News Desk

July 20 (UPI) — The average price of a gallon of regular grade gasoline in the United States has again reached $4 on Monday with renewed fighting in Iran.

AAA reported a 13-cent hike in the average gas price over the past week, bringing an end to declining prices. The latest surge comes on the back of the peace deal between the United States and Iran falling apart with both sides reigniting attacks.

The lowest gas prices in the United States on Monday can be found in Indiana, where a gallon of regular gasoline is $3.35. California has the highest average price per gallon at $5.49 and Washington and Hawaii are above $5 per gallon.

The average price of a gallon of gas was $2.98 before the United States and Israel launched strikes on Iran on Feb.28. Prices climbed quickly after that due to Iran effectively closing the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint in the Middle East oil trade. The average gas price in the United States topped $4.50 in May, marking a four-year high.

Brent crude oil, the international benchmark, surpassed $90 per barrel on Monday for the first time since early June. The price of Brent crude oil has climbed by 16% in the past week.

The price of a barrel of West Texas Intermediate crude oil has increased by $12 in July, hitting $82 per barrel.

Aggressions between the United States and Iran have brought the return of the U.S. naval blockade on the Strait of Hormuz. U.S. forces are again targeting any ships using Iranian ports.

U.S. economic data showed improvement beginning in June as talks of a peace agreement heated up. The White House welcomed a report from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics last week that showed consumer prices falling in June.

“Prices are coming way down, and we’re doing a great job,” President Donald Trump told reporters last week. “And remember that for the midterms.”

The decline in consumer prices was largely attributed to falling gas and energy prices. Those prices were also the catalyst for prices surging over the past five months.

In the United Arab Emirates, women hold half of all parliamentary seats, a threshold reached by only six national legislatures on Earth. In Afghanistan, a fellow member of the same fifty seven nation bloc, girls are barred by law from any education beyond primary school, the only country where that is true. On July 12 and 13, 2026, delegates from all fifty seven states gathered in Islamabad to adopt a single shared declaration on women’s empowerment. The distance between those two realities is the actual subject the declaration had to confront, whether its authors framed it that way or not.

The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation represents fifty seven states and close to 1.9 billion people, a demographic scale matched by few multilateral bodies. What it conspicuously lacks is a shared starting point on gender equality, and the scale of that lack is easy to understate until the two ends of the distribution are placed side by side. The World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2025 ranks the United Arab Emirates 69th of 146 economies overall, with full parliamentary parity and women occupying nearly two thirds of federal leadership roles. It ranks Bangladesh 24th of 148, the strongest performer in South Asia for a second consecutive year, having closed 73 percent of its overall gender gap after decades of expanding a legislative quota from 7 percent of seats to 30. At the opposite pole, three of the only five economies anywhere in the world governed by an entirely male cabinet, Azerbaijan, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia, are OIC members, and Oman remains the sole national parliament on the planet with no women seated in it at all. Afghanistan sits outside even that range. It is the only country on Earth barring girls from secondary and higher education by law, a policy that currently excludes close to 2.2 million girls from formal schooling altogether.

This is the span the Islamabad Declaration was written into, and it is worth pausing on what that span actually implies. A framework broad enough to be endorsed by both Abu Dhabi and Kabul’s immediate neighbors within the same bloc can, almost by construction, say very little about what any single government is actually required to do. Language capacious enough to cover a country with full parliamentary parity and a country that bars girls from secondary school is language calibrated for consensus, not for consequence. The more useful question, then, is not whether the declaration reads as ambitious, most instruments of this kind do, but whether the bloc has built, or shows any sign of building, a mechanism capable of moving its weakest performers rather than simply narrating the achievements of its strongest.

Where the record earns genuine credit

Some of what the OIC claims for itself withstands scrutiny, and is worth crediting on its own terms rather than dissolved into a general skepticism about summit diplomacy. Female enrollment in tertiary education has expanded meaningfully across member states, and the bloc’s own reporting places women at just over 39 percent of researchers across OIC countries, ahead of the roughly 34 percent global average. Maternal and child health outcomes have improved alongside it. But the most persuasive evidence for what actually moves the needle sits not in the declaration’s language but in the legislative record beneath it. Global data from the Inter Parliamentary Union shows that countries employing electoral quotas elected women at a rate of 31.2 percent in 2024, against 16.8 percent in countries without them, a gap of nearly two to one that survives across regions and income levels. Bangladesh’s own trajectory, from a 7 percent quota to 30, tracks that pattern almost precisely, and the United Arab Emirates reached full parliamentary parity through a comparable top down legal commitment rather than the slow accretion of social change. Where OIC member states have adopted binding, specific instruments, quotas above all others, the results are visible and replicable in the data. That is a genuine and transferable finding, and it rests on firmer ground than most of the rhetoric surrounding it.

The economic weakness the whole bloc shares, to varying degrees

Set the political headlines aside and the bloc’s collective vulnerability comes into sharper focus around economic participation. The OIC’s own assessment puts female labor force participation across member states at roughly 41 percent against 76 percent for men, and estimates some 106 million young people across the bloc as neither employed, in education, nor in training, with young women disproportionately represented among them. Southern Asia, the region anchoring several of the OIC’s most populous members, registers the weakest economic participation score of any region tracked in the Global Gender Gap Report, a full thirty five points separating its best and worst performing economies from one another. Even the UAE and Bangladesh, the bloc’s clearest political success stories, have not resolved this dimension with anything like the completeness they have brought to representation, which suggests economic inclusion answers to different levers than legislative quotas do, and that the declaration’s language on finance, entrepreneurship, and employment access is, whether by design or accident, aimed at the harder of the bloc’s two structural problems.

The test the declaration cannot argue its way around

Afghanistan is where the claim that voluntary declarations carry real weight meets its sharpest and least forgiving test. At the same Islamabad conference, delegates stated plainly that the Taliban’s restrictions on women harm the image of Islam and are inconsistent with Islamic teaching, echoing an OIC position from previous years that described the restrictions as contrary to the faith the bloc exists to represent. The Muslim World League, the largest Islamic non governmental organization in the world, has separately and repeatedly urged the Taliban to reverse the bans. The response from Kabul has been unambiguous. Spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid has told international audiences that women’s rights are fully protected under the group’s interpretation of Sharia, and Taliban officials have characterized the education ban as an internal matter closed to outside comment, a position firm enough to have stalled unrelated talks over frozen central bank assets as recently as May 2026.

The stakes of this reach well beyond Afghanistan’s borders. If the bloc’s most unified and most theologically grounded criticism, the accusation that a member state’s policy is contrary to Islam itself, produces no observable change in that state’s conduct, it becomes a reasonable proxy for how much practical force softer, less unified language on labor force participation or quota adoption is likely to carry anywhere else in the bloc. The Islamabad Declaration has no enforcement mechanism for Afghanistan, and, tellingly, does not appear to need one in order to be adopted, since adoption requires only consensus on wording, not compliance with it.

Taking the structural counterargument seriously

There is a coherent case that expecting more than this from the OIC misreads what kind of institution it actually is. A consensus body spanning constitutional monarchies, parliamentary republics, and a Taliban administered emirate cannot plausibly issue binding standards on domestic labor law or family structure without member states either declining to sign or signing without any intention of compliance, an outcome arguably worse than the present voluntary model. Under this reading, the declaration’s proper function is to establish a shared reference point and let reputational pressure and peer example, the UAE and Bangladesh held up as internal proof of concept, do the work that binding law structurally cannot. The newly launched Islamabad Initiative on Women’s Digital Inclusion, a voluntary platform for digital literacy, entrepreneurship, and technology access, is built entirely on that theory of change: participation by choice rather than compliance by mandate. Judged against that more modest theory rather than against an enforcement standard it was never designed to meet, the declaration may be performing precisely as intended, and the fair critique is not that it fails at its stated purpose, but that its stated purpose may simply be too modest for the scale of the problem it describes.

Three paths from here

The most probable trajectory, roughly half of plausible outcomes by our estimate, is that the demonstration effect model continues largely undisturbed: the UAE and Bangladesh keep improving and are cited internally as proof the model works, the bloc’s lowest tier, Afghanistan most starkly, remains unmoved by rhetorical pressure however strongly it is worded, and the aggregate figures stay roughly flat because gains concentrated at the top fail to transmit downward through the distribution.

A second and less likely path, perhaps three in ten, sees middle tier member states, those possessing neither the UAE’s resources nor Afghanistan’s total exclusion, adopting elements of the proposed Gender Equality Dashboard or the digital inclusion platform in a genuine if partial way, narrowing the bloc’s middle even while its extremes remain fixed in place.

A third and least likely path, perhaps one in five, involves the range widening further still, driven by continuing instability among the bloc’s weakest performers, Afghanistan foremost among them but potentially compounded by conflict or governance stress elsewhere, at a pace that outstrips whatever gains the top and middle of the distribution manage to produce.

The indicator worth watching

The clearest available test is not whether the OIC issues further statements on Afghanistan, since it plainly will, but whether the Gender Equality Dashboard or the Digital Inclusion Initiative produces any actual, published, comparative country level data within the current reporting cycle. A voluntary framework that generates public comparison functions differently, in practice, from one that generates only communiques, since comparison is the mechanism from which reputational pressure, the model’s only real lever, actually derives. A second and narrower indicator is whether Afghanistan’s formal relationship with OIC gender programming registers any change whatsoever, even nominal engagement, as distinct from continued flat rejection, since that alone would be the first sign that unified religious framing carries weight the bloc’s other instruments do not.

What this means for institutional readers

For Western multilateral institutions and United Nations agencies, the OIC’s internal variance means that a single engagement strategy toward the bloc on gender issues is analytically weak on its face. The UAE and Bangladesh are credible technical partners on quota design and implementation, while engagement on Afghanistan specifically should continue to run primarily through humanitarian and human rights channels, given that the OIC’s own most unified criticism has already been tested there and found to carry no observable weight.

