Today

Amid heightened Japan-China tensions, US President Donald Trump spoke by telephone with Chinese President Xi Jinping. While Trump termed it a positive development, stating he would visit China in April 2026, China claimed that it categorically made it clear that “Taiwan’s return to China was an ‘integral part of the postwar international order.” While it has been reported that Trump requested a phone call with Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, the details of the conversation between the two haven’t been made public yet.

Trump’s claim of “extremely strong” US-China relations has once again seized global attention. Earlier, last month, just ahead of his highly anticipated meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Busan, South Korea, Trump boldly announced on Truth Social, “THE G2 WILL BE CONVENING SHORTLY!”

Unsurprisingly, the statement sparked widespread discussion, directly invoking China and seemingly reviving the long-dormant G2 concept, an idea previously floated by former President Barack Obama.

This apparent attempt to resurrect the “G2” notion, which envisions shared global leadership between the US and China, marks a notable rhetorical shift and is surprising given that Trump has been hawkish on China even during his first term as the president. By invoking it, Washington has brought back a concept dismissed as a faulty trade-off, given the persistent and often adversarial nature of US-China relations. Media analyses suggest that this move reflects a growing recognition within the US of China’s rising power and an uneasy acknowledgement of its near-equal status on the world stage. The renewed attention signals an implicit acceptance within American policy circles of China’s expanding international influence and the shifting balance of global power.

For China, however, the idea holds little appeal. First, China continues to present itself as a developing country, aspiring to lead the Global South and, eventually, to achieve broader global influence. Unlike the West, China sees strategic value in retaining the support of developing nations to bolster its legitimacy. While it aims to surpass the US militarily, economically, and technologically, it is unlikely to embrace a bilateral framework implying formalized co-governance of the world. Second, the ideological, strategic, and global ambitions gap between China and the US remains vast, limiting the feasibility of any institutionalized G2 arrangement. Third, if such a framework were ever to exist, it would likely involve broader coalitions of nations with differing ideologies, capacities, and priorities, rather than a US-China duopoly. In this light, the G2 concept appears even less plausible for China in 2025 than it did in the 2000s.

While much commentary has focused on how this discourse may be interpreted in China, the implications extend far beyond the bilateral relationship. Washington’s allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific are closely observing these developments. For many in the region, stability in US-China relations is desirable, as it would help mitigate the risks of confrontation, economic disruption, regional instability, and global upheavals. Yet Trump’s rhetoric has also generated unease among America’s regional partners regarding Washington’s long-term strategic intentions.

Concerns are growing that a return to the G2 framework could signal a weakening of US commitment to the Indo-Pacific, particularly in terms of security and regional order. While sustained engagement with China is widely accepted as necessary, framing the relationship as one of shared global governance may alarm America’s allies and partners, especially the Quad countries, the Philippines, and Taiwan. For these countries, any suggestion of a US-China condominium raises doubts about the credibility of the US’s status as a security guarantor and its assurances of collective defense and regional stability.

From the US perspective, reviving the G2 discourse may appear advantageous to smooth the way for a rare earth materials deal with China or to ease bilateral tensions. But fundamental differences and rivalry cannot be erased: China’s ultimate goal is to overtake the US. In all likelihood, China will view G2 rhetoric skeptically, interpreting it as a sign of US weakness and declining influence in the Indo-Pacific.

The Xi-Trump phone call and China’s reiteration of the Taiwan claim put pressure on Trump’s G2 plan. How Trump would manage ties with Japan and Taiwan while building relations with China is an issue worthy of international attention.

Trump’s episodic and erratic approach to China and the region risks eroding the trust the US has painstakingly built with its partners. There is little chance that countries such as India, Japan, or the Philippines would accept a bipolar world dominated solely by the US and China. Rather than serving as a stabilizer, the G2 concept is more likely to be seen as an attempt to divide the world into two poles once again, or worse, as a signal that the US is content with a bipolar world rather than a genuinely multipolar order.

Even if the G2 never materializes, the rhetoric has already strengthened China’s position while placing the US in a strategic bind. In effect, it is a win-win for China but a lose-lose for America. There are limitations to America First not only for the region but also for America itself and its foreign policy. The Trump administration’s path would do well to seriously consider the perspectives of its allies and partners, rather than advancing a strategy that ultimately benefits China.

Flamengo beat fellow Brazilian side Palmeiras 1-0 in Peru to lift the Copa Libertadores title for the fourth time.

Flamengo defeated Palmeiras 1-0 to win the Copa Libertadores, becoming the most successful Brazilian team in the history of South America’s top club competition by lifting the title for a fourth time.

A second-half headed goal from Flamengo centre-back Danilo settled a scrappy encounter at the Estadio Monumental in Lima on Saturday – the fifth Libertadores final in the past six seasons to feature two clubs from Brazil.

Flamengo’s win avenged their 2-1 defeat to Palmeiras in the 2021 Libertadores final and leaves the famous Rio de Janeiro club firmly on course for a hat-trick of trophies in 2025.

Flamengo began the year with victory in the Brazilian Super Cup and need only two points from their remaining two league fixtures to clinch Brazil’s domestic championship.

Flamengo’s third win in the tournament since 2019, and fourth overall, put them level with Argentina’s Estudiantes, three behind another Argentinian club, Independiente, with seven titles.

Palmeiras, meanwhile, were left ruing a golden chance to equalise in the 89th minute, when Vitor Roque blasted over the bar from point-blank range.

That was arguably the best Palmeiras chance of a mostly fractious final, littered with 33 fouls and seven yellow cards shared between the two teams.

A scrappy first half saw Flamengo enjoy the better chances, with Bruno Henrique the first to trigger alarm in the Palmeiras ranks with a 15th-minute strike that flew high and wide.

Flamengo continued to find space down the flanks, and moments later, Samuel Lino threatened to break the deadlock, cutting in from the left and flashing a shot wide.

This, however, was as good as it got for Flamengo in the first half, and the men in red and black were fortunate not to be reduced to 10 men after 30 minutes, following a melee that erupted when Palmeiras defender Bruno Fuchs brought down Flamengo star Giorgian de Arrascaeta.

As tempers flared, Flamengo’s Chilean international Erick Pulgar flew in and kicked out at Fuchs, yet somehow escaped only with a yellow.

Flamengo again looked the more threatening team after half-time, while struggling to create clear-cut chances.

The breakthrough finally came on 67 minutes, when Arrascaeta swung in an inviting corner from the right.

Danilo – inexplicably left unmarked – rose unchallenged to head home for what would be the winning goal.

Umaro Sissoco Embalo arrives in the Republic of Congo after first seeking refuge in Senegal following this week’s coup.

Guinea-Bissau’s former president, Umaro Sissoco Embalo, has travelled to the Republic of Congo, the AFP and Associated Press news agencies are reporting, days after he was deposed in a military coup.

Califa Soares Cassama, Embalo’s chief of staff, confirmed to AP that the former president was in the Congolese capital, Brazzaville.

Unnamed Congolese government sources also told AFP that Embalo was in Brazzaville.

Embalo had initially sought refuge in neighbouring Senegal after a group of military officers on Wednesday announced that they had taken “full control” of Guinea-Bissau ahead of the release of provisional presidential election results.

The true motives for the coup remain unclear, with speculation and conspiracy theories circulating, including that it was carried out with Embalo’s blessing.

