa.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__header\\\”:\\\”How big is the asylum backlog?\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”It can take years for the government to decide whether someone should be granted asylum.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”In {{initialBacklogPeople.period}}, {{initialBacklogPeople.value}} people – across {{initialBacklogApplications.value}} asylum applications – were waiting for an initial decision. The number of people awaiting an initial decision {{initialBacklogPeople.change}} previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”As of {{appealsBacklog.period}}, a further {{appealsBacklog.value}} refused asylum applications were part of a second backlog, waiting the outcome of an appeal in the courts. This {{appealsBacklog.change}} previous year.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Together, these initial decision and appeal cases form the government’s total asylum applications backlog, [which it has pledged to clear](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo).\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25616291?2496655\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25616291\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A stacked bar chart of applications awaiting a first decision and appeals caseload at first-tier tribunal, by quarter from, June 2015 to June 2026 The backlog increased from around 25,000 in 2015 to around 180,000 in 2023. This was largely due to more applications awaiting an initial decision. Since 2023, the number of applicants awaiting an initial decision has declined, but the appeals caseload has widened. In June 2026 there were 32,401 initial decisions and 90,341 appeals.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”450\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”384\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”Refugee status was granted in about {{initialBacklogDecisions.percent}} of asylum decisions made by the Home Office from {{initialBacklogDecisions.period}}.\\\”,\\\”hotels-and-applications__accordion-4__component__para-6\\\”:\\\”About {{appealsBacklogDecisions.percent}} of asylum appeal cases concluded between {{appealsBacklogDecisions.period}} resulted in a previous refusal decision being overturned.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__include-title\\\”:\\\”Returns and deportations from the UK\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people are returned or deported from the UK?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The government requires people who are in the UK, but no longer have permission to live or work in the country, to leave.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”This is called a return and can happen voluntarily or involuntarily.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”People can lose the right to be in the UK for different reasons, such as a visa expiring, an asylum claim being refused, or by receiving a criminal conviction that results in deportation.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”There were {{returns.value}} returns from {{returns.period}}. This {{returns.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-1__component__para-5\\\”:\\\”That number of returns is equivalent to about {{emigration.percent}} of total emigration from the UK from {{emigration.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”Who is returned from the UK?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Of all returns from {{smallBoatReturns.period}}:\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”- {{offenderReturns.value}} had been convicted of a criminal offence\\\\n- {{asylumReturns.value}} had lodged an asylum claim at some point\\\\n- {{smallBoatReturns.value}} had arrived in the UK by small boat\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”People from {{nationalityReturns.top}} made up {{nationalityReturns.percent}} of all returns from {{nationalityReturns.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25609746?2496655\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25609746\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries by number of returns from the UK, from July 2025 to June 2026. The countries and their figures are as follows: India: 10,859, Brazil: 5,559, Albania: 3,901, Romania: 2,065, and Nigeria: 1,528\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”What is the ‘one in, one out’ deal with France?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The UK is [trialing a scheme with France](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/ckg653r06jgo) to return people who arrived in the country on a small boat.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”For every person the UK sends back to France, the UK will accept an equal number of asylum seekers.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”This is called the \\\\\\\”one in, one out\\\\\\\” deal. As of {{oneInOneOut.period}}, {{oneInOneOut.value}} people have been returned through this arrangement.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__header\\\”:\\\”How do people leave the UK under immigration control?\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Returns can happen in different ways. \\\\\\\”Enforced returns\\\\\\\”, which includes deportations, means the government arranges transport to return people to a different country. In some cases, people are escorted by officers.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”All other returns are \\\\\\\”voluntary\\\\\\\”. This means a person has agreed to leave and may receive government help with travel and other costs to help facilitate the return.