For investors and development finance institutions assessing exposure across OIC economies, a female labor force participation range running from roughly 22 percent to over 70 percent within a single fifty seven member bloc constitutes one of the more differentiated and independently checkable indicators available for human capital and productivity due diligence on any individual member state, and merits assessment country by country rather than reliance on the bloc’s aggregate language.

For rights focused organizations and donors, the quota evidence, 31.2 percent representation where legal quotas exist against 16.8 percent where they do not, is the single most defensible, causally grounded policy argument available to press within OIC forums, considerably more persuasive than the broader declaratory commitments on empowerment that lack a comparably rigorous evidentiary foundation.

If Oxnard to you is just a freeway sign on the way to Santa Barbara or Ojai, you’re missing out on a few things. Like an extensive harbor with none of the traffic or showy affluence of its southern cousins. Miles and miles of white sand where you won’t find another family right next to you as soon as you lay down a towel. A diverse, chilled city with an energetic subculture (Nardcore, anyone?) and some pretty decent tacos.

There are a bunch of ways to spend your time here. Take an architecture tour around Heritage Square, perhaps, or taste your way around September’s Chowderfest at the Maritime Museum. On the water, you can paddleboard ‘til you drop, commune with whales on a boat excursion or skip off to the Channel Islands on a whim.

It’s the only California Cultural District in Ventura County, an honor bestowed by the California Arts Council, which says that “from Guelaguetza and Fiestas Patrias to Juneteenth celebrations, Nardcore punk shows, lowrider cruises, fandangos, and Ballet Folklorico, the district’s cultural life is exuberant and deeply rooted in community.” Rapper/producer and Oxnard native Anderson .Paak named his third album after the city and has hosted the .Paak House music festival in the region.

And Oxnard is a summer home to Netflix darlings the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders. For two decades, the Cowboys have held their training camp in the city, and this time around, the cheerleaders will join the scene for Oxnard Fan Night on July 31, the opening ceremony Aug. 1 and toa dance clinic Aug. 2.

Oxnard may not be overly polished, which of course adds to its charm. To get to know the community, you’ll have to veer a few miles off the 101 — but the detour makes for a vibrant SoCal weekend.

For the ninth consecutive night, the United States mounted attacks on Iran’s defence facilities and maritime capabilities into the early hours of Monday, with Tehran hitting back in tit-for-tat strikes as warning sirens blared in neighbouring Gulf countries and Jordan, home to US military bases.

Both sides have accused each other of violating the memorandum of understanding (MoU) they had signed in Islamabad, Pakistan, on June 17. US President Donald Trump has said he views the truce as over, while Iran has said it no longer intends to adhere to the MoU.

Meanwhile, the Strait of Hormuz — through which 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas passed during peacetime — is shut again, sending crude prices shooting up yet again. On Sunday, the US military said another American service member had been killed late last week, bringing the total number of deaths to 17.

So, what has changed in the last two months for the US, Iran and the Gulf countries as the MoU has unravelled in terms of economic impact, widening of military targets, and how they view the war?

Economy

The Strait of Hormuz — the kill switch of the global economy — has been closed down by Iranian authorities, warning that not even a drop of oil shall pass through the waterway amid US attacks and a naval blockade against Iran’s ports.

The MoU had paved a path for the reopening of the strait. And that had briefly pulled oil prices to par with pre-war levels.

The GCC

The strait is of critical importance, especially for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, which saw their economic security and energy strategy severely affected by export curbs. The war on Iran has brought about the largest disruption to global oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies in modern history.

The costs go beyond just energy revenue losses, noted Mohammad Reza Farzanegan, an economist at Germany’s Marburg University.

“The conflict also threatens the GCC countries’ diversification strategies. Tourism, aviation, logistics, construction, real estate and foreign investment all depend on perceptions of regional stability,” he told Al Jazeera. “Continued war increases insurance and transport costs and encourages investors and tourists to reconsider their exposure to the region.”

Iran

For Iran, the MoU lifted the naval blockade against Iranian ports and offered oil and banking sanctions waivers, and Tehran rushed to export tens of millions of barrels of crude oil.

The earlier US blockade had curbed Iranian exports, with Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, telling Iranian state TV in an interview last month that “we did not export even one barrel” during the blockade.

However, as fighting resumed, the US disabled a vessel in the Strait of Hormuz, reported to be carrying Iranian crude. Tehran has also hit commercial vessels in the waterway, and the US has been bombing Iran’s coastal areas since then.

“[The renewed US naval blockade] is more damaging than conventional sanctions because the restrictions are now enforced physically,” said Farzanegan. “Iran therefore has much less room to use intermediaries, alternative flags and informal shipping arrangements to maintain oil exports.”

“The immediate consequences are lower foreign-exchange revenues, further depreciation of the rial and stronger inflationary pressure,” the economist told Al Jazeera.

Iran’s economy has been suffering from one of the world’s highest inflation rates. The rial touched nearly 1.9 million against the US dollar this week, a new all-time low. The Tehran Stock Exchange’s main index lost another 120,000 points or 2.4 percent on Saturday to stand at 4.77 million.

The US

Trump’s war has been widely unpopular in the US. The president recorded a 60 percent disapproval rating on the economy, as per the latest CNBC polling, with a net approval rating of -22, reported to be the lowest of his political career.

As per the poll, 61 percent of respondents said they are pessimistic about the state of the economy, the highest percentage since December 2023.

“The effects are most visible in energy prices and consumer purchasing power. This increases household costs and complicates the political position of President Trump and Republican candidates ahead of the November 2026 congressional elections,” said Farzanegan.

Military

The US

The US military has had 17 personnel killed in the war with Iran so far. Three of them have been killed since the resumption of the war about 10 days ago.

“We hit them very hard again tonight,” Trump said on Sunday, adding, “We did that in honour of the – probably three – it’s probably three great patriots.”

Two US personnel were killed in an Iranian attack on an airbase in Jordan on Friday, and a third is missing. Another soldier was killed last week in Iraq while defusing unexploded ordnance from an Iranian drone.

Tehran has claimed to have hit several US military facilities in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan, including an aircraft at Aqaba airport.

Al Jazeera could not immediately verify the extent of damage to any facilities.

The Gulf

The renewed attacks from Iran on most Gulf countries, as well as Jordan, have forced them to deploy their interceptors. GCC countries had already used hundreds of expensive interceptors during the first phase of the US-Israel war on Iran in March and April.

But the Iranian military’s attacks have also hit civilian infrastructure in Gulf countries. The bombing of power and desalination plants in Kuwait has drawn widespread regional condemnation.

“What is happening is a severe shock to the GCC countries,” Nader Habibi, an Iranian-American economist, told Al Jazeera. “Now, after the disruptions of the past seven months, even as they have tried to avoid getting involved, the civilian population is indirectly impacted.”

Iran

The US insists that it has focused its attacks on Iran’s military infrastructure, especially on the country’s southern islands — some of which act as forward military or surveillance posts, and others that are believed to host missile bunkers.

But Tehran has accused the US of targeting civilian infrastructure as well in recent days, including bridges and tunnels, ports and dock facilities, power stations and water plants. Iranian officials have said more than 50 people have been killed and about 500 wounded in US attacks in the past three weeks.

Narrative

More than the war itself, a significant part of the messaging from the US and Iran has been over the control of the Strait of Hormuz.

The US

Washington says its renewed attacks are aimed at degrading Iranian capabilities to disrupt maritime traffic in the waterway, with Trump saying last week that “the US controls the Strait”.

Iran

Tehran has pushed back on Trump’s claim.

Farzanegan said Iran’s “ability to influence shipping through the Strait of Hormuz remains a unique source of bargaining power”. “Tehran is therefore prepared to bear considerable costs to preserve this leverage.”

He added that Iran may also calculate that extending part of the economic costs to neighbouring oil-exporting countries will encourage these governments to use their political influence in Washington and push the US towards negotiations.

“This appears to be one reason why Iran is prepared to maintain pressure in the Strait despite the considerable costs to its own economy,” the analyst added.

Aniseh Tabrizi, an associate fellow on the Middle East and North Africa Programme at think tank Chatham House in London, said the significant change since the MoU unravelled “is that there is less optimism than before about diplomacy being feasible”.

“For all the sides,
it is difficult to foresee a scenario in which another deal is not only reached, but also implemented successfully,” she told Al Jazeera. “And that makes it particularly concerning for all the parties involved.”

Tabrizi noted that there appears to be “no imminent drive” from the Iranian side to sign a deal. “They are still maintaining escalatory attacks, but also reciprocating the kind of attacks that are conducted against the country,” she said.

The Gulf

GCC countries have continued to condemn Iran’s attacks on the regional countries, while calling for diplomacy to dial down the escalation. They have made it clear that Iran’s unilateral control over the Strait of Hormuz would not be acceptable to them.

Tabrizi added that, like the weeks before the Islamabad MoU, regional countries, especially Qatar, are still batting for talks.

If anything, Farzanegan said, the economic losses can bring all the sides to the table again for talks.

“Higher economic losses increase the incentives for negotiations,” he said. “A return to negotiations becomes more likely when both sides conclude that continued escalation cannot improve their bargaining position.”

Economist Habibi agreed that if an agreement is reached again, “it would be primarily because of the stability of the economic pressures on both sides”. However, he added that the probability of escalation in the next couple of weeks is higher than the probability of negotiation.

Chellu Masaram’s shelter stands on a patch of land in Goniri, a community a few kilometres from Bama town in northeastern Nigeria.

At 85, she does not have the strength to build a house. So when she and her grandchildren arrived after the closure of the Government Senior Science Secondary School (GSSS) camp in Bama, one of the largest displacement settlements in Borno State outside Maiduguri, they used the only materials they had. 

“We still do not have a room,” Chellu told HumAngle. “We made a room out of the tarpaulin we brought from the camp. The room leaks when it rains.”