The coup has sparked a wave of international condemnation, with regional leaders and the United Nations calling on Guinea-Bissau’s new military leaders to restore constitutional order and allow the electoral process to complete its work.

Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko condemned the events as a “sham” in remarks to lawmakers on Friday.

“We want the electoral process to continue,” Sonko said. “The [electoral] commission must be able to declare the winner.”

Many of Guinea-Bissau’s new military leaders are close to Embalo, including General Horta Inta-A, who was named as the transitional president earlier this week, and Ilidio Vieira Te, who was appointed prime minister.

Te had previously served as finance minister in Embalo’s government.

On Saturday, Inta-a appointed a 28-member government, most of whom are allies of the deposed president.

Separately, the country’s main opposition party, PAIGC, said in a statement that its headquarters had been “illegally invaded by heavily armed militia groups” in the capital, Bissau.

The party denounced the raid on Saturday as “an attack on stability, democracy and the rule of law” in Guinea-Bissau.

PAIGC had been barred from presenting a presidential candidate in last Sunday’s election, a move that drew criticism from civil rights groups who denounced an apparent crackdown on the opposition.

Both Embalo and his main challenger, Fernando Dias, had declared victory ahead of the release of the provisional vote results, which had been set for Thursday.

No results have been announced since the coup.

Around 3,500 vocal fans filled the intimate arena, jeering TKV on his ring walk. ‘Big Fraze’, from nearby Burton-upon-Trent, received a rousing reception in return.

Much to the fans’ delight, he asserted himself in the opening round, snapping a jab to the body before ripping in stinging uppercuts that clearly troubled TKV.

But the Tottenham man – whose family boasts a fascinating history, with both his father and grandfather serving in the Zairean army – showed his fighting spirit and settled into the contest.

The bout had originally been scheduled for October before a rib injury forced TKV out. The postponement reignited tensions, souring a once-respectful rivalry.

Clarke’s corner repeatedly protested low blows from TKV, some drifting in on the blindside of the referee, who issued a warning in the third. Moments later, another borderline shot earned TKV the point deduction.

Jabs were scarce; instead, the fight descended into clinches from Clarke and heavy leaning from TKV, with lunging, telegraphed punches punctuating the action.

TKV found success with his left hook and Clarke with his uppercut, but both men soaked up the shots as if they were bouncing off stone.

Just as the contest seemed to be petering out, TKV – his right eye badly swollen – detonated a left hook that left Clarke reeling in the 11th.

Clarke stayed upright only by leaning into TKV, looking lost as the referee moved in for a closer look.

His coach, Angel Fernandez, looked set on pulling him out, but Clarke insisted on continuing.

He left the ring without giving a post-fight interview, still appearing shell-shocked.

Introduction: The Ambition at the Crossroads

Mexico currently faces an unparalleled economic juncture. Global geopolitical dynamics, driven by nearshoring and the imperative to diversify supply chains, have positioned the country for a development opportunity that far exceeds simple assembly manufacturing. The potential to build high-value ecosystems in artificial intelligence (AI) and semiconductor fabrication—the foundational pillars of the modern global economy—could fundamentally redefine Mexico’s standing in international trade.

But, this critical ambition is currently being stalled by a single, deeply rooted structural factor in the national infrastructure: the capacity, quality, and, above all, the reliability of the National Transmission Grid (RNT) operated by the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE). The power grid, therefore, is not merely an operational prerequisite; it has transformed into the primary strategic constraint jeopardizing Mexico’s technological sovereignty and its potential qualitative economic leap.

I. The Tensions of Demand: World-Class Requirements

The AI and semiconductor fabrication (FAB) industries impose energy demands that Mexico’s legacy infrastructure is struggling to meet. These sectors not only consume power on a massive scale but also require it with a precision and resilience that approaches technical perfection.

A. The Exponentials of AI and Data Centers

The core engine of AI is the data center. These facilities, especially those dedicated to training massive models using Graphics Processing Units (GPUs), require a constant power flow comparable to that of entire cities. Large hyperscale data centers can demand between 100 MW and 300 MW of installed capacity, and the aggregate demand from this sector in Mexico is projected to multiply tenfold in the near future.

This demand possesses one non-negotiable quality: 24/7 availability. AI operations cannot tolerate interruptions. A micro-power cut is more than just an economic loss; it represents the possibility of compromising the integrity of critical data or nullifying the progress of computation processes that have required weeks of execution—an unviable vulnerability for the industry.

B. The Precision Mandate of Semiconductors

Semiconductor manufacturing plants are arguably the industrial environments most sensitive to power quality. In the fabrication of microchips, where tolerances are measured in nanometers, a micro-unit of voltage fluctuation or an interruption lasting mere milliseconds can prove catastrophic. Such an event can instantaneously ruin entire batches of silicon wafers valued in the millions of dollars.

Therefore, the key to attracting advanced semiconductor fabrication facilities (FABs, typically requiring between 50 MW and 150 MW each) does not lie solely in guaranteeing the volume of energy but in certifying a power quality that the CFE, given constraints in transmission and distribution, struggles to consistently assure within the most desirable industrial hubs. The promise of availability must, by necessity, be a world-class guarantee.

II. The CFE Infrastructure: From Support to Barrier

The National Electric System (SEN) operates under a structural pressure that positions it as the decisive bottleneck. This barrier manifests across three critical dimensions that undermine the confidence of high-technology investors.

A. Saturation of Transmission and Distribution

Mexico’s fundamental problem is not a lack of total generation capacity but the systemic inability to move that power efficiently, a responsibility that falls squarely on the RNT. This infrastructure, much of which is aging or designed for industrial patterns of a past century, has simply failed to evolve at the pace required by nearshoring.

The consequence is severe congestion in substations and distribution lines, particularly in the vital industrial corridors of the north and center (such as Nuevo León, Coahuila, and the Bajío region). This congestion translates into something tangible and costly: industrial park developers face wait times exceeding a year just to obtain connection feasibility. This delay has led to a troubling phenomenon: the proliferation of “Dark Buildings”—industrial warehouses completely finished and ready for operation but lacking physical access to electrical power.

B. Reliability, Risk, and the Unacceptable Interruption

Recent waves of blackouts and recurrent service interruptions demonstrate that the SEN is consistently operating at its operational limit. Obsolescence in the generation fleet and deficiencies in transmission elevate the risk of system failures.

For any corporation managing mission-critical computing processes or high-value production lines like FABs, this level of risk is unacceptable. A multi-billion-dollar investment cannot depend on a grid that offers systemic uncertainty. Compounding this is regulatory volatility, where the perceived prioritization of fossil fuel generation over renewable energy dissuades global investors who seek clarity, stable long-term pricing, and a predictable framework for operation.

C. The Sustainability Imperative (ESG Factor)

Leaders in the technology industry (from Google and Amazon to major chip manufacturers) have adopted rigorous corporate commitments regarding sustainability and governance (ESG), including net-zero carbon goals or the use of 100% clean energy.

To establish AI or semiconductor operations in Mexico, these investors require contractual guarantees that a substantial portion of their consumption will be sourced from renewables. The difficulty imposed on the interconnection of private wind or solar energy projects to the RNT, coupled with the CFE’s reliance on generation based on natural gas and fuel oil, creates a sustainability impediment that automatically excludes Mexico from the list of viable destinations for many of these investments.

