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WASHINGTON — The relationship between President Trump and French President Emmanuel Macron started simply enough, with a handshake, nearly a decade ago.

But even then, there were signs of strain in their relationship — tensions that could be on full display during next week’s G7 summit in France.

Back in 2017, Trump was a brash businessman just elected to America’s most powerful office, and Macron was an upstart politician who had won his race in a landslide. At a NATO summit in Brussels, they clinched hands far longer than most people do when they meet for the first time. Neither seemed to want to be the first to break a grip so tight that it exposed white knuckles.

Nevertheless, a friendship was born. And early on, Macron seemed to be the one European leader with a knack for managing his mercurial, three-decades-older counterpart.

Macron invited the Republican president to join him for Bastille Day celebrations in July 2017, including an Eiffel Tower dinner date with their wives. Trump reciprocated by making Macron the guest of honor the following year at his first White House state dinner, the highest diplomatic honor the United States can extend to an ally.

But by the end of Trump’s first term, the bromance had faded. And in his second term, the leaders now openly trade barbs, disagreeing over tariffs, Ukraine and the Iran war. That dynamic will be scrutinized next week when Trump and the leaders of Britain, Canada, Germany, Italy and Japan join Macron in the French lakeside resort of Evian-les-Bains for the G7 summit.

Trump’s long-simmering frustrations with US allies could be on display

There could be awkward moments between Trump and Macron, as well as among Trump and the other G7 leaders he’s criticized for not joining him in Iran.

“But I also think European leaders are quite professionals when it comes to politics, and in some ways diplomacy at this point, and will maybe see it as an opportunity as well,” Max Bergmann, director of the Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said in an interview.

Kurt Volker, a former U.S. ambassador to NATO, said the Trump-Macron relationship has been further complicated by the Iran war and Trump’s complaints “that Europeans weren’t helping, when they hadn’t been consulted, and their interests are very much affected by this.”

“I think that was a negative for Macron,” Volker said.

Trump joined Israel in a war against Iran over its nuclear program back in February without consulting other U.S. allies. He then complained publicly when European countries spurned his requests for their help.

Waning support for Ukraine in its war against Russia from the Trump administration “has really irritated the French,” Volker said. “They feel this is important and we’re not paying attention to it.” Macron invited Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to join the leaders’ discussions on Tuesday.

Macron is the G7 member who has dealt with Trump the longest

In Trump’s first term, Macron appeared confident that he could persuade and influence the U.S. leader, but the relationship increasingly has come to be defined by their disagreements.

Macron now says he is “careful” about Trump’s statements, suggesting he no longer takes them at face value. Their relationship remains cordial as each calls the other “my friend.” But the relationship has also experienced some ups and downs.

As president-elect, Trump attended the reopening of Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris in late 2024 at Macron’s invitation. After Trump began his second term in 2025, Macron was an early Oval Office visitor. The president wrote on social media that he was “delighted” to welcome Macron back to the White House and said the relationship with France has been “very special.”

But at one point during the meeting, the French president publicly corrected Trump after he wrongly suggested that Europe would recover the money it had provided to support Ukraine. With a smile, Macron touched Trump’s forearm and replied, “We provided real money.”

Macron also condemned as “brutal and unfounded” new tariffs that Trump slapped on steel, aluminum and a broader range of European imports in early 2025.

But there have also been some lighter moments mixed with the tensions.

A documentary aired last year on French television showed Macron telling Trump during a phone call that Zelenskyy had agreed to a U.S.-backed ceasefire proposal. Trump replied, “You’re the greatest.”

Macron has often said he can reach Trump directly whenever he needs to — and proved his point during last year’s U.N. General Assembly session in New York. After police officers blocked the French leader from crossing a street because traffic had been halted for Trump’s motorcade, Macron whipped out his cellphone and dialed the U.S. president.

“How are you?” Macron said. “Guess what? I’m waiting in the street because everything is frozen for you!”

‘This is not a show,’ Macron has said about Trump’s NATO ambiguity

Macron has argued that Trump’s “America first” policies bolstered his case for a stronger European defense capability that would lessen reliance on the United States.

In April of this year, as Trump sent mixed signals about Washington’s commitment to NATO after the start of the war in Iran, Macron delivered some of his sharpest criticism of the U.S. president.

“There is too much talk, and it’s going in all directions,” Macron said. “We all need stability, calm and a return to peace. This is not a show.”

“You have to be serious, and when you want to be serious, you don’t say the opposite every day of what you said the day before,” he said.

Trump, while mimicking a French accent, recently has taken to reenacting a conversation he says he had with Macron over drug prices and tariffs. Trump also poked Macron by telling a private luncheon in April that his wife, Brigitte Macron, treats her husband badly. The comments were in a video the White House had posted on its YouTube channel before blocking access.

Macron didn’t see any humor in Trump’s comments. “The remarks I heard were neither elegant nor appropriate,” he said. “They do not deserve a response.”

Still, Macron has tried to accommodate Trump’s schedule to ensure his presence at the summit in Evian-les-Bains, knowing that he has a record of leaving such gatherings early.