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”Some people classed as leaving the country voluntarily do so completely independently and without [any government knowledge or involvement](https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/clyw8jw11jwo).\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Independent returns made up {{independentReturns.percent}} of the total from {{independentReturns.period}}.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25575553?2496655\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25575553\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A stacked area chart of the number of immigration returns from the UK each quarter. The area is segmented by the type of return: government involved or independent. Independent includes those who left the country without telling authorities and were discovered later. Excludes those denied entry at a port. The chart covers each quarter from March 2015 to June 2026. In 2015, returns per quarter hovered around 11,000. Returns decreased throughout the latter half of the decade and in the pandemic; total returns were around 2000 in 2020. Independent and government-involved returns, however, have since increased. In the quarter ending June 2026 there were 6,769 government involved returns and 2,808 independent returns.\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”416\\\”,\\\”foreign-nationals__accordion-4__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”368\\\”,\\\”visas__include-title\\\”:\\\”Visas for legal migration\\\”,\\\”visas__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How do people come to the UK legally?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Most people who come to the UK do so legally, after being granted a visa before they travel.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”A visa gives someone permission to enter or stay in the UK for a specific purpose, such as work, study or joining family members.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”There were {{entryVisas.value}} people who came to the UK via visas from {{entryVisas.period}}, not including visitors or people transiting through the UK. This {{entryVisas.change}} same period the previous year.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”That does not mean all those people travelled to the UK, only that they were approved to do so.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”What are the most common reasons for entry each year?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The most common type of visa people came to the UK on was {{topVisaType.top}}, which made up {{topVisaType.percent}} of all visa entries from {{entryVisas.period}}.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25575781?2496655\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25575781\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the number of visa entries by type of visa from July 2025 to June 2026. The number of visas by type is as follows: Study: 385,974, Work: 234,841, Family: 57,590, and Other: 49,082. For contrast, there were 38,086 entries without permission in the same period.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”450\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”400\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”Who gets the most common UK visas?\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”People from {{topVisaNationality.top}} were the most common group to come to the UK on {{topVisaType.top}} visas, making up {{topVisaNationality.percent}} of the total.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”Together, people from China and India accounted for nearly half of all study visas. This has been the case for many years.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25610589?2496655\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25610589\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries who receive the most study visas to the UK from July 2025 to June 2026. The countries who receive the most study visas are as follows: China: 87,123, India: 83,962, Nigeria: 33,082, Pakistan: 21,330, and Nepal: 17,151. Figures include both main applicants and dependants.\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”352\\\”,\\\”visas__accordion-3__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”288\\\”,\\\”country-compare__include-title\\\”:\\\”Migration to Europe\\\”,\\\”country-compare__cta\\\”:\\\”Tap the questions below\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__header\\\”:\\\”How many people cross to Europe illegally in boats?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The EU and UK monitor the number of people crossing borders in the Mediterranean and English Channel by sea without permission.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”There were {{seaArrivalsEU.value}} sea arrivals to the UK, Greece, Italy, Spain and Cyprus from {{seaArrivalsUK.period}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”Crossings to the UK accounted for about {{seaArrivalsUK.percent}} of the combined total.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”Sea arrivals into mainland Europe peaked in 2015, when the UN said [more than a million people](https://www.unhcr.org/news/stories/over-one-million-sea-arrivals-reach-europe-2015) crossed the Mediterranean.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25617710?