III. The Strategic Cost: Sovereignty and Dependency

If the electric infrastructure issue is not addressed with a decisive, long-term state vision, the cost to Mexico will be dual and profound:

Firstly, it will result in the loss of the value-added nearshoring opportunity. High-demand and high-precision firms will simply divert their investments to markets that offer solid power grids and transparent regulatory frameworks, such as the United States (driven by the CHIPS Act) or established Asian ecosystems.

Secondly, it will perpetuate technological dependence. Without the necessary energy infrastructure to host, power, and train large-scale AI models, and without the capacity to manufacture advanced components, Mexico will be relegated to being merely a consumer and assembler of technologies designed and produced elsewhere. This outcome has a direct, negative impact on national technological sovereignty and the capacity of Mexican research centers to compete at the global frontier of knowledge.

Conclusion: From Bottleneck to Catalyst

The CFE grid represents the single most fundamental challenge to Mexico’s digital ascension. While recent investments in transmission grid modernization signal a positive step, the sheer scale of the challenge necessitates a true paradigm shift that transcends institutional inertia.

To transform this bottleneck into a powerful catalyst, Mexico must execute a strategic course of action centered on efficiency and openness:

Agile Regulatory Reform: It is imperative to simplify procedures and drastically reduce the timelines for connection and feasibility studies for high-demand industrial projects.

Focalized Transmission Investment: The reinforcement of the RNT must be specifically prioritized in the industrial corridors that are the heart of nearshoring and the potential base for technological ecosystems.

Facilitating Clean Energy Integration: Creating mechanisms that not only permit but actively promote the interconnection of private renewable energy projects to meet the ESG demand and the volume required by technological leaders.

Deployment of Smart Grids: The massive adoption of AI-based technologies for distribution optimization, loss reduction, and ensuring resilient voltage quality is essential for the mission-critical needs of the AI and semiconductor industries.

Mexico’s technological future hinges upon the resolution of the CFE dilemma. It is the key that, when turned, will either open or definitively close the door to high-technology development.

The pope is visiting Turkiye until Sunday on his first overseas trip as pontiff, which also includes a visit to Lebanon.

Pope Leo XIV has visited Istanbul’s famed Blue Mosque on the third day of his trip to Turkiye, his first known visit as leader of the Catholic Church to a Muslim place of worship.

The first US pope bowed slightly before entering the mosque early on Saturday and was led on a tour of the expansive complex, able to hold 10,000 worshippers, by its imam and the mufti of Istanbul.

Leo, walking in white socks, smiled during the 20-minute visit and joked with one of his guides, the mosque’s lead muezzin – the official who leads the daily calls to prayer.

“He wanted to see the mosque, he wanted to feel the atmosphere of the mosque, and he was very pleased,” Askin Tunca, the Blue Mosque’s muezzin who calls the faithful to prayer, told reporters.

Tunca said after the mosque visit that he asked Leo during the tour if he wished to pray for a moment, but the pope said he preferred to just visit the mosque.

The Vatican said in a statement immediately after the visit that Leo undertook the tour “in a spirit of reflection and listening, with deep respect for the place and for the faith of those who gather there in prayer”.

While Leo did not appear to pray during the tour, he did joke with Tunca. As the group was leaving the building, the pope noticed he was being guided out a door that is usually an entryway, where a sign says: “No exit.”

“It says no exit,” Leo said, smiling. Tunca responded: “You don’t have to go out, you can stay here.”

The pope is visiting Turkiye until Sunday on his first overseas trip as pontiff, which also includes a visit to Lebanon.

Leo, a relative unknown on the world stage before becoming pope in May, is being closely watched as he makes his first speeches overseas and interacts for the first time with people outside mainly Catholic Italy.

The Blue Mosque is officially named for Sultan Ahmed I, leader of the Ottoman Empire from 1603 to 1617, who oversaw its construction. It is decorated with thousands of blue ceramic tiles, the basis of its popular name.

Unlike his predecessors, Leo did not visit the nearby Hagia Sophia, the legendary sixth-century basilica built during the Byzantine Empire, which was converted into a mosque under the Ottoman Empire, then became a museum under Turkiye’s newly established republic.

But in 2020, the UNESCO World Heritage site was converted back into a mosque in a move that drew international condemnation, including from the late Pope Francis who said he was “very saddened”.

British playwright Tom Stoppard, a playful, probing dramatist who won an Academy Award for the screenplay for 1998’s Shakespeare In Love, has died. He was 88.

In a statement on Saturday, United Agents said Stoppard died “peacefully” at his home in Dorset in southern England, surrounded by his family.

“He will be remembered for his works, for their brilliance and humanity, and for his wit, his irreverence, his generosity of spirit and his profound love of the English language,” they said. “It was an honor to work with Tom and to know him.”

When it comes to the world of comic invention and linguistic pyrotechnics, few dramatists of the 20th century could match Stoppard’s scope and sustained success.

From his earliest hit, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead, in 1966, through to 1993’s, Arcadia, and, Leopoldstadt, in 2020, Stoppard engaged and amused theatre-goers with a highly individual brand of intellect.

His writing was often philosophical or scientific, but consistently funny, a distinctive style that gave rise to the term Stoppardian. It refers to the use of verbal gymnastics while addressing philosophical concepts.

“I want to demonstrate that I can make serious points by flinging a custard pie around the stage for a couple of hours,” the Czech-born Stoppard said in a 1970s interview.

“Theatre is first and foremost a recreation. But it is not just a children’s playground; it can be recreation for people who like to stretch their minds.”

Early years

Stoppard was born Tomas Straussler on July 3, 1937, in what was then Czechoslovakia, the son of Eugen Straussler, a doctor, and Marta (or Martha), nee Beckova, who had trained as a nurse.

The Jewish family fled the Nazis and moved to Singapore when he was an infant.

But Singapore also became unsafe, and, with his mother and elder brother Peter, he escaped to India. His father stayed behind and died while fleeing after Singapore fell to the Japanese.

In India, Marta Straussler married a British army major, Kenneth Stoppard, and the family moved to England.

Boarding school followed at Pocklington in Yorkshire, northern England, before Stoppard left school at age 17.

He decided not to go to university. Instead, he went straight to work as a reporter on a local newspaper in Bristol, in western England.

While he found reporting daunting, he threw himself into working as a theatre and cinema critic, and his love of drama took hold.

Award-winning career

His breakthrough came with the overnight success at the Edinburgh Festival Fringe of, Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead, a tragicomedy centred around two minor characters from Shakespeare’s, Hamlet.

It moved to London’s West End, before winning a Tony Award for best play in the United States.

“What’s it about?” was a frequent response from bemused theatre-goers about the play. Tired of being asked, Stoppard is said to have replied to a woman outside a theatre on Broadway: “It’s about to make me very rich.”

He later questioned whether he had said “very”, Hermione Lee wrote in Stoppard’s authorised biography, but he had undoubtedly managed to transform his previously precarious finances.

Indeed, Stoppard would go on to win numerous awards on both sides of the Atlantic for his work.

He was knighted in 1997, and in 2014, he was crowned “the greatest living playwright” by the London Evening Standard Theatre Awards.

To non-theatre-goers, he is best remembered for his work in cinema, which included the Indiana Jones and Star Wars franchises.

In 1999, he won an Oscar for his screenplay for, Shakespeare in Love, which scooped a total of seven Academy Awards that year.