Macron originally had set Sunday, which is Trump’s 80th birthday, as the opening day of the summit, but he pushed the start back a day because Trump is celebrating the occasion with a UFC show staged on the White House grounds.

Superville and Corbet write for the Associated Press. Corbet reported from Paris.

England have described the arrangement for the second Test as “interim”, and its impermanence seems important.

On Monday, when it first emerged that Stokes and Gus Atkinson were in hot water, there was an immediate feeling it would spell the end of Stokes’ captaincy.

It still may. There is an ongoing investigation. Stokes could decide to walk.

But, with every passing hour, the temperature is cooling. Stokes could return for the third Test at Trent Bridge or, more likely, the series against Pakistan later in the summer.

Still, Stokes has given a window into what England’s life might be without him. For the first time in his career, Stokes the cricketer is not indispensable. Earlier this week, head coach Brendon McCullum had to defend his batting, and back Stokes to return to form.

If Brook had been put in charge, England may have seen something they like. Brook and McCullum seemed more aligned during the T20 World Cup than Stokes and McCullum did during the Ashes.

Brook would have been captaining his peers, whereas Stokes leads a group of younger men, many of whom grew up idolising him. Maybe England would have found a Stokesless formation that makes them stronger: the leg-spin of Rehan Ahmed as the all-rounder, followed by four specialist seamers.

None of this becomes an issue with Root in charge. He will be all too happy to hand over the reins when the time comes.

These roles were once reversed. In the Covid summer of 2021, Stokes stepped in for one Test while Root was on paternity leave. Root left a note on Stokes’ peg in the dressing room which said: “Do it your way”.

Now, Root will do it his way. Clapping his hands from first slip, long sprints to talk to his bowlers. A smile on his face, maybe a classic Rootian century. Not the puffed-out chest of an alpha like Stokes, just the calm reassurance of English cricket’s most dependable presence.

Once again, it is Joe Root riding to England’s rescue.

Four states are set to hold their primary votes, further solidifying the battle lines for the United States midterm elections in November.

On Tuesday, citizens in Maine, South Carolina, North Dakota and Nevada are set to cast their ballots in party primaries, designed to select which Democratic and Republican candidates advance to the final round of voting.

But Maine has emerged as one of the most heated primary battlegrounds. With Democrats desperate to flip four seats in the US Senate, all eyes are on Republican Senator Susan Collins’s re-election campaign.

Democrats are hoping to defeat her in November, but the party has fractured over controversies related to its leading candidate, Graham Platner. The race has become one of the most closely watched of the primary season.

At stake in November is control of Congress, and each party is angling to put forward the strongest contender.

Currently, the Republican Party holds slender majorities in both the Senate and the House of Representatives, but Democrats hope to wrest back control, in what would represent a major rebuke to President Donald Trump.

State-level races are also in play during Tuesday’s primaries. Several in key swing states like Nevada could have outsized influence over election administration in the years ahead.

Here are some of the key races to watch.

Key Senate race in Maine to be decided

The Democratic Party’s long-shot hope of retaking the Senate hinges on Maine, a lushly forested northeastern state largely bordered by Canada and the Atlantic Ocean.

The primary vote on Tuesday is widely expected to result in Platner advancing as the Democratic champion for November’s midterms. If so, he will take on the longtime incumbent, Republican Senator Collins, who is considered vulnerable to defeat.

Polls have consistently shown the 41-year-old progressive narrowly defeating Collins in the midterm in November.

Platner has appealed to left-wing voters with his positions in favour of universal healthcare and ending US support for Israel. But a slate of recent reports about his past relationships has threatened to chill the enthusiasm for his campaign.

An oyster farmer and former US Marine, Platner has faced accusations of “unsettling” behaviour towards women, including an alleged incident where he twisted one romantic partner’s arm. Platner has denied that allegation.

He has also permanently removed a skull-and-bones tattoo that critics likened to a Nazi symbol, saying he did not know its source.

Still, in Tuesday’s primary, Platner is expected to handily beat his closest Democratic rivals: environmental consultant David Costello and Governor Janet Mills, who will remain on the ballot despite announcing her withdrawal from the race.

Contests for Maine’s House and governor seats

But Maine boasts other nationally significant races, too. That includes the contest for the House seat left open after Democratic Representative Jared Golden announced he would not run for re-election.

Golden has represented Maine’s 2nd congressional district since 2019, and he has proven adept at retaining support, even though his coastal district leans conservative.

If Republicans pick up his seat, it would be a boon to the party’s effort to maintain control of the House. Former Republican Governor Paul LePage is running uncontested in his party’s primary to replace Golden.

Four Democrats, meanwhile, are competing in their party primary to take him on.

They include state Senator Joe Baldacci, state auditor Matthew Dunlap, social worker Paige Loud, and congressional staffer Jordan Wood. All four have charted a more leftward course than the outgoing lawmaker.

Maine’s governor’s race is also open, with Mills, a Democrat, leaving her post at the end of the year due to term limits.

The chance to win the governor’s mansion in November has attracted a crowded field to both party primaries. Each race features notable political scions.

On the left, there is Angus King III, whose father currently represents the state in the US Senate, as well as Hannah Pingree, the daughter of a current member of Congress. Running on the right is healthcare executive Jonathan Bush, a cousin of former President George W Bush.