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25617710\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A line chart showing yearly arrivals by sea without permission to European countries from April 2018 to July 2026. Italy has generally had the highest numbers, peaking in March 2024 at around 140,000. Greece, Spain, and the UK have fluctuated around 50,000 a year. Cyprus has remained lower than 8,000 throughout.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted\\\”:\\\”TRUE\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”448\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-1__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”416\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__header\\\”:\\\”How many people apply for asylum in Europe?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”The top three countries with the most people claiming asylum from {{asylumClaims.period}} were {{asylumClaims1.value}}, {{asylumClaims2.value}} and {{asylumClaims3.value}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The UK ranked at number {{asylumClaims.rank}} for asylum claims over the same period when compared with 26 other European countries with populations over one million.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”When adjusted for population size, the UK ranks at number {{asylumClaimsRate.rank}} for asylum applications per 100,000 people.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25996564?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25996564\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of European countries with the highest asylum applicants per 100,000 residents from January 2025 to December 2025. Applications includes dependents. Only EU+ countries with a population of over a million were and that include asylum and refugee figures in migration data were included.The top five countries and their rate of asylum application per 100,000 residents are as follows: Greece, ranked first: 532, Spain, ranked second: 290, Switzerland, ranked third: 261, Ireland, ranked fourth: 243, and Belgium, ranked fifth: 233. The UK, also shown, ranks ninth, with 145 asylum applicants per 100,000\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__flourish_classes\\\”:\\\”flourish-embed\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__mega_height\\\”:\\\”496\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-2__component__embed-1__hoisted_height\\\”:\\\”448\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__header\\\”:\\\”How does net migration compare across Europe?\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-1\\\”:\\\”Net migration measures the overall change in a country’s population due to migration over a given period. It is everyone coming into the country (immigration) minus everyone who leaves (emigration).\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-2\\\”:\\\”The latest available data to compare the UK with other European nations is {{netMigrationEU.period}}.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-3\\\”:\\\”At that point, the countries with the biggest increase in their population were {{netMigrationEU1.value}}, {{netMigrationEU2.value}} and {{netMigrationEU3.value}}, after taking into account the people who left the country, and those who arrived.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__para-4\\\”:\\\”When adjusting for population size, the UK was in position {{netMigrationEU.rank}} for increase in population due to migration, alongside 13 other European countries with comparable data per 100,000 residents.\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__type\\\”:\\\”flourish\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_visualisation_id\\\”:\\\”25702682?2496655\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_fallback_id\\\”:\\\”25702682\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_iframe_title\\\”:\\\”Data chart\\\”,\\\”country-compare__accordion-3__component__embed-1__flourish_alt\\\”:\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top 5 European countries by net migration per 100,000 residents. The countries and figures are as follows: Ireland: 1,308, Spain: 1,288, Switzerland: 926, Netherlands: 658, Norway: 613, and UK: 498. 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journalism\\\”],\\\”locations\\\”:{\\\”regions\\\”:[]}},\\\”dataFetching\\\”:{\\\”enabled\\\”:true,\\\”sources\\\”:[{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/rkwxq4b7437xh91yo7xgt/asylum-hotels-and-applications.csv?rlkey=hmbc39smc5ejigvbgkconvzrk&st=t1dktfhz&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/asylum-hotels-and-applications.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/vczs4of7zr6fuo9wxcj7i/at-a-glance.csv?rlkey=b4scs9co7amhgjq2vfumawtvs&st=52q0qtzd&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/at-a-glance.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/fhnexcdq8betqouk1fsf7/foreign-nationals-returned.csv?rlkey=prdfgarru00d25sp9icldoj4e&st=25ho3sti&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/foreign-nationals-returned.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/om3ulr4g85ai5h2g09hp9/legal-arrivals.csv?rlkey=b8h89u7ni79d14pqcv0nrem4i&st=7qv4a1es&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/legal-arrivals.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/xz0xibsqjrpa0kmp6r1sp/local-authority-accommodation.json?rlkey=b87ql7j2d3moa6kdaq4ovjxp3&e=1&st=ioamsx6p&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”JSON\\\”,\\\”isLocalAuthorityData\\\”:true,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/local-authority-accommodation.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/cjkezapw49zrfpqcxgxa1/local-authority-accommodation-summary.json?rlkey=sylcbnr4l6jgkndlufk9a8t3r&e=1&st=xxp0wlyq&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”JSON\\\”,\\\”isLocalSummaryData\\\”:true,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/local-authority-summary.