For more than a decade, displacement has shaped her life. She fled Sabsabwa, a town in Bama, in 2014 when Boko Haram terrorists attacked the community and killed her son. Since then, she has raised his three children alone: a year at the Bama General Hospital camp, then ten years at GSSS.

Now she is displaced again.

On June 25, Borno State announced the closure of the GSSS camp as part of its broader policy of ending camp-based displacement and resettling people to their communities of origin or nearby settlements. The announcement was made by Dauda Iliya, spokesperson to Governor Babagana Umara Zulum. The exercise was described as the relocation of about 3,000 households to settlements including Abbaram, Darajamal, Mainti, and Goniri, though the actual number of individuals moved remains unclear. Authorities also indicated that the displacement camp in Gwoza could be among the next to close.

The numbers associated with the GSSS camp have varied considerably over the years. In 2023, the camp’s own management estimated it was hosting more than 100,000 people, four times its designed capacity of 25,000. Government statements on the recent closure referenced approximately 3,000 households being relocated to surrounding communities. But that figure came with its own complications. During the closure announcement, Governor Zulum noted that a year earlier the camp had held no more than 400 households, and expressed surprise that the number had risen to 3,000 shortly before closure. “Most of them are residents living within the town,” he said, suggesting that a significant share of those counted at the end were not long-term displaced persons but local residents who had re-entered the camp, most likely to access aid distributions. If that is accurate, the 3,000 figure may overstate the number of people who were genuinely in need of resettlement support, while simultaneously obscuring how many actual long-term IDPs were moved and to where. Humanitarian and official figures detailing the exact number of individuals relocated have not been publicly released. 

HumAngle wrote to the Borno State Emergency Management Agency (BOSEMA) seeking clarification on the number of households and individuals relocated, the preparedness of receiving communities, and plans for future camp closures. The agency had not responded by the time of publication.

What is emerging from Goniri and other receiving communities is a more complicated picture than the language of “camp closure” suggests. For some families, displacement may not have ended. It may simply have changed location.

From Camp Residents to Makeshift Settlers

Chellu and her grandchildren left the camp in the evening, a truck transporting their belongings. “We paid ₦7,000,” she said.

The move brought them to Goniri, one of the communities receiving former camp residents. The grandchildren she cares for are now 17, 15, and 12 years old. None attend formal school. The oldest studies at a Tsangaya school in Bama and returns there to sleep each night. The two girls remain with their grandmother.

The family survives through a combination of small trading and firewood collection. Chellu sells groundnuts when she can. The more demanding work falls to her granddaughters. “The girls go to the bush to gather firewood to sell,” she said. According to her, they spend up to three hours walking into surrounding bush areas before returning with wood that earns around ₦2,000 daily. “This is what we depend on majorly.”

The arrangement is not unusual. Across displacement settings in Borno and the wider North East, firewood collection has become one of the primary survival strategies available to women and girls. In 2020, HumAngle reported how this burden traps women in a cycle of poverty that limits access to education and economic opportunity while increasing exposure to violence.

For Chellu’s granddaughters, the hours in the bush are not a choice. They are an economic necessity shaped by the inadequacy of humanitarian support and the absence of alternative livelihoods. But in Borno, those hours carry a risk that goes beyond physical exhaustion.

Firewood collection in conflict-affected parts of the northeast has long been documented as a moment of acute danger for women and girls. A 2018 World Food Programme survey found that 85 per cent of women in four local government areas of Borno feared rape, murder, or abduction while collecting firewood. UNHCR protection monitoring reports have recorded incidents of rape during firewood collection, alongside the persistent threat of abduction by terrorists. In March 2024, more than 200 internally displaced women were abducted in Ngala, Gamboru Ngala LGA, while collecting firewood in the bush around Jillam and Wurga villages, approximately 15 kilometres from town. Older women and children under 10 were reportedly released; scores of others remained unaccounted for. In August 2023, at least 42 women were abducted by suspected Boko Haram terrorists while gathering firewood in Mafa. This often forces relatives in camps to crowdsource ransom.

In Goniri, Chellu’s granddaughters are navigating that same risk. They go anyway, because the family has to eat.

The broader consequences of this dependence extend beyond the households bearing it.

As hundreds of families like Chellu’s converge on Goniri and surrounding communities, demand for firewood is rising sharply in an environment already under significant ecological pressure. The Lake Chad Basin, of which Borno is a part, has experienced accelerating deforestation driven by displacement, conflict, and climate stress. A study examining the impact of internally displaced persons on forest cover in Jere LGA found that displaced populations destroyed approximately 12 square kilometres of forest and vegetation. Research on the Lake Chad Basin has found that competition between displaced populations and host communities for firewood is driving deforestation and natural resource degradation, reducing the resilience of both groups. Governor Babagana Zulum has acknowledged that displacement-linked deforestation in Borno is contributing to soil erosion, reduced water availability, and increased vulnerability to climate change.

“It was not like this at the camp,” Chellu said.

Food worries now dominate her thoughts. She said she recently cried because she did not know how she would provide enough. For water and medical care, she and the children walk to Bama, a journey she estimates at over an hour on foot. “As old as I am, I must trek with the children for at least an hour daily,” she said. The move has also introduced tensions with neighbours. A nearby resident has repeatedly told her family they are not welcome. “He said he does not want us beside him,”  she said. She says the man has attempted to physically attack her and her granddaughters on multiple occasions, and that complaints to local leaders have produced no resolution.

“I wish the government would intervene.”

The uncertainty surrounding shelter, water, food, and social acceptance has left her wondering what exactly changed when the camp closed. For a woman who has spent 11 years moving between displacement sites, the answer is not obvious.

The shelter gap in Goniri

The Borno State government has long argued that prolonged camp life is not a sustainable solution. Camp closures form part of a broader strategy aimed at restoring communities, reducing dependency on humanitarian assistance, and facilitating recovery from years of insurgency. But interviews with former camp residents in Goniri suggest the transition has been uneven.

Abubakar Mohammed, 36, arrived in Goniri after years in displacement. He first fled Alagarno in Damboa Local Government Area when insurgent attacks devastated the community, spent three months at the Bama General Hospital camp, and then moved to the GSSS camp, where he remained for several years. Like many residents, he said the relocation came with little explanation. “We were asked to relocate two weeks ago,” he told HumAngle on July 7. “We were not given any reason.”

Before departure, he received a token card later exchanged for a document used during aid distribution. The government distributed ₦30,000 to each household that held a token, along with 25-kilogram bags of rice and maize flour. “Only those who had tokens got the money,” he said. Even so, the assistance did not resolve the housing challenge. “The government constructed some shelters before asking us to relocate,” he acknowledged. “But it is not sufficient.” He now lives in a makeshift tarpaulin shelter on land temporarily provided by community heads. “The Aja [District Head] said, ‘You may live here pending when you find your own place,’” he recalled. His wife and children share the structure with him; his mother and three sisters are staying elsewhere in Goniri with a friend. Many other households have improvised similar arrangements, renting accommodation or relying on relatives. Some remain more exposed. “Other people could not even afford to set up shelters,” he said. “They sleep in the open.”

The experience of Babagana Ali, 38, illustrates how unevenly the same process was administered.

His displacement history spans multiple locations. He first fled Warafaya in 2017 and settled in Kumshe, both in Bama; in 2022, violence displaced him again, eventually bringing him to Bama town and the GSSS camp. When officials announced the closure, residents received approximately one week’s notice. “They came on a Thursday and gave us a week’s notice,” he said. Unlike Abubakar, Babagana never received a ration card. He was working on his farm when distributions took place and as a result received none of the food items, zinc sheets, or money given to other households. Without money for a truck, he rented a pushcart for ₦1,500 and made two trips to move his belongings. Today, he shares a single tarpaulin shelter with two wives, six children, and four children belonging to his late brother. When it rains, water enters through the roof.

His experience points to a concern emerging across interviews: the closure of the camp may have reduced the visibility of displacement without resolving the housing deficit it created.

Earlier, humanitarian actors have made appeals for emergency shelter interventions in Goniri and Abbaram following the influx of relocated households. Those appeals suggest that aid agencies themselves recognised accommodation gaps after the movement began. This pattern is not new to Borno’s camp closure process. A 2022 Human Rights Watch report documenting earlier rounds of camp closures found that housing, water, healthcare, schools, and other infrastructure necessary to meet basic needs were lacking in many receiving communities, and that the closures had stripped over 200,000 displaced people of food and shelter without adequate alternatives. 

Residents gave varying estimates of how many people have arrived in Goniri since the closure. Chellu believed there could be about 3,000 people in the settlement; Abubakar estimated as many as 6,000, with roughly half lacking adequate shelter. HumAngle could not independently verify these figures, but both accounts point to the same reality: Goniri’s population has grown rapidly, and the question is whether the community has the infrastructure to absorb it.

Life beyond the camp

For government officials, the success of relocation will ultimately depend on what happens after families arrive. Housing is only one part of that equation. Access to livelihoods, water, healthcare, sanitation, education, and social acceptance all determine whether a relocation becomes sustainable. In Goniri, many of those systems remain under pressure.

Water emerged repeatedly during HumAngle’s reporting. Chellu, Abubakar, and Babagana all described the same daily routine: a walk to Bama that can take up to an hour. OCHA’s 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan identifies overcrowding in camps and receiving settlements, alongside lack of access to clean water and sanitation, as conditions that have worsened as a direct result of IDP movements linked to camp closures in Borno. Healthcare follows the same route as water. Abubakar estimated transportation costs at about ₦300 per trip, a burden that falls hardest on older residents, pregnant women, and households without steady income. 

Sanitation presents another strain. Babagana said the communal latrines built for an earlier displaced population are now being shared by hundreds of newly arrived households. “There are insufficient toilets,” he said. “We have to queue. It is also dirty.” He estimated that only five fenced latrines serve the settlement.