“He has no apparent animus towards anyone or anything,” said film and theatre director Mike Nichols, who directed the Broadway premiere of Stoppard’s tale of marriage and affairs, The Real Thing.

“He’s very funny at no one’s expense. That’s not supposed to be possible.”

It has been more than a month and a half since a ceasefire was concluded in Gaza. As part of the deal, 600 trucks were supposed to cross daily into the Strip carrying food, medicine, tents, fuel and other basic necessities.

We have grown used to official statements talking about hundreds of trucks crossing the border every day. Photos are released, crossings are documented carefully, and announcements are made with celebration.

“4,200 trucks carrying humanitarian goods are entering Gaza weekly, since the start of the ceasefire. 70% of trucks that entered carried food … Over 16,600 trucks of food entered Gaza since the start of the ceasefire. Over 370,000 tons of food,” claims a November 26 update from the Israeli occupation authorities.

One would think the Palestinians in Gaza are the most well-fed people in the world.

To many of us, it is not clear how Israel counts the “trucks of food”, as there are indeed many commercial trucks allowed in that carry food of low nutritional value, like chocolate bars and biscuits, or food that is too expensive, like frozen chicken for $25 a kilo or a tray of eggs for $30.

Humanitarian organisations also seem to doubt the official count. According to the World Food Programme, only half of required food aid is entering Gaza. According to Palestinian relief agencies, only a quarter of necessary aid is actually allowed to go in.

And then only a fraction of that fraction actually reaches the displaced, the impoverished, the injured and the hungry. That is because much of the aid that does make it inside Gaza disappears into a “Bermuda triangle”.

The distance between the border and the displacement camps, where aid should be distributed, looks short on the map, but in reality, it is the longest distance politically and security-wise.

Yes, many trucks that go through never reach the families that need the supplies the most.

People hear about trucks, yet see no humanitarian packages. They hear about tonnes of flour, but they see no bread. They watch videos of trucks entering the Strip, but they never seen them come to their camps or neighbourhoods. It feels as if the aid enters Gaza only to vanish into thin air.

Recently, talk about the missing aid has grown louder in the streets, especially as basic food items have suddenly appeared in local markets while still carrying labels that say: “Humanitarian Aid Not for Sale”. I have seen cans of chicken meat with this label being sold for $15 apiece.

Even when aid parcels reach the needy, they are often lacking in promised items. For example, my family received a food parcel that was supposed to contain rice, lentils, and six bottles of cooking oil, but when we opened it, there was no rice or lentils, only three bottles of cooking oil.

This is not simply a matter of corruption. After two years of genocidal war, governance in Gaza has collapsed, its institutions systematically targeted by the Israeli army. There is no unified authority, and there is no force able to provide public order and security.

According to the UN mechanism for aid monitoring, from May 19 to November 29, 8035 aid trucks made it to their destinations inside Gaza; 7,127 were “intercepted” either “peacefully” or “forcefully”.

The Israeli army sets restrictions on the roads that trucks can take, often forcing them to take routes that are full of danger. Some roads cannot be used without coordination with powerful local families or neighbourhood committees, others are controlled by armed groups. All this makes a trip of a few dozen kilometres a very fragile process that is easy to disrupt. This is how aid disappears into Gaza’s “Bermuda triangle”.

International organisations are also unable to enforce security. They cannot accompany trucks because of the danger, cannot supervise unloading in real time, and do not have enough staff to track every shipment. Their dependence on local committees and volunteers means they rely on a system full of gaps that different parties quickly take advantage of.

Amid all this, one big question remains: Who truly benefits from the disappearance of aid?

There are the merchants looking for quick profit. There are the local armed groups seeking a source of cash. And there is, of course, the occupation and its allies who want to continue using hunger as a tool of political pressure. All of them are benefitting from the pain of ordinary Palestinians.

The problem here is that attention to what is happening in Gaza has diminished since the ceasefire. The global public feels reassured that the genocide is over, and it is no longer asking why aid is not reaching the Palestinian people.

Meanwhile, within policy and political circles, the disappearance of aid is being normalised, as if it were a natural outcome of conflict. But it is not; it is an engineered crisis meant as yet another kind of collective punishment for the Palestinian people.

As the world chooses yet again to turn a blind eye, it is not only trucks that are vanishing into Gaza’s “Bermuda triangle”, it is also the strength of Palestinians to keep going.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

Sir Tom Stoppard, one of the UK’s best-known playwrights, has died aged 88, his agents have announced.

Sir Tom, who won an Oscar and a Golden Globe for the screenplay for Shakespeare In Love, “died peacefully at home in Dorset, surrounded by his family”.

His other stage work included The Real Thing, and Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead.

“He will be remembered for his works, for their brilliance and humanity, and for his wit, his irreverence, his generosity of spirit and his profound love of the English language,” United Agents added.

“It was an honour to work with Tom and to know him.”

The playwright captivated the hearts of audiences for more than six decades with work that explored philosophical and political themes.

He also wrote for film, TV and radio. He adapted Leo Tolstoy’s novel Anna Karenina for the 2012 film starring Keira Knightley and Jude Law.

In 2020, he released his semi-autobiographical new work titled Leopoldstadt – set in the Jewish quarter of early 20th Century Vienna – which later won him an Olivier award for best new play and scooped four Tony awards.

Born Tomas Straussler in Czechoslovakia, he fled his home during the Nazi occupation and found refuge in Britain.

He received many honours and accolades throughout his career, including being knighted by the late Queen for his services to literature in 1997.

Sir Tom’s career as a playwright did not take off until the 1960s when Rosencrantz and Guildenstern are Dead premiered at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival. It was later performed at the National Theatre and Broadway.

The play focuses on two minor characters from Hamlet. It won several awards including four Tonys in 1968, including best play.

There is truly no safe place for women when patriarchy is normalized as a culture and violence is silenced as a family matter in their own country. A United Nations (UN) report shows that every 10 minutes, a woman is murdered by her own partner or family member. These facts and figures reflect a structural crisis that is still being ignored by many countries. This issue is no longer just about criminality; rather, it indicates a failure in security governance, a failure of protection policies for women, and ultimately, a state failure to break the cycle of gender-based violence. Viewing this phenomenon, it can be assessed that femicide must be understood as a national and international strategic issue that requires a systemic state response, not just symbolic campaigns like the use of the Purple Profile Picture (PFP) that recently became popular in South Africa. Therefore, the author will highlight an analysis of three arguments, namely the failure of the legal structure, the need for a structured prevention strategy, and the cultural normalization that allows violence against women to persist.

Failure of the Legal Structure Due to Half-Hearted Enforcement

Femicide does not, in fact, occur suddenly without warning signs. Global research has shown a consistent pattern: threats, injuries, social isolation, and even domestic violence reports that are not followed up on. This is further reinforced by the fact that in many cases, the victim had already shown these patterns, but there was no system for cross-sector reporting, and the state only responds after a life has been lost. This is the major loophole that keeps femicide repeating in the same pattern. This crisis reflects the weakness and failure of a country’s law that cannot serve as a shield of protection for its citizens, especially women. In Mexico, for instance, femicide is recognized as a separate category of crime, but weak legal implementation keeps the number of women murdered there persistently high. Slow court proceedings, police lacking gender sensitivity, and a culture of impunity reduce legal protection to mere text without meaningful power.