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/c58gqrutf1jwsmpmyi0rj/small-boats-and-others.csv?rlkey=u3nklavipoz0i5uwti7roax9e&st=cas8ryyi&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/small-boats-and-others.json\\\”},{\\\”url\\\”:\\\”https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/s20l5f72gn0vj89wxw184/uk-migration-compared.csv?rlkey=kn46z5cwz41crrfae50tpia6w&st=prxpzlp8&dl=1\\\”,\\\”format\\\”:\\\”CSV\\\”,\\\”destination\\\”:\\\”./source/app/data/country-compare.json\\\”}]},\\\”handlebarsPartials\\\”:[\\\”picture\\\”],\\\”defaultPort\\\”:1031,\\\”usedPort\\\”:1031,\\\”generateForMozart\\\”:true,\\\”hasGithubRepo\\\”:true,\\\”bespokeOrbitCacheTTL\\\”:false,\\\”shouldAllowDeviceTracking\\\”:true,\\\”baseInclude\\\”:\\\”app\\\”,\\\”shadowDom\\\”:true,\\\”generator\\\”:\\\”project-multiple-includes\\\”,\\\”projectNamespace\\\”:\\\”newsspec-41039-migration-dashboard-2025\\\”,\\\”generatorVersion\\\”:\\\”11.7.0\\\”,\\\”projectName\\\”:\\\”newsspec-41039-migration-dashboard-2025\\\”,\\\”outputDir\\\”:\\\”include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025\\\”,\\\”optimiseImagesOnEveryBuild\\\”:false,\\\”includes\\\”:{\\\”app\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”159d2186-3646-430e-8afd-0191444844da\\\”},\\\”at-a-glance\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”381537a4-87e2-4234-9c06-e99e365cd110\\\”},\\\”country-compare\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”98ac513c-f8e1-4daf-bfea-d0289d29d94f\\\”},\\\”foreign-nationals\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”25c4afa2-1ffa-4c3b-ac4e-a861b6a2f7cf\\\”},\\\”hotels-and-applications\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”5c9bc86e-c3bd-4b8b-87bd-97681ef21418\\\”},\\\”small-boats\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”a10353df-63ca-4d21-af27-abf8a0341e79\\\”},\\\”visas\\\”:{\\\”uuid\\\”:\\\”ed70e453-dd9c-40e4-9e55-c5d8146a20e8\\\”}},\\\”pathToWrapperAssets\\\”:\\\”https://news.files.bbci.co.uk/include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025/assets/embed\\\”,\\\”pathToInclude\\\”:\\\”https://news.files.bbci.co.uk/include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025/english/small-boats/embed\\\”,\\\”pathToWrapperAssetsToInclude\\\”:\\\”https://news.files.bbci.co.uk/include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025/english/small-boats/embed\\\”};\\n\\u003c/script>\\n\\u003clink rel=\\\”stylesheet\\\” href=\\\”https://news.files.bbci.co.uk/include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025/assets/embed/css/inline.css??v=1.0.202609241030.undefined\\\”>\\n\\u003cdiv id=\\\”responsive-embed-newsspec-41039-migration-dashboard-2025-small-boats\\\” class=\\\”bbc-news-vj-wrapper–embed bbc-news-vj-direction–ltr bbc-news-vj-language–english\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv id=\\\”responsive-embed-newsspec-41039-migration-dashboard-2025-small-boats-core-content\\\”>\\n \\u003cbutton class=\\\”amp-click-to-expand hidden\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”amp-click-to-expand-inset\\\”>\\n \\u003csvg xmlns=\\\”http://www.w3.org/2000/svg\\\” width=\\\”32\\\” height=\\\”32\\\” viewBox=\\\”0 0 32 32\\\” aria-hidden=\\\”true\\\”>\\n \\u003cpath d=\\\”M12.5 0l-1 20-6-4-2 2 10 14h15V14l-3-1.4V17h-1v-4.8l-3-1.4V17h-1v-6.6l-3-1.4v8h-1V0h-4z\\\” />\\n \\u003c/svg>\\n \\u003cspan class=\\\”amp-click-to-expand-text\\\”>Click to expand\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/button> \\u003cdiv class=\\\”embed-wrapper embed-wrapper–module\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”embed-topper\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”embed-content\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__fallback\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture\\n sm-picture–ratio-\\n sm-picture–fit-\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cpicture class=\\\”sm-picture__picture\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\”>\\n \\u003csource srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003cimg loading=\\\”eager\\\” src=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28682833/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” alt=\\\”A bar chart of the total number of people arriving in the UK by small boat each year since 2018. Each bar is split to show arrivals up to 22 Sep and arrivals after that date. Total arrivals by year were as follows: 2018: 299, 2019: 1,843, 2020: 8,462, 2021: 28,526, 2022: 45,755, 2023: 29,437, 2024: 36,816, 2025: 41,472. So far in 2026, 17,784 people have arrived by small boat, as of 22 Sep. This is the fifth highest total for the years shown, by the same point in the year.\\\” width=\\\”100%\\\” height=\\\”\\\” />\\n \\u003c/picture>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__flourish-container hidden hoisted\\\” style=\\\”height: 22rem;\\\” >\\n \\u003cdiv id=\\\”embed\\\” data-height=\\\”100%\\\” class=\\\”flourish-embed flourish-embed-iframe\\\” data-src=\\\”visualisation/28682833?2496655\\\” style=\\\”height: 100%; width: 100%\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”crosshead-cta\\\”>Tap the questions below\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>How many people cross the English Channel in small boats?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>Between 1 January and 22 September 2026, a total of 17,784 people crossed the English Channel by small boat from France. This was down by 45% on the same period the previous year.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>These crossings have become the most common way for people to be detected entering the UK illegally since 2020.