Livelihoods present a different challenge. Before the closure, many residents relied on a combination of humanitarian support and informal income. Outside the camp, they face greater pressure to generate income independently. Abubakar is a farmer by training, but insecurity has limited access to agricultural land this season. “I now do menial jobs,” he said, earning around ₦3,000 on a good day. Babagana manages similarly. “Anything that my strength can do,” he said, with income averaging around ₦2,000 daily. Neither considers it sufficient for households of their size.

For children, the transition raises additional concerns. None of Chellu’s grandchildren attends formal school. Their days revolve around religious education and income-generating activities, the girls spending long hours collecting firewood that contributes directly to household survival. They are not alone in this. UNICEF estimates that 56 per cent of displaced children across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states do not attend school, with roughly two million children out of school across the three states. The situation in Goniri illustrates how economic hardship reshapes childhood after displacement, turning survival into a full-time occupation. 

Social integration remains unresolved. While some host community members have provided land and accommodation, not all relationships appear harmonious. Abubakar said some residents blame the displaced for ongoing insecurity. “They say we caused the ongoing insecurity,” he said. Such perceptions breed friction in communities already stretched by scarce resources and years of conflict.

A state moving toward more closures

The debate over Bama is likely to intensify as the camp in Gwoza is expected to be the next major closure.

Many residents of Borno also want to leave camps behind. After years of displacement, the idea of living in a community rather than a crowded camp carries real emotional weight.

 “I expected the government to wait for peace before asking us to relocate,” he said.

That concern reflects a broader uncertainty in Bama and surrounding areas. Several communities continue to experience insecurity, farming restrictions, and periodic displacement linked to insurgent activity and military operations. Earlier in 2024, OCHA conducted area-based assessments of both the GSSS camp in Bama and the camp in Gwoza, both of which document the fragility of receiving communities and the scale of unresolved displacement needs. Sabsabwa, from which Chellu was displaced in 2014, experienced renewed disruptions in late 2022 and 2025. Warafaya, where Babagana once lived, was emptied by violence years ago. Alagarno, Abubakar’s hometown, was devastated by insurgent attacks. For many families, displacement has not been a single event but a series of movements from one place to another.

Without clear data from BOSEMA, several questions remain unanswered. How many people were actually moved from the camp? How many houses were completed before the relocation? How many households are still living under tarpaulins or in the open? What support is planned for communities such as Goniri and Abbaram as their populations grow? Those questions matter not only for Bama but for every future camp closure in Borno.

As evening approaches in Goniri, Chellu’s grandson leaves for the Tsangaya school where he sleeps, her granddaughters prepare for another trip into the bush to gather firewood, and the tarpaulin roof remains patched against the next rain.

Waving a Mexican flag with a vaquero sombrero on, El Malilla made history at Coachella last year as the first reggaeton Mexa act on the lineup.

To keep the momentum going, the rising Mexican star had planned for his first U.S. tour to take place last summer. After the Trump administration ramped up the ongoing ICE raids around the same time, El Malilla decided to put the safety of his fans first and postpone the tour.

“With what was happening with Mexicans and immigrants — the big problem being ICE — I decided to pause the tour, because I didn’t feel comfortable exposing my fans to that kind of situation,” El Malilla says over Zoom from his home in Valle de Chalco. “For me, it was important to bring this tour to the U.S., but in a safe way without putting anyone in harm’s way.”

After wrapping up the Mexican leg of his “Tu Maliante Bebé” Tour, El Malilla, who was born Fernando Hernández Flores, is now preparing to bring his show to the states. The 19-show trek will kick off July 24 in Palm Springs, followed by a concert at The Novo in Los Angeles the next day.

Mexican artist El Malilla.

(Joss Andreu)

“The Novo is very important for me because it’s going to be my biggest venue for this U.S. tour,” he admits. “To see how Los Angeles has adopted me, embraced me, and shown me love, I’m going to feel like I’m home.”

Following his Coachella debut, El Malilla has pushed reggaeton from Mexico into the mainstream. He imbues the genre with Mexican swagger, slang and sex appeal in his explosive hits such as “B de Bellako,” “Mami Tú” and “Balenciaga” featuring corrido singer Luis R. Conriquez.

Since then, El Malilla has expanded the scope of reggaeton Mexa following collaborations with Puerto Rican pioneers such as Jowell y Randy and Colombian superstar J Balvin. The perreo heartthrob is also tapping into new genres for his upcoming sophomore album. In an interview with The Times, El Malilla opened up about leading the reggaeton Mexa movement and what to expect from his tour.

How do you feel about representing Mexican culture and reggaeton Mexa with this tour in the U.S.?
I feel very happy to bring a bit of our culture, our slang, our sound and our essence to the U.S. for my fans that haven’t had a chance to see a show of mine. Something that’s very crazy for me is when I performed in Chicago last year, there were people with signs that said they were from different places in Mexico like the State of Mexico. It made me very nostalgic to know that I’m also from the State of Mexico and we’re here. It’s important for me to represent our roots. Get ready, because I’m coming with perreo sucio. [Laughs.]

What do you think when you fans always ask for you to take off your shirt at your concerts?
It makes me laugh because when I sing “Rodillas,” people start screaming for me to take off my shirt. My show lasts like two hours and that’s barely the first song. I enjoy it, because I consider El Malilla to be a showman. I love to be onstage and have fun with my fans. Though some people might see me as a sex symbol, I don’t see myself that way, but to each their own.

What does it mean for you to be breaking down barriers for reggaeton Mexa?
It makes me very happy. I’ve been thinking about that recently. When would you think that an iconic pop star like Danna would collaborate with an iconic chacalón [Mexican slang for “bad boy”] like myself? That never crossed my mind before, but now in 2026, our reggaeton, our essence and our sound has become important in Mexico and even more so on a Latino level. Now everything is possible. There [are] no longer barriers for reggaeton Mexa, or for Mexican singers. Today, your biggest dream is possible.

Who else would you love to collaborate with in the future?
Lately, I’ve spent more time in the U.S. and I’ve been soaking up more English music. I discovered that I really like The Weeknd. A collaboration with him would be crazy! I returned to Coachella this year to sing with Cachirula & Loojan … and to be able to see Justin Bieber live was incredible. I would love to collaborate with him. On the Latin side, I would love to collaborate with Nsqk, De La Ghetto, Ñengo Flow or a reggaeton pioneer like DJ Blass.

What’s the process been like working on your next album?
I spent a year and a half working on this album. I enjoyed that process so much. Music has given me so much that this album is my way of repaying music for all the blessings it’s given me. You’ll be surprised at what I’m capable of. This is a Malilla that’s now 26 and a little more mature. It’s a more experimental and professional Malilla. I had never made a bolero song and I dared to do that this time. I did my research by listening to Luis Miguel, José José and singers and genres that I wasn’t used to listening to. I found love for those genres and singers. It was a very fun and cool way for me to explore different genres.

July 20 (UPI) — Andy Burnham was set to become British Prime Minister on Monday after a private audience with King Charles III at Buckingham Palace, at which he will ask the former Manchester Mayor to form a government.

Burnham is expected to head to the palace late morning after outgoing Prime Minister Keir Starmer gives a farewell speech outside No. 10 Downing Street at around 11:15 a.m. local time and departs to make the 1-mile journey to meet with the king to officially tender his resignation.

Burnham will be the country’s seventh prime minister in 10 years and brings to five the number among those leaders installed in Downing Street by their respective parties and without initially winning a mandate from the electorate.

He takes over just two years after Starmer led the party to a landslide general election victory that returned Labour to power after 14 years in opposition.

On his arrival in Downing Street but before going inside, Burnham will make his first speech as prime minister in which he is expected to promise to give people “breathing space” from cost of living pressures.

Afterward, he will head inside for briefings on classified national security matters, including the launch codes for the country’s nuclear missile arsenal, before getting on with appointing his chancellor of the exchequer, foreign and home secretaries and the rest of his cabinet, as well as other ministers and departmental heads.

Burnham inherits a daunting in-tray of complex, deep-seated problems to tackle that Starmer was perceived as failing to get to grips with or failing to do so with sufficient pace, which led to his downfall.

Those issues include cutting spending on welfare, sickness and disability benefits which is projected to rise from its current $78 billion to $105 billion by 2030, finding $12.1 billion a year to fund the outgoing administration’s Defense Investment Plan, fixing the “social care” system that looks after the elderly in the community or in retirement homes, meeting a 300,000 a year house-building target, and getting over a million 16-24 year-olds into work.

What little specifics Burnham has set out include ditching a national digital ID scheme, easing a ban on new oil and gas drilling in the North Sea by allowing existing fields to expand into adjacent untapped areas, some form of public control of water utilities, and cuts to taxes on local businesses funded by major multinational corporations which currently pay a lower rate.

Emma Burnell of the LabourList website told the BBC that while the mood within the party was upbeat, members of the Parliamentary Labour Party believed it was their last chance to get it right.

“It’s going to be a long, hard project. I don’t think he’s going to be able to do it overnight, he will need to show that there is real, tangible progress being made,” she said.

In a letter to Burnham posted on X on Sunday, Conservative opposition leader Kemi Badenoch accused Burnham of lacking “a clear plan on any of the issues facing our country” and avoiding legitimate questioning regarding his intentions.

“You have refused calls to come to Parliament for questions from MPs, and you have not submitted yourself to serious media scrutiny. This is not a promising start.”

She vowed the Conservatives would back any bid to slash benefits, saying the country was in danger of becoming “a welfare state with a country attached” and called on Burnham to rule out tax rises and to grant new licenses to drill for oil and gas in the North Sea.

“Where we support your agenda, I will say so. But I will always stand against the instincts of Labour MPs for higher taxes and more spending,” wrote Badenoch.

Former Mayor of Greater Manchester Andy Burnham gave his first speech as prime minister outside No 10 today, after he replaced Sir Keir Starmer as leader of the Labour party.

In his speech he promised to give the public “more breathing room”, and said he would set out a new 10-year plan for Britain by the end of this year.