A similar situation is also felt in South Africa, which is a country notorious for gender-based violence, even holding the highest rate on the continent. Although the country launched the Purple Profile Picture (PFP) Campaign as a symbolic form of solidarity in response to femicide, the use of this symbol cannot replace the urgency of improving the legal system and structure that often fails to save women before it is too late. Without structural reform that prioritizes women’s safety, the law will continue to lag behind the escalating violence. UN data proves that 60% of femicides are committed by someone close to the victim; therefore, law enforcement must be directed not just at punishing perpetrators but at saving women before the risk turns into death.

The Need for Systemic, Not Just Symbolic, Prevention Strategies

The viral campaign in several countries, particularly South Africa, the Purple Profile Picture (PFP), certainly plays a role in building public awareness, and that is important. However, a symbol alone cannot replace the state’s strategies or policies. Therefore, what we need is systemic prevention that works before the victim is murdered, not just solidarity after the tragedy has occurred. This systemic prevention can begin with the provision of integrated public services. The state needs to provide responsive emergency hotlines, safe and adequate shelters, and even 24-hour specialized gender police units operating with high standards of care regarding this issue.

Many femicide cases originate from threats that are ignored by the public and authorities. If initial violence reports were handled decisively and with a risk-based mechanism, the potential for murder could be curtailed. Good examples are seen in several countries, such as Oslo, which has begun using risk-based policing algorithms based on previous police reports. The result is that preventive intervention can be carried out before fatal violence occurs. Furthermore, the education and health systems should also be involved. Teachers, health workers, and social workers need to be trained to recognize the signs of femicide risk, which can then be disseminated for systemic prevention efforts.

The Still-Rooted Normalization of Patriarchal Culture

However, regardless of the forms of systemic prevention that can be implemented as mentioned above, no policy will be effective if the source of the problem remains entrenched. That root is the culture that still places women as the party who must accept, bear the blame, remain silent for the family’s sake, or forgive violence that is considered “normal.” This is the main structural root that makes femicide difficult to eradicate. Patriarchy works not only through institutions but also through social norms that regulate daily behavior, such as who is allowed to speak, who is trusted, and who is considered worthy of being saved.

In Indonesian society itself, pressure from family to “save face” often makes it difficult for women to leave dangerous relationships. In South Africa, the legacy of violence, economic inequality, and aggressive masculinity norms play a major role in the high rate of women’s murder. Meanwhile, Mexico faces a deeply rooted culture of “machismo,” complicating efforts to change social norms. When violence is considered a private matter, the state loses the social legitimacy to intervene.

Considering this crucial situation, cultural change cannot be achieved with short-term campaigns. It requires knowledge and awareness about gender from an early age, the involvement of men in anti-violence movements, and the state’s courage to push for curricula and public policies that challenge harmful patriarchal norms. The state must participate in grassroots communities, such as through women’s organizations, local advocacy institutions, and community groups, because cultural change can only happen if the community becomes the agent of change itself.

The three arguments above show that femicide is a structural failure rooted in a weak legal system, minimal systemic prevention, and the cultural normalization of patriarchy that allows violence against women to be considered commonplace. When a state chooses to respond to violence with symbolism without a tangible strategy, women’s lives will continue to be victims. If one woman is still being murdered every 10 minutes, the world is not yet safe for women, and the state has not fulfilled its obligation to ensure the security of its citizens, especially women. Femicide is not a calamity but a strategic failure that can and must be stopped. The state can only save women if it dares to move beyond visual campaigns towards firm policies, a strong prevention system, and sustainable cultural transformation. Women must no longer die in silence while the state merely watches from afar.

Istanbul, Turkiye – Pope Leo XIV has chosen Turkiye for his first foreign trip as the head of the Roman Catholic Church, a deeply symbolic move that minority community representatives say is taking place at a time of renewed openness in the Muslim-majority country.

During his visit this week, the pontiff held talks with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, met religious leaders and visited places of worship in the country where Christianity’s deep roots sit alongside a long and influential Islamic tradition.

Today, Turkiye’s population of more than 80 million people is at least 99 percent Muslim, yet the country remains home to centuries-old Greek, Armenian, Syriac and Latin Christian communities that have long been part of its social fabric.

After decades shaped by political tensions, demographic change and property disputes, representatives of minority foundations say today’s climate offers greater visibility and confidence than they have experienced in decades. They also see the timing of Pope Leo’s visit as reflective of a period in which historic foundations feel more able to restore properties, organise religious life and engage directly with state bodies.

“This is, first of all, a great honour for Turkiye,” Manolis Kostidis, vice president of the Greek Foundations Association, told Al Jazeera of the pope’s visit.

“It’s also extremely important for the Ecumenical Patriarchate and for the Greek community. Istanbul has hosted empires for centuries, and welcoming such a guest shows the value of the patriarchate – especially with the support the Turkish government has given in recent years,” he said.

In the early decades of the Turkish Republic, Turkiye’s Greek, Armenian and Syriac populations numbered in the hundreds of thousands. Their decline over the 20th century was shaped by a series of political ruptures – from the 1942 Wealth Tax, which disproportionately targeted non-Muslims, to the 1955 Istanbul pogrom that devastated Greek, Armenian and Jewish neighbourhoods, and the 1964 deportation of more than 12,000 Greek citizens amid tensions over Cyprus.

Other administrative restrictions and legal rulings followed in subsequent decades, gradually accelerating emigration. Today, the remaining communities are far smaller, yet their representatives stress resilience, continuity and a deep sense of belonging to the country they have lived in for centuries.

“If Turkiye’s population is 85 million, we are about 85,000 – one in a thousand,” Can Ustabası, head of the Minority Foundations Representative Office, told Al Jazeera.

“Communities that were once in the millions are now tiny. We’re citizens of this country, but history brought us to this point.”

While the pressures affecting minority groups through the 20th century are widely documented, community representatives agree that the atmosphere of the past two decades stands in sharp contrast.

From the 2000s onward, minority foundations benefitted from a number of legal changes.

The Foundations Law, first drafted in the Ottoman era and later adapted by the Republic, governs how non-Muslim charitable foundations own, manage and inherit property. A series of European Union-driven harmonisation packages between 2003 and 2008 expanded their ability to register assets, reclaim properties seized under earlier rulings, and receive donations and inheritances again.

This culminated in a 2011 government decree instructing the return – or compensation – of properties that had been taken from foundations under the 1974 Court of Cassation ruling and earlier administrative practices.

“Erdogan’s instruction to ‘return what rightfully belongs to them’ changed the attitude of every state body. Previously, getting permission to paint a church took years. Now, doors open easily,” Ustabasi said.

‘One of most comfortable periods’

Lawyer Kezban Hatemi, who has advised minority foundations for decades, agreed that this has been “a major reform” but noted that more needed to be done. “Some cases are still ongoing – this kind of historical process never ends quickly,” Hatemi told Al Jazeera.

According to Hatemi, the earlier reluctance of state institutions was rooted in a decades-old mentality shaped by security fears and restrictive legal interpretations. She said minority foundations faced layers of bureaucratic obstacles for years, with even basic repairs or property registrations blocked. This only began to shift when EU harmonisation reforms created a new legal framework and political resolve emerged to act on it.

“The EU process gave real momentum – but it also took political will,” she said, noting that “a major blockage was removed” even as old fears loom for some.