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Nearly all those who arrive by small boat claim asylum. Under international law, this means they are allowed to stay in the country while their asylum application is considered.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Small boat arrivals made up 40% of asylum applications between July 2025 to June 2026.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Boats that arrived in the UK from 23 September 2025 to 22 September 2026 carried an average of 67 people. This has more than doubled since 2021.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>Experts say \\u003ca href=\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cj9j8r8z90wo\\\” target=\\\”_top\\\”>overcrowding in boats makes crossings riskier\\u003c/a>. At least 84 people died while attempting to cross the Channel in 2024, according to the United Nations (UN).\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>When looking at the scale of small boats crossings, the number of these arrivals is about 5% of the size of total immigration into the UK from January 2025 to December 2025.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>The government has pledged to \\u003ca href=\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c9dqqj0v1ndo\\\” target=\\\”_top\\\”>“smash the gangs”\\u003c/a> behind these crossings in order to reduce the numbers.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003c/details> \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>Who is arriving in the UK on small boats?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>People from Eritrea accounted for 18% of all arrivals from July 2025 to June 2026.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__fallback\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture\\n sm-picture–ratio-\\n sm-picture–fit-\\\”>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-picture__content\\\”>\\n \\u003cpicture class=\\\”sm-picture__picture\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003csource type=\\\”image/webp\\\” srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\”>\\n \\u003csource srcset=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” media=\\\”(min-width: )\\\”>\\n \\u003cimg loading=\\\”eager\\\” src=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/25573101/thumbnail?v=1.1\\\” alt=\\\”A horizontal bar chart of the top five countries from which the UK receives most arrivals by small boat. The countries and corresponding arrivals detected are as follows: Eritrea with 5,875 arrivals detected, Sudan with 4,191 arrivals detected, Afghanistan with 4,042 arrivals detected, Somalia with 3,901 arrivals detected, and Iran with 3,657 arrivals detected. The figures are for July 2025 to June 2026.\\\” width=\\\”100%\\\” height=\\\”\\\” />\\n \\u003c/picture>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”sm-flourish-embed__flourish-container hidden \\\” style=\\\”height: 22rem;\\\” >\\n \\u003cdiv id=\\\”embed\\\” data-height=\\\”100%\\\” class=\\\”flourish-embed flourish-embed-iframe\\\” data-src=\\\”visualisation/25573101?2496655\\\” style=\\\”height: 100%; width: 100%\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cp>In the latest figures covering January 2025 to December 2025, at least 2,335 people who arrived by small boat were found to be potential victims of human trafficking or other forms of modern slavery, according to the Home Office.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003c/details> \\u003cdetails class=\\\”sm-accordion\\\”>\\n \\u003csummary class=\\\”sm-summary\\\”>\\n \\u003cspan>How else do people stay in the UK without permission?\\u003c/span>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”toggle-icon\\\”>\\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/summary>\\n \\u003cp>Another 4,712 people were detected entering the UK without permission via other methods including hiding in vehicles, travelling on ferries or through airports from July 2025 to June 2026. This was down by 17% on the same period the previous year.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>There are also individuals who arrive legally, for example via a work or study visa, and then overstay their limit.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003cp>The total number of people who live in the UK illegally after arriving legally is not known.\\u003c/p>\\n \\u003c/details> \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cdiv class=\\\”embed-footer\\\”>\\n \\u003ca href=\\\”https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c70989jrdweo\\\” target=\\\”_blank\\\”>See more key stats on hotels, small boats and asylum\\u003c/a>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n \\u003cnoscript>\\u003clink href=\\\”https://news.files.bbci.co.uk/include/newsspec/41039-migration-dashboard-2025/assets/embed/css/small-boats.css??v=1.0.202609241030.undefined\\\” rel=\\\”stylesheet\\\”>\\u003c/noscript>\\n \\u003cscript src=\\\”https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js\\\”>\\u003c/script>\\n \\u003c/div>\\n\\u003c/div>\\n\\u003cstyle 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China’s Chengdu Aircraft Corporation continues to press ahead with the development of its ‘J-36’ next-generation tailless heavy tactical jet. Recent flight testing has offered interesting new views of the still-evolving stealthy design from the top and behind, prompting discussion about the aircraft’s features. There has also been talk recently about whether the jet might receive a laser directed-energy weapon at some point in the future.