He also announced that his first instruction as prime minister would be to end rough sleeping, which was met with cheers from his supporters who’d gathered outside Downing Street.

His predecessor Starmer gave a farewell speech in the same spot this morning, before formally offering his resignation to the King.

More on this story.

PETE Wicks has opened up on his “magical” holiday with Olivia Attwood after they were pictured in a passionate snog on the beach.

Pete, 37, spoke candidly about his romance as he chatted to his pal Sam Thompson, 33, on their Staying Relevant podcast.

During a podcast clip shared to TikTok, Sam said to Pete: “You were on your holidays?”

“Yes, I hadn’t seen Liv for two and a half weeks, so I went to see Liv,” replied Pete.

“Don’t make this a thing,” said Pete as Sam jokingly feigned shock.

Pete continued: “So I went to see Liv, it was wonderful to see her, been two and a half weeks.”

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A smitten Pete added: “We had a fabulous time. I have really hurt my back because I was backflipping off boats.

“We went for lovely dinners, we went to clubs, we drank a lot, it was magical is probably the best way to describe it.”

Sam was delighted and explained that it was a lovely moment to hear about him and Liv.

He added: “I’m a huge fan of Liv’s”

Pete joked: “Not as big a fan as I am,” as Sam cheered his reponse.

Pete and Olivia were recently spotted all loved-up on a date night as they shared a steamy snog.

This came days after Olivia and Pete made things Instagram official after jetting off to Ibiza together.

The pair – who host a KISS FM radio show together – began dating back in February, following Olivia’s split from husband Bradley Dack.

A million jubilant Spain supporters are expected to greet their heroes on Monday in Madrid, as the World Cup winners return home after clinching their second star.

Spain’s 1-0 victory against Argentina in New Jersey on Sunday, secured by a Ferran Torres strike in extra-time, has sparked an outpouring of national pride in the football-mad country, whose only other World Cup triumph came in 2010.

Coach Luis de la Fuente and his squad’s flight had a scheduled landing time in Madrid of 12:50pm (10:50 GMT) with the golden trophy in tow, after a dominant performance with “total control” against a “helpless Argentine side”, according to Spanish daily Marca.

Many younger supporters were not yet born when Andres Iniesta’s extra-time goal against the Netherlands secured Spain’s first World Cup in South Africa 16 years ago.

On Monday morning, the Castellana, Madrid’s main avenue, bore the marks of a boozy evening – the tarmac strewn with rubbish, beer cans and shards of glass.

Among the last remaining supporters, some slept with grins on their faces on the pavement or on benches, while others were still staggering home as cleaning crews worked from the early hours to prepare the route for tonight’s party.

“I didn’t sleep much, because … [of] the celebration and then the tension of the match. I think it was a little more difficult for all of us to fall asleep,” Madrid Mayor Jose Luis Martinez-Almeida told RNE radio.

After landing, the players will be received by King Felipe VI at Zarzuela Palace, on the outskirts of Madrid, according to the mayor.

It is not yet known whether the team will be met by Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez at the government headquarters, La Moncloa, as he had to make a swift visit to Algeria.

Spain’s World Cup winners will enjoy an open-top bus parade, starting at Moncloa and heading to Cibeles Square, the central government’s representative in Madrid, Francisco Martin, told Spanish public television.

A ceremony involving the players will then be held at the square, the traditional gathering point for celebrations by the Spanish national team and its supporters.

About one million people are expected to line the parade route, with additional security and transport measures planned to handle the crowds, Martin explained.

A total of 2,050 police officers and 400 Civil Guard personnel will be deployed, he added.

Some supporters who already had only a short night’s sleep are planning to celebrate again, like Bruno Gonzalez del Yerro, a 32-year-old financier.

“We’ll have to celebrate it one way or another, given that it only happens every four years and that Spain hadn’t won it for about [16] years now. It definitely deserves a party,” he said.

Spain’s women’s side won the World Cup in 2023, meaning for the first time a country has both trophies at the same time.

In 2030 Spain will defend their crown on home soil, as one of the World Cup hosts along with Portugal and Morocco.

The Spanish press was running out of superlatives to describe its heroes after they overcame favourites France in the semifinal before downing Argentina.

“The kings of all-time!” wrote Marca, celebrating a “second star that will now be stitched onto the Spanish jersey after yet another masterclass in collective play”.

On a tragic note, a 13-year-old boy was killed at about midnight in the town of Ciudad Rodrigo in the west, after a fountain crumbled under the weight of supporters who had climbed onto it to celebrate.

In Buenos Aires, the initial silence after defeat was striking, and then the tears came once the reality sank in. Their hopes of a fourth World Cup were dashed, but hundreds of thousands of people are expected to greet the team on their return at 5pm local time (20:00 GMT).

After more than five weeks of competition with the expanded format and 48 teams, only Spain and Argentina were left standing by the 104th and final match.

The 2022 champions, despite the presence of all-time great Lionel Messi, failed to create clear chances against Spain’s well-organised and more positive side.

Enzo Fernandez’s red card left Argentina with their backs pinned to the wall, and Barcelona forward Torres slammed home after fellow substitute Nico Williams teed him up.

“It’s not my goal, it’s the goal of 47 million people,” said Spain’s match-winner.

Messi had a sensational World Cup but drifted through the final like a ghost, shedding tears at the end. In Madrid, tears will also flow on Monday night, but tears of joy.

Castelldefels, Spain – Fans waving the red and gold Spanish flag filled the streets, shot fireworks into the night sky and hugged each other into the early hours of Monday morning after Spain beat Argentina 1-0 in the World Cup final.

The jubilation on the streets was echoed in towns and cities across Spain as La Roja won the title for the second time with a goal by Ferran Torres in extra-time.

Fans who had been watching giant screens chanted “Campeones! Campeones!” (Champions! Champions!).

However, in Castelldefels, a tourist town south of Barcelona, fans from both nationalities enjoyed the match thanks to the presence of a sizeable Argentinian emigre community.

Chief among them is – in spirit at least – one rather special former resident: Lionel Messi.

Messi spent his greatest years playing at Barcelona and his presence still looms large over the town. Many Argentina or neutral fans walked around during the match on Sunday sporting his famous 10 shirt.

And this being Catalonia, where support for independence from Spain may have faded in recent years but remains a potent force, many support other sides in the World Cup.  Many support Argentina, precisely because of the influence of Messi.

The Argentina captain still owns a luxury complex in Castelldefels replete with its own football pitch which is reported to be worth $8m.

Bellamar nestles in the hills above this seaside town of 70,000 inhabitants just south of Barcelona, where he made his home with his family in his glory days at Barca.

Barca fans still cherish the thought of Messi returning to the city when he finally hangs up his boots. The rumour mill ran wild when the player recently bought the Unio Cornella, a team in the fifth tier of Spanish football.

He used to walk his children to school at the local British school in the town with passers by watching in awe.

Before he became too much of a global megastar, he would go for a quiet drink at seaside bars with his wife and sign autographs or pose for pictures without problem.

Everyone in this well-to-do-town on the shores of the Mediterranean has a story about when they met Messi. Some of them are true.

La Pampa is just one of the many Argentinian steak restaurants in the town which the Argentinian captain used to patronise when he lived here. Its owners quietly show off pictures of the player smiling for the camera.

For younger diners, the Ankara Burger is full of football shirts  of Argentinian clubs like Boca Juniors, River Plate or Independiente.

Catalonia, the northeastern region of Spain whose capital is Barcelona, has the largest expat population of Argentinians in Spain, numbering 37,980.

Away from these Mediterranean shores, controversy has raged over  Argentinian players’ display of a political banner supporting an Argentinian sovereignty claim over the Falklands Islands after their World Cup semifinal victory over England, a move that appeared to violate the FIFA stadium code of conduct and struck a nerve in the United Kingdom over political sovereignty.

Argentina President Javier Millei’s support for Israel has also prompted controversy in a country like Spain, where polls have found a majority backed the Palestinian cause.

However, in Castelldefels, the political rows raging thousands of miles away were not on fans’ minds last night.

The Spanish and Argentinian flags fly outside the apartment of Gio and Gema Gonzalez, demonstrating perfectly the cultural melting pot here.

Gio Gonzalez emigrated to Spain from Buenos Aires in 2000, following a well-worn path for many other Argentinians. He met his wife Gema in Barcelona and the couple later moved to Castelldefels in 2007.

Like thousands of others, the couple went to watch the match on a giant screen organised by the town council.

“I am a mad keen Argentina fan so I was dreaming that we would win again but it was not to be. It was a tough match but I am happy for my wife that Spain could win,” said Gonzalez, 54, a research scientist.

Gema Gonzalez, 46, a housewife, was beaming in the wake of Spain’s victory after a hard-fought game.

“I feel sorry for my husband – but only a bit!” she laughed. “I think Spain were the better side and we deserved to win. I know I would say this but, I think we were the best side in this tournament.”

JESSIE J has announced she’s parted ways from her baby daddy Chanan Colman three years after the birth of their son.

The singer took to Instagram to share the news with fans and revealed they broke up “some time ago.”

Tragedy struck in the Salamanca province when a 13-year-old died during celebrations for the win against Argentina.

A 13-year-old died and another child was among the injured when a fountain partially collapsed in western Spain during mass celebrations of the ⁠country’s second football World Cup final victory, regional emergency services have said.

The accident occurred shortly after midnight on Monday in Ciudad Rodrigo, a ‌walled medieval city of about 12,000 in Salamanca province, near the border with Portugal.

Hundreds of residents had gathered at the Arbol Gordo fountain in the city’s centre ⁠when the upper part ⁠of the monument broke loose and struck several people, emergency services said.

In a statement, ⁠Ciudad Rodrigo’s town hall expressed condolences for the ⁠victim.

“The entire city feels ⁠this loss and accompanies the minor’s friends and family in their grief … What should ‌have been a celebration of the Spanish national team’s World Cup victory ‌has turned into a tragedy,” it said.