“People abroad still say: ‘Don’t buy property in Istanbul, you never know what could happen.’ The memory from the 40s to the 70s is still very strong.”

Ustabasi noted that while the process has not always been straightforward, some 1,250 properties “were returned through EU harmonisation reforms and changes to the Foundations Law” between 2003 and 2018.

Kostidis said the impact of the return of the properties has not only been material. “It makes us feel like full citizens,” he said, noting that “minorities have lived one of their most comfortable periods” since Erdogan came to power in 2003.

One of the clearest signs of renewed confidence is among Syriacs, particularly in Tur Abdin – the historic heartland of Syriac Christianity in southeastern Turkiye that stretches across Midyat and the wider Mardin region. In these villages, return migration has slowly begun to reverse.

“People who emigrated to Europe are building homes again in Midyat and its villages,” Ustabasi said. “The roads are better than Istanbul, security is solid, and some are even preparing to live there long term.”

He linked the shift directly to improved security conditions in the southeast, a region that for decades was affected by clashes between the Turkish state and the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK, making travel and daily life unpredictable. “A Turkiye without terrorism opens many doors. People feel safe travelling, restoring homes, returning to their villages,” he said.

Kostidis said returns to Turkiye’s largest city of Istanbul are also possible – but require practical fixes.

“Large-scale returns are unlikely. But yes, some will come back if residency issues are fixed,” he said, calling for “a special regulation” for Greeks from Istanbul with Greek citizenship.

“All communities – Muslim, Jewish, Armenian, Syriac, Greek – should live in this city. Istanbul’s strength has always been its plurality.”

‘Powerful message’

Despite significant progress, several legal and administrative issues remain unresolved, with the representatives citing foundation board elections, legal ambiguity around autonomy and longstanding cases in some properties’ handover.

Ustabasi called for changes in the legal framework, while Hatemi noted the state “still intervenes in foundation governance in ways it never does with Muslim foundations. This mentality hasn’t fully changed – but I’m hopeful.”

Turkish-Armenian journalist and writer Etyen Mahcupyan said the pace of reform shifted after a failed coup attempt in 2016, when state bureaucracy regained influence over politics and decision-making.

He believes restitution slowed as a result, but said momentum could return if Turkiye “brings EU membership back to the forefront”. Turkiye started talks to join the bloc in 2005, but the accession bid has effectively been frozen.

Mahcupyan views Pope Leo’s visit as carrying political and symbolic resonance, given that the pope is seen not only as a religious figure but also as a political actor.

“Considering Turkiye’s foreign policy ambitions, this visit offers positive contributions. Ankara wants to shape a Turkiye that is accepted in global politics – and the world seems ready for it.”

Mahcupyan noted the pope’s “clear position” on Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza “aligns closely with Turkiye’s own line. This kind of convergence is important. It prevents Turkiye from turning inward, helps the world look at Turkiye more gently – and softens attitudes towards non-Muslims.”

He also said the visit helps ensure minority communities “are not forgotten”.

Kostidis agreed.

“A Muslim-majority country hosting the leaders of the Christian world – you can’t give a more powerful message than this,” he said.

No immediate response from Venezuela after President Trump’s makes the announcement on social media on Saturday.

United States President Donald Trump has said the airspace above and surrounding Venezuela is to be closed “in its entirety”, as tensions between the countries escalate.

There was no immediate response by Venezuela to Trump’s social media post on Saturday.

“To all Airlines, Pilots, Drug Dealers, and Human Traffickers, please consider THE AIRSPACE ABOVE AND SURROUNDING VENEZUELA TO BE CLOSED IN ITS ENTIRETY,” he wrote on his Truth Social platform.

Trump’s post comes amid weeks of escalating rhetoric by senior US officials against Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his government.

While the Trump administration has said it is targeting Venezuela as part of a push to combat drug trafficking, experts and human rights observers have warned that Washington appears to be laying the groundwork for an attempt to unlawfully remove Maduro from power.

The US has deployed an aircraft carrier to the Caribbean and carried out a series of deadly bombings on vessels it accused of being involved in drug trafficking, killing dozens of people in what United Nations experts have described as extrajudicial killings.

Earlier this week, Trump also warned that he would start targeting Venezuelan drug trafficking “by land” soon.

During a speech broadcast on national television on Thursday, Maduro said Venezuelans would not be intimidated.

More to come …

ASEAN is attempting to secure a foothold in the global semiconductor and electric-vehicle battery industries. Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand have each announced concrete industrial commitments that signal an ambition to move deeper into high-value manufacturing. These efforts carry strategic implications because semiconductors, power electronics, and batteries are essential inputs for artificial intelligence, renewable energy systems, and modern defense industries. The region now faces a growing set of geopolitical and engineering pressures that directly affect planned projects, cost structures, and national industrial strategies.

This piece documents the most significant national developments in 2024 and 2025, outlines precise vulnerabilities, and provides realistic mitigation measures for decision makers.

Strategic Context

In October 2025 China announced additional controls on rare-earth exports and related processing technologies. This decision briefly tightened the market for rare earth magnets and separated oxides that are crucial for EV motors and semiconductor equipment. Although Beijing later delayed parts of the policy’s implementation, the message was clear. Critical inputs can be restricted with little warning.

Meanwhile, the United States and its allies have continued to adjust export controls on chip-making equipment. Any further tightening directly affects the cost and feasibility of new packaging and test facilities across ASEAN. The strategic environment surrounding high technology has therefore become volatile and has placed pressure on firms hoping to expand into advanced electronics production.

Malaysia: Penang’s Advanced Packaging Ambitions

Malaysia is pursuing one of the most aggressive semiconductor upgrade strategies in Southeast Asia. Penang’s “Silicon Island” project and the new Green Tech Park represent a deliberate shift from assembly to higher-value packaging and design. Approved semiconductor-related investments reportedly exceeded RM 70 billion between January 2024 and June 2025. Investments include Infineon’s silicon carbide expansion and Carsem’s advanced packaging facilities for AI-related chips.

Advanced packaging and testing lines in Malaysia’s semiconductor clusters still depend on specialized lithography subsystems, ultra-high-purity precursor chemicals, and precision metrology equipment. These imports are increasingly vulnerable because Malaysia’s new export-control regime now requires notifications for high-performance AI chips and equipment, creating possible bottlenecks and compliance burdens. For example, Malaysia’s July 2025 directive made exporters notify authorities at least 30 days in advance when shipping U.S.-origin high-performance AI chips, signaling that regulatory headwinds may also apply upstream in tool and component supply chains. Without expedited import lanes, delays in receiving critical equipment would postpone factory commissioning in locations such as Penang, driving up capital costs through extended financing periods.

The Malaysian government must fast-track customs and import lanes for critical equipment, co-finance spare-parts pools for fabs, and invest in infrastructure near semiconductor clusters such as high-quality water, power reliability, and waste treatment. In parallel, public-private training centers should train large numbers of precision-manufacturing engineers.

Indonesia: Nickel Dominance and Downstream Battery Production

Indonesia has used its dominant nickel reserves to pull in major EV battery investments. The flagship project is the nearly USD 6 billion joint venture between Contemporary Amperex Technology Co. (CATL) and Indonesia Battery Corporation in West Java. According to a June 2025 Reuters report, the facility is scheduled to begin operations by late 2026 with a starting capacity of 6.9 GWh, with an expansion path toward 15 GWh or more. This scale demonstrates Indonesia’s ambition to anchor the region’s battery ecosystem, but it also highlights the limits of upstream advantage.