The J-36 first broke cover, along with another next-generation tailless tactical jet design generally referred to as the J-XDS, back in December of 2024. There are understood to be at least four, and possibly five, J-36 prototypes flying now. A number of significant changes between prototypes have already been observed over the past two years, as you can read more about here.

The most recent video of a J-36 test flight, seen in the social media post below, began circulating online yesterday. The footage shows the aircraft coming in to land, providing good general views of the uniquely three-engined jet with its two-seat, side-by-side cockpit configuration, especially from the rear aspect. What is seen underscores a previously observed total revision of the exhausts from a trough style to a two-dimensional thrust-vectoring configuration akin to what is found on the U.S. F-22 Raptor. This and other significant changes to the design, including the addition of divertless supersonic intakes (DSIs) all around, not just on top, first emerged last year. The clip also offers a good reminder of just how wide the aircraft is overall.

Obviously one of the best video recordings of the J-36 so far seen during landing approach … But can anyone read the number under the cockpit? 😉 https://t.co/cmQ0AkdsdO

— @Rupprecht_A (@RupprechtDeino) September 22, 2026

As this particular J-36 passes by, it can be seen to have a lighter-colored radome, as well as at least one relatively large lighter-colored section on top of the dorsal air intake. A similarly colored radome was first spotted on what is said to be the fourth prototype back in July. This coloring could point to the installation of actual radar in the aircraft’s nose. In TWZ‘s first in-depth analysis of the J-36 back in 2024, we assessed that the jet’s very broad radome area could house an absolutely massive primary array.

The lighter section on top of the fuselage could be an aperture for a conformal antenna tied to a beyond-line-of-sight communications and data-sharing suite. In 2024, we posited that the heavyweight J-36 could serve as an intelligence-gathering and communications relay platform in addition to performing tasks more typically associated with tactical combat jets. Reliable and multi-faceted connectivity would be key for employing the J-36 as an airborne controller for advanced air combat drones, as well.

Another J-36 flight testing video that emerged on Monday, seen below, offers an additional view of the top of the jet, showing multiple lighter-colored sections that would appear to be additional conformal apertures for various antennas. There is a lighter-colored rectangular outline painted around part of the intake on top of the center of the fuselage, as well. The jet’s full paint scheme includes lighter-colored leading and trailing edges, which are critical structures on low-observable (stealthy) designs that often contain additional antenna arrays. Overall, the two-tone coloring is very much in line with what is seen on operational J-20 fighters in Chinese service today. The original J-36 prototype, at least, has notably worn a splinter-type camouflage paint scheme.

China’s J-36 sixth-gen fighter asserting its dominance in the sky.

My prediction, the J-36 will gain initial operational capability before the American F-47 take its maiden flight. pic.twitter.com/SLmjqZ76Aw

— Zhao DaShuai 东北进修🇨🇳 (@zhao_dashuai) September 21, 2026

Whether or not the two recent video clips show the same J-36 prototype is unclear. The possibility has now been raised that Chengdu may be using a single serial number (36011) on at least some of the J-36 prototypes, a decision that could have been made for counter-intelligence and/or deliberate misinformation/disinformation purposes.

Much still remains unknown about the current or expected future capabilities of the J-36. Aviation Industry Corporation of China (AVIC) did have a placard at its booth at the 14th China International Defence Electronics Exhibition earlier this month that has prompted questions about whether the jet could be equipped with a laser directed-energy weapon. Chengdu falls under the umbrella of AVIC, which is a state-run enterprise. The Chinese-language placard in question describes a “laser weapon tracking system” with a power rating of “*00” kilowatts and a weight of “less than” 837.7 pounds (380 kilograms), per a machine translation. The way the power rating is written appears to mean that it is in the hundreds of kilowatts, which would put it firmly in a class capable of doing physical damage to objects, such as incoming missiles and drones.

Furthermore, an associated graphic shows a turreted system and a computer-generated rendering of a J-36 projecting a beam. The render appears to be from a video that depicts a J-36 using a laser to destroy other aircraft. Another computer-generated video that shows a J-36 using retractable lasers to shoot down incoming missiles has been circulating online since at least last year.

It is not immediately clear how official either of the clips depicting laser-armed J-36s might be, or whether they at all reflect real planned capabilities. The full placard presented at the China International Defence Electronics Exhibition, as seen in the video below, shows a variety of different laser systems, and not just for aerial applications.

The fielding of operational laser directed-energy weapons capable of inflicting any real physical damage has historically proven to be very challenging, and even more so within the size, power-generation, and cooling constraints presented by modern combat jets. As an example, the U.S. Air Force spent roughly a decade working on a podded laser weapon system that tactical jets could use to swat down incoming missiles under its Self-protect High Energy Laser Demonstrator (SHiELD) program. In 2024, the service confirmed SHiELD had “concluded” without achieving its goal of an actual flight test. That same year, the Air Force cancelled plans to test a laser weapon system on an AC-130 gunship.