It is understood that the fountain collapsed under the weight of numerous people who had climbed onto it to celebrate Spain’s first World Cup victory since 2010.

“A few minutes after 12:30 am local time, rescue services received calls over a fountain collapsing on numerous people,” emergency services said in a post on X, adding that another youth, believed to be in a serious condition with a broken leg, was among the injured.

Spain beat Argentina 1-0 to win the 2026 edition of FIFA’s showpiece global event, which was staged at New York New Jersey Stadium by cohosts United States.

The match was 0-0 after regulation time, forcing the game to extra time where Ferran Torres scored the only goal of the game.

Iranian strikes have targeted Kuwait’s power and water desalination plant. Al Jazeera’s Victoria Gatenby explains what that means for Kuwait and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries.

BLUSHING bride Mel C has broken her silence on her beautiful countryside wedding – and how bandmate Victoria Beckham played a key part despite missing her big day.

The singer, 52, said I Do to Australian model Chris Dingwall in front of a celeb-packed congregation – including her Spice Girls sisters – in a Georgian country house in Cumbria.

The lavish venue is owned by West End performer Ben Forster, who has been close friends with Mel since they co-starred in the 2013 production of Jesus Christ Superstar. 

Though one face that was noticeably absent from the rural 19th-century estate this weekend was that of Posh Spice, who was at the World Cup Final with husband David in New York.

Though the Wannabe singer turned fashion designer still played a key part in Mel’s wedding traditions – providing her wedding dress as Mel’s “something borrowed”.

The chic gown, which oozed elegance and featured a swooping backline, was plucked straight from Victoria’s collection of her own Victoria Beckham gowns in her wardrobe.

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Mel told Vogue: “Victoria’s dress was my something borrowed.

“It was very special, having her there”.

She added: “I’m not really a girly girl.

“Victoria’s clothes are really feminine in a way that feels comfortable and very me”.

Victoria then told the publication of the chain of events and added: “When I asked what she was wearing, she mentioned she had actually ordered one of my dresses but that it didn’t quite fit, and she didn’t have time to get it altered before leaving”.

She found the same dress in her wardrobe and lent it to Mel.

A source also told the Mail of the frock: “It was a gift from Victoria, they are really close. Victoria would have loved to have been there if she could.”

Meanwhile, Victoria was in New York for the World Cup final clash between Spain and Argentina, in which Spain triumphed 1-0 after extra time.

Mel’s daughter Scarlett, 17, from her relationship with Thomas Starr, was bridesmaid at her special day.

Mel is the last of the girls from the pop group to tie the knot, having met Chris back in 2023 on celeb dating app Raya. 

Mel and Chris have kept a lot of their romance under wraps with fans desperate to know about her relationship with the Aussie star.

She told The Times back in January: “It’s something I didn’t think would be part of my story [marriage], but I’m so happy with Chris”.

July 20 (UPI) — Taylor Farms said late Sunday the Trump administration mistakenly informed it that a sample of its shredded iceberg lettuce tested positive for a parasite amid a multi-state outbreak that prompted the U.S.-based fresh-produce giant to initiate a recall of the salad staple distributed to 27 states.

The Food and Drug Administration reversed the finding Sunday, determining that the purported positive test for the microscopic Cyclospora parasite, which causes the intestinal illness cyclosporiasis, was a false positive.

“Today, FDA apologized to us,” the company said in a statement.

“Today, we were informed that FDA made a mistake.”

Taylor Farms had initiated the voluntary recall Friday after federal health investigators linked shredded iceberg lettuce sourced from central Mexico to a multi-state cyclosporiasis outbreak through a traceback investigation.

At least 1,644 people in five states have been infected, including 94 hospitalizations, since May 13, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which said there have been no fatalities.

Federal health investigators have linked the illnesses to shredded iceberg lettuce served at Taco Bell locations in Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio and West Virginia.

The FDA said Friday that its traceback investigation identified the supplier as Taylor Farms de Mexico. The company then initiated the voluntary recall.

On Saturday, federal investigators said a sample collected during targeted import surveillance tested positive for Cyclospora. The FDA said the produce was not part of the initial recall and investigators were working to identify whether any of the lot was available in commerce.

A day later, Taylor Farms said it was informed of the FDA’s “mistake.”

“To be clear, at this moment, the FDA has not identified a single positive product test result for Cyclospora,” it said.

The FDA told media it had discovered the false positive after rechecking the results of the purported positive sample.

“As of July 19, 2026, there are no confirmed positive sample results for product testing for Cyclospora,” the FDA said in a statement, NBC News reported.

Taylor Farms said it had completed the voluntary recall, which was limited to iceberg lettuce grown and processed in central Mexico, and that all of its other produce is available for purchase.

“Our thoughts remain with everyone who has fallen ill in this outbreak,” it said.

“We are committed to working with public health authorities as the ongoing outbreak investigation continues.”

The prisons minister has resigned from the government, the BBC has been told.

Lord James Timpson was appointed to the role in July 2024 after leaving his job as CEO of the Timpson group, a business which provides key cutting and shoe repair services and employs hundreds of former prisoners.

His arrival in government was greeted with much fanfare by some in the Labour Party and described as “radical” and “innovative”.

But in a departing statement on Monday, seen exclusively by the BBC, Lord Timpson said he was stepping down and it was an “honour” to serve in the post.

His statement did not give a specific reason for resigning, but it is understood he feels he has done as much as he can in the role.

Prisons in England and Wales were at crisis point, reaching almost full capacity, when he first entered Sir Keir Starmer’s government.

He oversaw the controversial early release scheme which saw tens of thousands of inmates let out to create more space in jails.

His critics will argue prisons continue to be violent, drug infused and overcrowded, while probation officers still report being overworked and unable to cope.

But figures do show assaults against staff and self-harm in prisons are falling.

Lord Timpson said in his resignation statement that he had left “our prisons and probation service in a much healthier and happier state than two years ago”.

He added: “I’m proud to have become the longest-serving minister in this role for 15 years. I’m also proud that 75% of prisons and 90% of probation teams are now performing better than when I started.

“Self-harm, violence and assaults on staff are all down, and fewer people are leaving prison without a home to go to, a measure of dignity I care about deeply.”

He also pointed to the Women’s Justice Board he established, saying he “believe[s] most women should not be in prison at all” and “diverting them away from custody, helping them with often chaotic, damaged, and addicted lives, is one of the changes I’m proud to have achieved”.

His critics may question why he is leaving before the Sentencing Act 2026 is enacted in September, when more people are expected to be released early and further criminals will serve their sentences in the community.

A source in the Ministry of Justice told the BBC: “We’re gutted he’s going but the new person is going to have their work cut out to get their head round what’s round the corner.”

BROOKS Nader stole the spotlight at a World Cup final party in New York sporting a thigh-skimming mini skirt and matching crop top.

The American model, 29, chose the striking white co-ord, which showed her toned abs and tanned thighs, for her night out at Zero Bond bar in Lower Manhattan ahead of the clash between Spain and Argentina.

Brooks, who recently showcased her figure in a trendy bikini, oozed glam in her two-piece and ramped up her look with thigh high-heeled boots.

The Baywatch actress styled her blonde hair into loose waves flowing over her shoulders and kept her make-up fresh.

She flashed a smile as she entered the party, hosted by Todd Graves, for the Raising Cane’s Chicken Fingers event.

She was joined by actress Jessica Alba, who donned a black bandeau dress, and Jake Paul in all-white attire.

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Earlier in the night, Brooks took to Instagram to share behind the scenes glimpses of her getting ready for the night.

She stripped topless for a snap to praise her “dream team” as she posed in front of a cabinet filled with cosmetics.

The IMG Model then covered her modesty with her hands for another sizzling selfie.

Brooks then pulled on her co-ord and captured herself in the midst of a blow dry.

After her lively night, Brooks revealed she was working the following day on the Baywatch set.

Brooks was announced as one of the Baywatch reboot castmembers back in March.

She will be playing Selene, a captain of the Zuma beach lifeguards, according to Fox.

In her latest caption she wrote: “And we’re back, time to save some lives”.

The People’s Action Party, which prides itself on ​a clean reputation, has been rocked by a series of scandals recently.

Singapore’s acting Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs Faishal Ibrahim has resigned ⁠over his interactions with a woman, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong has said.

“Most of their interactions took place through online messages,” Wong said in a statement on Monday. “⁠They also met on the sidelines of public events.”

Both parties made allegations of harassment against each other, and the matter is being investigated by ⁠the police, he added.

The People’s Action Party, which prides itself on a “whiter than white” reputation, has been rocked by a series of political scandals in recent years.

In 2023, then Transport Minister Subramaniam Iswaran was put under investigation for corruption alongside Malaysian billionaire hotel tycoon Ong Beng Seng. A year later, Iswaran pleaded guilty to receiving more than 380,000 Singapore dollars ($294,000) worth of gifts from Ong, including tickets for West End shows and football matches, some of them in exchange for advancing Ong’s business interests.

Two senior members of Singapore’s largest opposition party also resigned in 2023 after they admitted to having an affair, while two ministers were investigated and cleared of wrongdoing over their rental of state-owned properties. This prompted former Prime Minister Lee ‌Hsien Loong to say that his party’s image was damaged by a series of scandals.

Wong said no criminal offence had been committed by either party in Faishal’s case, and no criminal action would be taken, but “there was a separate question of whether Associate Professor Faishal’s conduct met the standards expected of a political office holder and member of parliament”.

Faishal has been a member of ⁠parliament since 2006 and became the acting minister-in-charge of Muslim affairs in 2025. He has now resigned from the ⁠ruling People’s Action Party as well as his cabinet position.

In his resignation letter posted on the website of the prime minister’s office, Faishal said: “While there was no physical relationship between us, ⁠and I did not intend for the interactions to develop into one, there was a lapse of judgment on my part ⁠in the way I handled the interactions, and ⁠in failing to establish clearer boundaries at an earlier stage.”