Despite controlling the raw material, Indonesia’s battery value chain is not yet integrated. The CATL–IBC project will still depend heavily on imported precursor chemicals, cathode active materials, and high-precision manufacturing equipment. Reuters noted that while Indonesia has rapidly expanded nickel processing, the country has not built the full suite of midstream capabilities required for stable cell production. Critical reagents and machinery remain tied to suppliers in China, South Korea, and Japan.

This dependency introduces substantial strategic risk. A February 2025 C4ADS report found that Chinese companies control roughly 75 percent of Indonesia’s nickel-refining capacity. That concentration means that although production occurs on Indonesian soil, operational control, technology flows, and strategic decisions often originate in external corporate or policy environments. Any shift in Chinese domestic policy, export priorities, or commercial strategy could ripple through Indonesia’s downstream battery plans and disrupt cell production timelines.

Given these vulnerabilities, Indonesia must accelerate the development of domestic precursor and cathode material facilities to reduce exposure to foreign suppliers. Battery-plant construction should also be sequenced with upgrades to grid capacity, wastewater management, and environmental controls, since these engineering systems remain bottlenecks in several industrial zones. Finally, manufacturers should design production lines with modularity so they can switch battery chemistries if global markets or reagent availability changes.

Thailand: Converting an Automotive Giant into an EV Hub

Thailand is moving quickly to convert its dominant automotive industry into an electric-vehicle hub. The Board of Investment’s EV 3.5 package, announced in 2025, offers tax incentives, consumer subsidies, and import-duty relief through 2027 for manufacturers that commit to local production. This policy has already shifted investment patterns. BYD opened a USD 490 million plant in Rayong in mid-2025 with capacity for 150,000 EVs annually, marking one of the largest EV manufacturing commitments in Southeast Asia. Domestic EV registrations also surged to roughly 70,000 units in 2024, up from fewer than 10,000 in 2021.

Despite these gains, Thailand’s EV ecosystem remains dependent on imported battery cells, semiconductor components, and rare-earth magnets. ASEAN Briefing’s September 2025 assessment found that Thailand still lacks mid-stream capabilities such as cathode production, electrolyte processing, and advanced battery-testing facilities. This dependence exposes the sector to the same vulnerabilities faced by regional semiconductor clusters.

These components also move through logistics systems designed for traditional automotive supply chains. Laem Chabang Port remains optimized for bulk auto parts rather than high-value lithium-ion cells. EV assemblers reported delays in 2025 due to congestion and manual customs checks on sensitive components during peak export periods. Even minor slowdowns disrupt just-in-time assembly and raise operational costs.

To protect its emerging EV advantage, Thailand must expand bonded logistics zones for battery components, accelerate port digitization, and cooperate with ASEAN partners to harmonize battery standards. Without these measures, Thailand’s EV ambitions will remain vulnerable to supply-chain friction and regulatory fragmentation.

Regional Risk Map

1. Material-concentration risk. China’s export controls on rare earths and magnets create leverage points. ASEAN must map critical-element dependencies and invest in regional recycling and stockpiles.
2. Equipment-and-technology risk. Restrictive export regimes on chip-making tools raise project execution risk. ASEAN governments should establish pooled spare-parts procurement, trusted procurement corridors, and diplomatic waiver channels.
3. Infrastructure-and-skills risk. All three countries face co-investment requirements in power, water, waste, and vocational training aligned with advanced manufacturing. ASEAN-level funding mechanisms and mutual recognition of professional certifications would reduce friction.

ASEAN stands at a pivotal moment. The opportunities to capture semiconductor back-end, EV battery manufacturing, and higher-value electronics are real. Malaysia’s move into advanced packaging, Indonesia’s downstream battery strategy, and Thailand’s EV pivot are promising. They are also fragile. Each depends on imported tools, materials, and specialized skills that can be disrupted by geopolitical shifts.

The region’s success will depend on how quickly leaders can reduce those vulnerabilities through strategic infrastructure investment, targeted industrial policy, regional standardization, and coordinated risk management. Without these measures, factories across ASEAN will remain profitable in calm markets but exposed during periods of geopolitical tension.

Major Israeli offensive has also destroyed roads, water networks and private property.

Israeli forces have wounded more than 200 Palestinians in raids on the West Bank governorate of Tubas, as a major offensive on northern parts of the occupied territory that began on Wednesday continues to inflict widespread destruction.

The Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) told Al Jazeera that 78 of the people wounded in Israeli attacks on Tubas since Wednesday required treatment in hospital.

After withdrawing from Tammun and Far’a refugee camp on Friday, Israeli soldiers have shifted the focus of raids to the city of Tubas, as well as the nearby villages of Aqqaba and Tayaseer.

Local officials said Israeli forces have detained nearly 200 Palestinians in the past four days. Most were interrogated on site and let go, but at least eight people were arrested and taken to Israeli military jails.

At least nine Palestinians were detained in other military raids in Qalqilya, Jenin and Nablus. The Wafa news agency quoted local sources as saying on Saturday that two children and a woman were among five arrested at dawn in Qalqilya.

Violent raids by Israeli soldiers and attacks by armed settlers have escalated since October 2023, with 47 army incursions taking place on average every day across the occupied West Bank in November.

The mayor of Tammun told Al Jazeera that while the town in the Tubas governorate was subject to dozens of raids in the past couple of years, the ones this week were the worst in terms of scale, destruction and violence.

He said that more than 1.5km (one mile) of roads have been torn up, water networks destroyed, private property vandalised and people severely beaten, repeating the pattern of other major Israeli military attacks across the occupied West Bank.

In the Jenin refugee camp, where Israeli soldiers have been advancing in a major offensive launched in January, Israeli bulldozers are making way for the demolition of at least 23 more Palestinian homes.

This comes several days after they issued notices claiming that the demolitions were necessary to ensure “freedom of movement” for the Israeli forces within the camp – even though the area remains largely empty as most families have been displaced.

The condemned buildings were home to 340 Palestinians. Only 47 of them, mostly women, were allowed to retrieve their belongings on Thursday.

A member of the Jenin Refugee Camp Services Committee told Al Jazeera that residents were given two hours to collect possessions, and some could not even recognise their homes due to the level of destruction after the Israeli assault.

The armed wing of Palestinian Islamic Jihad said on Friday its fighters carried out a series of attacks on Israeli soldiers during raids in Jenin and Tubas.

The group said its fighters in Tubas targeted an Israeli foot patrol with an antipersonnel explosive device in the Wadi al-Tayaseer area. Fighters detonated explosives against Israeli military vehicles in the al-Ziyoud and al-Bir areas of the town of Silat al-Harithiya in Jenin, it added.

Since October 2023, Israeli soldiers have killed at least 1,086 Palestinians across the occupied West Bank, including 223 children. At least 251 were killed in 2025.

At least 10,662 Palestinians have also been wounded since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza, with more than 20,500 rounded up. As of the beginning of November, there were 9,204 Palestinians in Israeli jails, 3,368 of whom are detained without charges.

Palestinian deaths have also surged in the custody of both the Israeli army and the Israel Prison Service, with at least 94 deaths documented since October 2023.