Despite important U.S. strides more recently when it comes to fielding ground-based and naval laser weapon systems, “there’s nothing that’s on the shelf right now that we are ready to put onto an airplane,” U.S. Air Force Brig. Gen. Douglas Wickert, the commander of the Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL), told TWZ and other outlets just last week at a roundtable at the Air & Space Forces Association’s (AFA) 2026 Air, Space & Cyber Conference on Tuesday. “The solid-state lasers and the power density and the different ways that you actually – there’s actually a lot of secret sauce in that. How do you make the beam, and how do you form the beam, and how do you pulse the beam, and all that’s in development.”

‘There’s development of the laser itself, but now the power and thermal management system has progressed so much that we can provide the power needed,” Dr. Michael Gregg, head of AFRL’s Air Warfare Directorate, said at the same roundtable. “We’ve also had new designs and engines that we know have the power … to direct that power in certain areas. So, from a system perspective, it’s much more feasible because everything has matured over the last decade.”

China has certainly made substantial investments of its own in laser and other directed-energy weapon capabilities across domains in recent years, and this is clearly an area of interest for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), in general. When it comes to the J-36 specifically, TWZ has explicitly highlighted in the past how the three-engine configuration could be particularly useful for producing sufficient power to support a host of advanced and electricity-hungry sensors and other capabilities, including directed energy weapons.

Larger questions remain about the exact set of roles the J-36 is expected to fill, as well. The basic design is certainly optimized for straight-line performance, combat radius, and payload rather than maneuverability and agility. The jet has already caused a significant amount of debate just when it comes to taxonomy, as it does not seem to fit inside traditional definitions of ‘fighters’ and ‘bombers,’ something we have explored in detail previously.

“According to Yang Wei – chief designer of the J-20 –, the new [J-36] fighter can penetrate heavily defended airspace that the J-20 and comparable F-22s or F-35s must avoid, placing it a generation ahead,” Andreas Rupprecht, an analyst specializing in Chinese military aviation and TWZ contributor, wrote in a post on LinkedIn last week. “With lower RCS [radar cross section], high speed, and the capacity to control more drones, it could act as a node and command center for systems including J-20s and, especially, unmanned aircraft, while attacking high-value targets from stand-off range with long-range weapons.”

“The type could therefore represent a new class of ‘fighter,’” he added. “Online terms include ‘theater-level deep-penetration command combat aircraft’ and ‘high-performance fighter,’ analogous to a cruiser ranking above a destroyer within the Navy. Recent evidence gives this theory new weight and warrants continued monitoring.”

The J-36, as well as the J-XDS, reflect a larger burst of next-generation air combat developments in China in recent years. This includes an array of new crewed and uncrewed aircraft designed for operations from bases on land, as well as from the PLA Navy’s (PLAN) growing fleet of aircraft carriers and big-deck amphibious assault ships. The Chinese aviation industry’s development of a growing array of flying-wing uncrewed aircraft, some of which are very large, has been particularly notable.

In turn, there is something of an emerging gap between these developments and the pace at which the U.S. military is moving along similar lines, at least publicly. Boeing’s sixth-generation F-47 for the U.S. Air Force is not expected to take to the skies for the first time until 2028, though preceding demonstrator designs have been flying for years already. The U.S. Navy still has yet to officially announce a winner of its F/A-XX next-generation carrier-based fighter competition, and the current timeline for that program producing an operational aircraft is unclear.

As an aside, based on what has emerged publicly to date, there are signs that the F-47 may reflect a distinctly different design philosophy that puts greater emphasis on maneuverability compared to the J-36, and even likely the J-XDS. As mentioned, the J-36 certainly seems much more focused on payload, range, and level flight performance. In July, TWZ published a deep dive exploring why the U.S. Air Force would pursue a sixth-generation fighter with rear-swept wings, canards, and other features despite steady trends in the opposite direction visible in Chinese designs and ones elsewhere globally.

Regardless, U.S. officials have downplayed questions about China’s gaining ground in the air combat arena, or even surging into the lead in certain areas, in the past. “Chinese sixth-generation aircraft are in the nascent stages of development and expected to be operational by 2035,” the Pentagon wrote in its most recent annual report on military and security developments in China, which was published in December 2025.