Wong said he was saddened Faishal was leaving politics under such circumstances.

The United States has attacked Iran for a ninth consecutive night after the US military’s Central Command (CENTCOM) announced a US soldier had died in northern Iraq in a controlled detonation of unexploded ordnance from a downed Iranian drone.

Here is what happened over Sunday night and Monday morning and what officials on both sides have said:

Where was Iran attacked?

CENTCOM announced in a statement on X that it completed the ninth wave of attacks against Iran at 02:00 GMT on Monday.

It said it “targeted Iranian military command centers, air defense and coastal surveillance sites, maritime capabilities, missile and drone launch sites, and communications networks to further diminish Iran’s ability to attack commercial vessels and civilian mariners transiting the Strait of Hormuz”.

The US military did not provide details about the actual sites hit in Iran.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said two oil tankers “exploded” and were halted in the southern Strait of Hormuz late on Sunday, according to a report by the semiofficial Tasnim News Agency on Monday.

The IRGC stated the vessels were trying to transit through the strategic waterway under what it described as US coercion.

“This passage is unsafe for the transport of chemical fertiliser or even a single drop of oil and gas,” the group warned, adding that the corridor would remain unsafe as long as US military operations in the region continue.

An MQ-9 drone was intercepted and shot down over Eslamabad-e Gharb in western Iran’s Kermanshah province, according to the Mehr News Agency on Monday.

Mehr said the drone was targeted by an advanced air defence system operated by the IRGC aerospace force.

Iran’s semiofficial Tasnim News Agency reported on Monday that US strikes targeted an area in the town of Khormoj in southwestern Iran. It quoted a local official.

Where did Iran strike, and where were warnings issued?

Jordan: The IRGC said on Monday that it launched ballistic missiles at US C-17 transport planes and P-8 aircraft at Aqaba airport, claiming several were heavily damaged. In a statement carried by the state-controlled IRIB broadcaster, the IRGC also said 20 hangars housing US forces in the Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Azraq were destroyed.

Bahrain: The US embassy in Bahrain said it has information suggesting Iran may seek to target unspecified locations in central Manama. It urged Americans to remain vigilant, follow instructions from local authorities and immediately seek shelter if warning sirens sound or explosions are heard.

US soldier in Iraq: A US service member was killed in northern Iraq on Saturday during the controlled detonation of unexploded ordnance from an Iranian drone, CENTCOM said.

What happened in the Strait of Hormuz?

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) agency reported late on Sunday that a vessel about 8 nautical miles (15km) northwest of Kumzar, Oman, had caught fire.

It is unclear whether this happened due to an attack by Iran. The UKMTO said the cause of the fire had not been verified and advised vessels in the area to transit with caution and report any suspicious activity while authorities investigate.

What have Iranian and American leaders said?

US President Donald Trump said on Sunday that the US is hitting Iran to honour American service members who have been killed.

“We hit them very hard again tonight, and we did that in honour of the, probably three, it’s probably three great patriots,” Trump told reporters as he returned to Washington, DC, after the World Cup final in New Jersey. At least two US soldiers were killed in Jordan last week after Iranian missiles struck a US base there, and the third soldier Trump referred to was killed in Iraq during the detonation of the Iranian drone.

“We feel very badly,” he said when asked about the military fatalities, adding that those who died were fighting so “Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon.”

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in an interview with state media that Tehran would end the war with the US when it had “the upper hand in the field”, local news reported on Monday.

Talking with the IRNA news agency, Araghchi said the most critical decision in crisis management was identifying the precise moment to halt hostilities and begin negotiations.

“The end of the war is possible either through absolute military victory or through negotiations. The right time to negotiate is precisely when you have achieved a reliable field and strategic achievement on the military front,” Araghchi said.

“You cannot take risks with the lives of the people and the fate of the entire country. Decisions must be made based on accurate and complete calculations,” Araghchi said.

LONDON — Ewan Mitchell shares few similarities with Aemond Targaryen, his unhinged character on HBO’s “House of the Dragon.” The British actor, 29, is soft-spoken, thoughtful and quick with a “thank you.” His hair is currently brown rather than Targaryen blond, although he says the color is actually left over from filming Justine Triet’s upcoming psychological thriller “Fonda.” Although he is very different from the power-hungry second son he plays on TV, Mitchell understands him.

“I always empathize with that little kid in Season 1,” he says, speaking from London’s 180 House on a sunny day in July. “He was this neglected, bullied boy. He was never given a dragon egg. So from the beginning he recognized that he was on the back foot, and he was bullied for being different. What’s nice about Season 3 is it’s showing Aemond’s true colors.”

Early in Season 3, Aemond asserted his dominance over his mother Alicent (Olivia Cooke) with a gasp-inducing kiss on the mouth, a moment Mitchell compares to Michael Corleone’s iconic kiss on Fredo in “The Godfather Part II.” The disgraced prince regent left King’s Landing for Harrenhal in search of Daemon (Matt Smith), only to murder Ser Simon Strong and his sons instead. His fray with the Strong family was triumphant, but left Aemond with a wound in his side. He begged the castle’s mysterious inhabitant Alys Rivers (Gayle Rankin) to help him before vanishing for the next two episodes.

In Episode 5, Aemond is back. At first, he appears wounded and broken. But he ably defends Alys from a group of invaders, relying on muscle memory and — perhaps — a sense of honor to pay her back for saving his life.

“I liken Harrenhal to the White Lotus of Westeros,” Mitchell says. “It’s a place you go for a retreat. You have all of your toxins drawn out of you. You have to confront them head on. You discover like the darkest, deepest places of yourself. And the general manager of that place is Alys Rivers.”

In Episode 5, Aemond (Mitchell) fights off invaders, saving Alys’ life.

(Theo Whiteman / HBO)

The upcoming episodes will keep Aemond at Harrenhal with Alys and expand on the events of George R.R. Martin’s 2018 book “Fire & Blood,” on which the series is based. Showrunner Ryan Condal wanted to explore what wasn’t in Martin’s fictional history of Westeros.

“We knew from the book that he goes to Harrenhal and effectively disappears, at least from the interactive narrative,” Condal says, speaking later over video call. “It’s thought that he establishes some relationship with Alys Rivers. We had that as a baseline, but the idea was: ‘Where can we take Aemond from here?’”

He adds that there was “a danger of the character becoming an anime villain,” which the writers wanted to undercut. “He looks a certain way,” Condal says. “He has this eye patch. He rides this Godzilla-sized dragon. And he’s done some pretty reprehensible things.”

But the writers wanted to go beyond Aemond’s surface, to “a different place and excavate that trauma and vulnerability.”

Mitchell says Alys is the key to Aemond finding himself. “We know his dragon Vhagar is missing,” he says. “And if Aemond is nothing without his dragon, then does he really deserve her? We’ve got to challenge what we know of the character already … Vhagar was the wind in his sails.”

He compares Aemond with Spider-Man, an oddly aligned character. “With great power comes great responsibility to wield that power,” Mitchell says. “He’s got to be able to show he can control it effectively. That’s what he wanted to prove throughout Season 1 and 2.”

He laughs: “It’s just like ‘Spider-Man 2.’ I find it really interesting building up this character over two seasons to bring him back down.”

“I find it really interesting building up this character over two seasons to bring him back down,” Mitchell says of Aemond, who is facing turbulent times in Season 3.

(Jennifer McCord / For The Times)

Condal adds, “He’s feeling isolated and alone and he possibly has made an enemy of his family. And then this woman saves him. He feels this sudden magnetic draw to her. In the episodes that follow, we will further excavate that relationship. It’s one of the most surprising and engaging and emotional stories we have this season.”

Mitchell first appeared as Aemond, the son of Viserys and Alicent and the brother of Aegon II, in the eighth episode of Season 1. He was originally played by Leo Ashton, who Mitchell says “really set up the character for me.” Production had already begun when Mitchell auditioned, first with a self-tape and then for the producers. Initially, he didn’t know which character he was up for.

“I knew this character was the younger brother and that was like a theme of the first season and going through further seasons,” Mitchell recalls. “The second son out to prove his worth.”

Mitchell’s audition was memorable. “He came into the room in character and he scared all of us,” Condal says. “I remember the first question that I asked [our casting director] after he left was, ‘Is he always like that?’ Because it felt like he had gone to such a dark place just to do the audition. When I spoke to him later, I loved how different the person was on the phone versus the person I met in the room.”

To play Aemond, Mitchell looked at MMA and cage fighters to hone in on the character’s agile, brutal fighting style. He trained physically to make Aemond lean but also strong and imposing. He took inspiration from paintings, including Alexandre Cabanel’s 1847 work “The Fallen Angel,” which depicts the devil after his fall from heaven.

“There’s this tear in his eye and you don’t know if he’s feeling sorry for himself or he’s looking at things to come,” Mitchell says. “Is he thinking about the harm he’s going to inflict in retaliation? That was something I wanted to do in Season 2. It contrasts his muscular physique. It’s a mixture between vulnerability and sheer muscle.”

Season 2 saw Aemond purposefully incinerating his brother, leaving him badly burned, and decimating the Riverlands while on Vhagar. The character was grappling for power, even if it meant brutalizing his own family. Condal hints that a reckoning with Aegon will come.

“In the great tradition of ‘Game of Thrones,’ I feel like that is a fairly safe bet,” he says. “Characters are scattered all over the map and then slowly find themselves being brought back together, but in different forms. That was always something we were talking about doing with Aemond and Aegon.”

To play Aemond, Mitchell looked at MMA and cage fighters to hone in on the character’s agile, brutal fighting style. He also took inspiration from paintings, including Alexandre Cabanel’s 1847 work “The Fallen Angel.” (Jennifer McCord/For The Times)

Mitchell sees Aemond as a product of his circumstances, rather than just a murdering psychopath. He was bullied as a child and coddled by his mother, but never received the unconditional love he craved. He was taken to brothels from an early age. He lost an eye. And he grew up in the midst of a brutal war between the Greens and the Blacks. Now he has to reckon with what he’s done.