Some 44,000 people displaced by flooding across the country as relief operations intensify amid widespread destruction.

Sri Lanka has made an appeal for international assistance as the death toll from heavy rains and floods triggered by Cyclone Ditwah rose to 123, with another 130 reported missing.

The extreme weather system has destroyed nearly 15,000 homes across the country, sending almost 44,000 people to state-run temporary shelters, the Disaster Management Centre (DMC) said on Saturday.

Although Cyclone Ditwah was heading towards neighbouring India to the north on Saturday, more landslides have hit the central district of Kandy, 115km (70 miles) east of the capital Colombo, with the main access road under water at several locations.

DMC Director-General Sampath Kotuwegoda said relief operations had been strengthened with the deployment of thousands of members of the army, navy and air force as he announced the latest casualty figures.

“Relief operations with the help of the armed forces are under way,” Kotuwegoda told reporters in Colombo.

Mahesh Gunasekara, the secretary-general of the Sri Lanka Red Cross Society, said many people have been stranded in various flood-hit areas as rescue crews are trying to reach them.

“Relief needs have been increasing. After two days, water has still been swelling,” he said.

“Although the cyclone is slowly moving away from the country, it is not over for us yet,” Gunasekara added.

Flooding prompted authorities to issue evacuation orders for those living along the banks of the Kelani River, which flows into the Indian Ocean from Colombo.

The Kelani burst its banks on Friday evening, forcing hundreds of people into temporary shelters, the DMC said.

The government issued an appeal for international help and asked Sri Lankans abroad to make cash donations to support nearly half a million affected people.

Officials said Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya had met with Colombo-based diplomats to update them on the situation and seek the help of their governments.

India was the first to respond, sending two planeloads of relief supplies, while an Indian warship already in Colombo on a previously planned goodwill visit donated its rations to help victims.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed his condolences over the deaths in Sri Lanka and said New Delhi was ready to send more aid.

“We stand ready to provide more aid and assistance as the situation evolves,” Modi said on X.

While rain had eased in most parts of Sri Lanka on Saturday, including the capital, parts of the island’s north were still experiencing showers due to the residual effects of Cyclone Ditwah.

DMC officials said they expected flood levels to exceed those recorded in 2016, when 71 people were killed nationwide.

This week’s weather-related toll is the highest since June last year, when 26 people were killed following heavy rains.

In December, 17 people died in flooding and landslides.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s chief of staff has resigned after investigators searched his home, as a widening corruption scandal engulfs one of Ukraine’s top negotiators in efforts to end the war. Al Jazeera’s Rory Challands reports from Kyiv with what we know.

An incredible double bill of musical classics is available to watch for free this weekend

Film4 is airing a stunning double billing of hit movies that musical fans won’t want to miss. On TV from 4:45pm today (Saturday, 29th November), the original hit 1990s film will be immediately followed by its sequel at 6:50pm.

After that, both films will be available to stream for free on Channel 4 for a limited time. The toe-tapping cinematic treats in question are 1992’s classic nun on the run comedy Sister Act, starring Whoopi Goldberg as lounge singer Deloris, who is forced to hide out in a convent when her gangster boyfriend turns on her.

Fans of the original will be delighted to see that the sequel, Sister Act 2: Back in the Habit, which some consider to be even better, will also be airing straight afterwards.

This time, Deloris reunites with her nun friends, portrayed by legends such as Downton Abbey and Harry Potter’s Maggie Smith, Kathy Najimy and Wendy Makkena, to help save their struggling school with a stirring performance from their students.

R&B legend Lauryn Hill makes her film debut in the underrated sequel, which had one IMDb user claiming: “Not often is the sequel better than the original but Sister Act 2 breaks that stereotype.

“The music, acting, singing are all incredible. My favorite movie of all time and Whoopi once again showed up and showed out.”

Another wrote: “I loved this so much, even better than the first movie. So much talent and energy with a great story line.

“Once again, Goldberg delivers. This is a movie I could watch every year, so glad it is on every Christmas!”

As for the original? Movie buffs certainly agree it holds up more than 30 years later. One user said in a 10/10 review: “I feel that this movie should be a classic someday. The music is outstanding. I love the way that Whoopi sings. She has a fantastic voice for the movie.

“This movie is timeless and priceless. It is one of Whoopi’s finest movies.” Praise continued on Letterboxd where someone said: “I’m not ashamed to admit I was almost brought to tears at the end there…seeing Maggie Smith in anything still hits hard. Gone too soon.

“This was such a perfect comedy, I can’t believe I spent all these years and knew nothing of this film. A new favorite for sure!”

“This film is a camp masterpiece, if you can watch it with a crowd as rowdy as mine, it will not disappoint,” another wrote.

And a final fan made a bold claim: “This MIGHT be the best movie ever made.” Are you after a religious viewing experience this weekend? Look no further than Film4’s incredible musical double bill.

Sister Act and Sister Act 2: Back in the Habit are airing from 4:45pm on Saturday, 29th November on Film4 and will be available to stream on Channel 4.

Donald Trump has said that he will pardon the former president of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernández, who was convicted of drug trafficking charges in a US court last year.

The US president said Hernández had been “treated very harshly and unfairly” in a social media post announcing the move on Friday.

Hernández was found guilty in March 2024 of conspiring to import cocaine into the US, and of possessing machine guns. He was sentenced to 45 years in prison.

Trump also threw his support behind conservative presidential candidate Nasry “Tito” Asfura in the Central American nation’s general election, due to be held on Sunday.

Hernández, a member of the National Party, who served as Honduras’s president from 2014 to 2022, was extradited to the US in April 2022 to stand trial for running a violent drug trafficking conspiracy and helping to smuggle hundreds of tons of cocaine to the US.

He was convicted by a New York jury two years later.

Polls indicate the Honduran election remains a toss-up between three candidates including Asfura, the former mayor of Tegucigalpa and leader of the conservative National Party.

Also in the running is Rixi Moncada, a former defence minister standing for the ruling left-wing Libre Party, and Salvador Nasralla, a television host with the centrist Liberal Party.

Trump criticised Moncada and Nasralla on Friday, writing that the latter was “a boderline Communist” who was only running to split the vote between Moncada and Asfura.

He characterised Asfura as “standing up for democracy” and praised him for campaigning against Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, with whom Trump has engaged in a war of words in recent months.

Nasralla has pledged to cut ties with Venezuela if he wins.

The Trump administration has accused the left-wing Maduro – whose re-election last year was dismissed as illegitimate by many countries – of being the leader of a drugs cartel.

It used countering drug trafficking as a justification for a military build-up in the Caribbean and has conducted strikes on vessels it says have been used for smuggling – though some analysts have described these moves as a means of pressuring Latin American leaders.

Honduras has been governed since 2022 by President Xiomara Castro, who has forged close ties with Cuba and Venezuela.

But Castro has maintained a co-operative relationship with the US, agreeing to preserve a long-running extradition treaty with it. Her country also hosts a US military base involved in targeting transnational organised crime in the region.

More than 80 people have been killed in the US strikes on vessels suspected of being involved in the transport of narcotics since they began in August.

US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth has said the aim of “Operation Southern Spear” was to eliminate “narcoterrorists”.

But legal experts have questioned the legality of the strikes, pointing out that the US has provided no evidence that the boats it has targeted were carrying drugs.