In the meantime, the J-36’s design is already steadily being refined, and the total fleet of prototypes has been growing, offering new insights into the aircraft’s expected capabilities and roles.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu takes to his feet at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York later on Thursday, he does so at a critical point in both his political career and in his country’s long and fractious relationship with the international body.

Israel has faced repeated accusations of genocide at the UN, as well as systematic war crimes in Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Those criticisms continue to shape the country’s fractious relationship with the body.

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For Netanyahu, appearing in front of the UNGA for the 15th time, the stakes have rarely been higher. Addressing a domestic Israeli audience that polls show to be losing faith in him and his Likud party ahead of crucial elections later this year, Netanyahu has already pitched himself as Israel’s primary voice on the international stage.

Nevertheless, analysts say Netanyahu’s address could prove a pivotal moment domestically, amplified by international criticism of Israel and expected to dominate headlines and be carried live across the country’s television networks.

“This is a regular fixture for him,” former Israeli consul general in New York and ex-government adviser Alon Pinkas told Al Jazeera. “It’s his way of being seen in Israel as standing up against the world and of telling members that he will never give up or surrender. He’s also turned the event into some kind of national holiday in Israel, with everyone sitting down to watch the address on television. He’s brainwashed people in Israel into believing his speech is somehow an announcement of policy, stated in defiance of the [rest of the world] who don’t believe a word he says.”

A history of hostility

Israeli leaders have long framed their stance towards the UN as one of defiance in the face of hostility. The UN has long been a platform for critics of Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestinian land and repeated attacks on its neighbours. It has included attempts to censure Israel over what UN investigators have described as apartheid in the West Bank, as well as accusations of genocide and pogroms across the occupied Palestinian territory since October 2023.

There have been numerous UNGA resolutions criticising Israel’s conduct — nearly all dismissed by Israeli lawmakers as evidence of institutional bias — culminating in Israel declaring UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres persona non grata and severely restricting the operations of the UN’s agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA.

“Generally speaking, many Israelis tend to see the UN as anti-Israeli,” Nimrod Goren, the president of the Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policy, Mitvim, said.

Against that background, criticism from New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani — already cast as anti-Israel in the Israeli press — has drawn greater public attention to the event. Underscoring the sense of hostility towards Israel are stories within the country’s media suggesting that Netanyahu’s visit to New York has been curtailed due to unspecified security concerns, with the Israeli premier expected to fly out of New York on the same day as his arrival.

In response, Israel’s ambassador to the UN, Danny Danon, who has repeatedly accused the organisation of waging “diplomatic terrorism” against the state called for Mamdani’s arrest for what he said was the mayor’s incitement against New York’s Jewish community ahead of Netanyahu’s visit.

“Netanyahu is going into his UNGA speech with not one but both eyes focused firmly on the upcoming Israeli election,” Goren said. “The speech is usually treated in Israel as a major event, receiving broad coverage and dominating the news cycle. Netanyahu will likely try to leverage this to bolster his image as a close ally of the US and to talk up the threat posed by Iran.”

US backing

Some have interpreted US President Donald Trump’s apparent lack of availability to meet Netanyahu during this trip as a sign of waning support. But US backing for Israel at the UN has remained steadfast since the October 7 attack and has contributed to growing frustration within the UN over what they see as Israel’s ability to resist international censure.

Alongside the creation of the Board of Peace, which shifted significant responsibility for Gaza’s future from the UN to the Trump-founded organisation, Washington has repeatedly used its veto at the UN Security Council to shield Israel from resolutions it opposes. The US has vetoed at least six UN Security Council resolutions on Gaza since October 2023, most of them demanding an immediate ceasefire.

“There seems to be genuine frustration within the UN General Assembly over the body’s failure to play a significant political role in Gaza and the West Bank, but also in its failure to protect its own staff and agencies,” Chatham House Associate Fellow Zizette Darkazally, who previously worked with the UN, said.

“However, it’s worth remembering the context the UN operates within in the occupied territories and the important humanitarian role it plays. The UN continues to get aid and medical support into Gaza and the West Bank, which are both areas where Israel has absolute control over access,” she said. “It’s also worth remembering that the UN is only as strong as the commitment of its member states.”

“That, combined with a system of veto that’s more than 80 years old, has left the organisation weaker now than it had ever been,” she said of the confrontations between the UN and Israel. “And we’re seeing the effects of that, not just in Palestine, but in Yemen, Sudan and Iran, where the UN is playing next to no political role.”

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