“You might not understand all of the things he does,” Mitchell says. “And you might not feel like you’re supposed to understand all the things he does. But you do feel something for him. In the moment he saves Alys, maybe there is a redeemable Aemond in there somewhere.”

Cooke says she loves working opposite Mitchell thanks to his complex approach to the character.

“He has such intensity and helps me as an actor in playing Alicent to feel like I’m completely on the back foot,” she says in a voice memo. “It’s filled with tension trying to guess what he’s going to do. Yet in reality, he is the most gentle, lovely, quiet, beautiful person. He’s a joy to work with and I think he makes such interesting choices outside of ‘House of the Dragon.’”

Between Seasons 2 and 3, Mitchell filmed Emerald Fennell’s “Wuthering Heights.” He had previously worked with the filmmaker on 2023’s “Saltburn,” for which he auditioned using a Harold Pinter monologue. For “Wuthering Heights,” Fennell simply texted Mitchell asking him to play Joseph, a servant in the Earnshaw house, whose sexual depravity electrifies Cathy.

Aemond (Ewan Mitchell) and Alys (Gayle Rankin) share a tender moment in Episode 5.

(Theo Whiteman / HBO)

“I was like, ‘If you asked me to shine your shoes, Emerald, I would do that,’” Mitchell says. “All of her characters are so vibrant and so nuanced, and there is such a vision you see in her films. She’s a one-of-a-kind, singular visionary. I’ve learned so much working with Emerald that I’ve taken forward in my career.”

One of those things was a more playful, loose approach to acting. During his first two seasons of “House of the Dragon,” Mitchell felt locked into a particular performance. “I learned the scripts verbatim,” he says. “Aemond is such a calculating character and everything he does is premeditated. He’s so in control of himself. I found myself offering up the same take every single take.”

After working with Fennell on “Saltburn” and “Wuthering Heights,” Mitchell felt more freedom. She encouraged him to give a range of performances on set, allowing her to find the character during the editing process. He brought that with him to the third season of “House of the Dragon.”

“With Aemond being so unsure of himself, it happened more naturally,” he says. “He’s learning new things about himself. I was really open to finding the scene organically on the day and not coming in with any preconceived choices. And I found so much more enjoyment in it.”

Condal observed Mitchell’s looser approach. “I don’t think Ewan was ever rigid,” Condal says. “But what I saw happen over the seasons was someone learning from their professional experience. As a massive fan of Emerald Fennell’s work, I can see how being in that very different crucible could help him become his best version. We probably demanded the most out of Ewan in Season 3 than any of the other actors.”

Mitchell says working with Emerald Fennell helped him take a looser approach to acting.

(Jennifer McCord / For The Times)

Since wrapping Season 3 last fall, Mitchell has stayed busy. He filmed “The Way of the Runner” in China with first-time filmmaker Yutong Bai, Gareth Evans’ remake of the 1960s Japanese crime film “A Colt Is My Passport” in Wales, Luna Carmoon’s sophomore feature “To Make Ends Meat” in London and Can Aydin’s directorial debut “The Healer” in Budapest. He then flew to France to work with Triet, an experience he loved because she shot on film. “Knowing you’ve only got a limited amount of time, there’s something beautiful about the imperfections of performances,” he says. “There was such a great energy with everyone in the room.”

Mitchell has been attracted to performing for as long as he can remember. Growing up in Derby, England, he admired films like “Citizen Kane” and “Taxi Driver” because they centered on “characters you don’t completely understand.” He appreciates the scope of projects he’s done so far, from the massive scale of production on “House of the Dragon” to smaller art house films.

“I love working as much as I can and learning,” he says. “I’d love to keep working with debut directors. After the recent films I’ve done and seeing ‘Obsession’ and ‘Backrooms,’ it’s really motivating seeing what they can do.”

Although Mitchell looks nothing like Aemond, he is frequently recognized. Someone stopped him on his way here today to ask for a photo. “I think it’s the chin,” he grins. He knows he’s inextricably linked to the character, for better or worse. He can’t give much away about what’s to come in Season 3, but Aemond is certainly not down for the count.

“What makes him so dangerous is that just when you think he has nothing left in the tank, it’s like, ‘Guess again,’” Mitchell says. “It’s not a question of whether he’s going to do evil. It’s inevitable that he will do it. And it will be brutal and it will be fast.”

He pauses, unsure of what he can reveal. “I don’t want to spoil anything,” he says carefully, “but I can’t wait for people to see what Harrenhal has in store for him.”

Last night, Spain defeated Argentina to win the World Cup. Ordinarily, for those of us with no national connection to either country, the choice of whom to support would have been gloriously trivial. We might have chosen the team that played more beautiful football, the player we most admired or simply the side whose colours we preferred.

But these are no ordinary times.

Gaza and Palestine have changed the way many of us see the world. It has become a moral prism, refracting our judgments not only about governments and political leaders, but about institutions, universities, media, corporations and public figures. We have watched people and institutions we once respected avert their eyes from the destruction of a people. We have watched others discover elaborate vocabularies of qualification and equivocation when confronted with horrors that, in another place and against another people, they would have condemned without hesitation.

And we have remembered those who refused to look away.

That is why, last night, I was Spanish.

Of course, a football team is not a government. Spanish footballers are not responsible for the policies of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, any more than Lionel Messi and his teammates are responsible for the politics of Argentinian President Javier Milei.

But sport has never existed in the hermetically sealed apolitical world we sometimes pretend it inhabits. We bring ourselves to sport. We bring our histories, our identities, our sympathies and, inevitably, our moral judgements. We decide whom we want to win for reasons that often have very little to do with formations and statistics.

And so, for many people of conscience, Spain has come to represent something larger.

At a moment when much of the Western political establishment has twisted itself into moral and linguistic contortions over Gaza, Spain has stood apart. Sánchez and his government have been willing to speak with a clarity conspicuously absent from many of Spain’s Western allies. Spain recognised the State of Palestine. Sánchez has openly used the word genocide to describe what is being done in Gaza. His government has moved to entrench an arms embargo against Israel.

One need not agree with every policy of the Spanish government to recognise the significance of that position. Moral courage is measured precisely when taking a position carries a cost.

There was also something deeply moving about seeing Lamine Yamal, one of the brightest young stars in world football, waving the Palestinian flag during Barcelona’s celebrations after winning La Liga.

It was a small gesture in the vast landscape of Palestinian suffering. But symbols matter, particularly when so many powerful institutions have worked so hard to make Palestine invisible.

There was Yamal, at the summit of sporting success, surrounded by celebration, holding up the flag of a people whose suffering the world has been asked repeatedly to forget. And last night he wore the colours of Spain in a World Cup final and emerged a world champion.

On the other side stood Argentina, a magnificent footballing nation led by perhaps the greatest footballer of his generation. And here, too, Gaza intruded upon the emotions with which some of us watched. An image of Lionel Messi at the Western Wall in occupied East Jerusalem has circulated widely. It dates back to Barcelona’s 2013 visit to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, years before the present catastrophe. But images have lives beyond the circumstances in which they were created, and Gaza has transformed the way many of us see them.

The contrast with Lamine Yamal is striking. There is the image of Messi at the Western Wall. And there is the image of Yamal, at one of the happiest moments of his young career, waving the Palestinian flag. Different moments, different circumstances, different intentions.

But symbols matter. For those whose view of the world has been transformed by Gaza, it is impossible not to feel the emotional force of the contrast.

And beyond Messi stands the politics of Javier Milei. Argentina’s president has made his allegiances clear. He has embraced US President Donald Trump and declared himself “the most Zionist president in the world” at precisely the historical moment when Palestinians in Gaza have endured unimaginable destruction.

Argentina’s footballers are not responsible for Milei, and its people cannot be reduced to their president. But neither can those politics be entirely erased from the emotions with which the rest of us watch.

Then there was another recent vote, far removed from Gaza but revealing in its own way. In March, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a landmark resolution confronting the historical wrongs of the transatlantic trafficking and enslavement of Africans and calling for reparatory justice. One hundred and twenty-three countries voted in favour. Fifty-two abstained. Only three countries in the entire world voted against it: the United States, Israel and Argentina.

There is something extraordinary about that alignment. On an issue concerning one of humanity’s greatest historical crimes and the continuing demand for reparatory justice, Trump’s America, Benjamin Netanyahu’s Israel and Milei’s Argentina found themselves standing together, virtually alone.

It is difficult for those of us who increasingly view the world through the prism of Gaza not to notice the pattern. The issues are different, the histories are different and the legal questions are different. But the moral instinct seems eerily familiar: when the victims of historical injustice demand recognition, accountability and redress, the same governments so often seem to find reasons to stand on the other side.

So, yes, last night I watched a football match.

I admired Messi because greatness remains greatness. I marvelled at the extraordinary history of Argentine football.

But I wanted Spain to win.

And Spain won.

Perhaps that says something about what Gaza has done to us. It has rearranged our moral geography. Countries that once felt distant can suddenly feel close because they spoke when others were silent. Governments we barely thought about can earn our respect because, at a moment of profound moral testing, they refused to avert their gaze.

And sometimes that moral geography spills into the most unexpected places.

Last night it spilled onto a football pitch.

Millions celebrated Spain’s victory because they love Spanish football, because they admire Lamine Yamal or simply because their team had won the greatest prize in the sport.

But many also celebrated out of solidarity with the Palestinian people.

A World Cup cannot deliver justice to Palestine. Spain’s victory will not feed a hungry child in Gaza, rebuild a destroyed home or bring back the dead. We should never confuse symbolism with justice.

But human beings live partly through symbols. And last night, for some of us, the red shirt of Spain carried a meaning it was never designed to bear.

When Lamine Yamal and his teammates lifted the World Cup, I celebrated with them.

Not because football can change what has happened in Gaza.

But because Gaza has changed the way I watch even a game of football.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.