Election administration looms large in Nevada

Nevada has remained a deeply purple state in recent years, leaning neither left nor right.

Democratic presidential contenders have narrowly won the state from 2008 to 2020, but President Donald Trump broke the streak in 2024, carrying just over 50 percent of the vote.

A staggering 45 percent of Nevada’s voters are registered as independents. That means they hold outsized sway in November’s midterm vote, but they will not be able to cast a ballot in Tuesday’s closed primaries, which are limited to party members only.

The sprawling western state is home to about 3.2 million residents. In the middle of its desert landscape sits Las Vegas, a global gambling and entertainment destination.

But the state has become a political football, in part because of its narrow partisan divide.

Trump and his allies have targeted the state by spreading false claims of election fraud in the wake of the Republican leader’s 2020 election defeat. Those assertions led him to clash with state Attorney General Aaron Ford, who pledged to defend his state’s election integrity.

Now, Ford is currently leading a crowded Democratic field to take on Republican incumbent Joe Lambardo for the governor’s mansion. Polls have shown Washoe County Commissioner Alexis Hill as his top challenger in the Democratic primary.

Lombardo — who has broken state records for his use of vetoes — also faces a deep bench of Republican challengers, but he is expected to skate to an easy victory on Tuesday.

Another key state position is up for grabs this November: Nevada’s secretary of state.

Like Ford, the role’s current occupant, Francisco Aguilar, is a vocal critic of Trump’s efforts to assert more federal control over election administration.

He is running unopposed on the Democratic side, so he automatically advances to November’s general election.

Four Republicans are running to challenge Aguilar, including Jim Marchant, a former state assemblyman who supported Trump’s unfounded claims that the 2020 election was stolen.

Another top primary contender is lawyer Shirley Folkins-Roberts, who has been endorsed by the state’s Republican governor.

On the national level, Nevada has four total seats in the House of Representatives. Three are currently held by Democrats, and one by a Republican.

On Tuesday, Republicans will select their challengers in a bid to unseat the Democratic incumbents, all of whom are running for re-election.

Meanwhile, the retirement of Republican Representative Mark Amodei has sparked hope that Democrats might, for the first time ever, win the state’s 2nd congressional district.

Eight Democrats are vying to be their party’s champion, while 13 candidates are running on the Republican side.

Democrats eye long-shot flip in South Carolina

Since last year, the Trump administration has led a controversial redistricting drive, pushing Republican-led states to redraw their congressional districts to better favour the party.

But last month, lawmakers in South Carolina chose not to pursue a redistricting plan — at least, not yet. Part of the reason came down to Tuesday’s primaries.

Thousands of voters cast their ballots last month as part of an early-voting campaign encouraged by Democrats. Any last-minute redistricting would have required throwing out those votes.

That has, for now, protected the majority Black district of longtime Representative Jim Clyburn, the only Democrat representing South Carolina in the House.

South Carolina, a southern, coastal state home to 5.5 million people, is considered rightward-leaning. But Democrats are seeking to defend their House seat in November’s midterms — and maybe pick up a second.

In Tuesday’s primaries, the 85-year-old Clyburn is expected to sail to victory against a long-shot Democratic challenger. He is all but assured to win in November as well, given his district’s reputation as a Democratic stronghold.

Democrats have also set their sights on flipping South Carolina’s 1st district, with Republican Nancy Mace vacating her seat to run for governor. Seven candidates are running in the Democratic primary race for the coastal district, while 10 Republicans will compete in their party primary.

One Senate seat will also be on Tuesday’s primary ballot: the one held by Republican Lindsey Graham. Despite several challengers, polls show the incumbent with a commanding lead.

Graham, a close Trump ally and a notable war hawk, has been one of Congress’s most vocal supporters of the US-Israel war on Iran.

This year, due to term limits, Governor Henry McMaster is unable to run for re-election. Given that South Carolina is a solidly red state overall, whoever wins Tuesday’s Republican primary is expected to coast to victory in November.

Recent polls have shown a tight race. Trump has endorsed Lieutenant Governor Pamela Evette, but surveys show her neck and neck with state Attorney General Alan Wilson and Congresswoman Mace, who has at times broken with Trump over issues like the Iran war.

North Dakota’s lone congressional district

Primary day in the Great Plains state of North Dakota is expected to make few waves nationally.

Neither the governor nor the state’s two senators are up for re-election.

Political observers are expecting few surprises. North Dakota has been a Republican stronghold since the late 1960s.

The 435 seats in the US House are distributed among states based on their population size. But since North Dakota has only about 800,000 people, it has just one congressional district.

During Tuesday’s Republican primary, incumbent Representative Julie Fedorchak will seek to ward off a challenge from former State Department project manager Alex Balazs.

Democrat Trygve Hammer, meanwhile, is running unopposed in his party’s primary.

Speaking to Alison Mitchell, former England player Phil Tufnell says the Lord’s pitch was “not a good look'” for Test cricket as he, alongside former England captain Michael Vaughan, criticise the surface used for the first Test between England and New Zealand.

READ MORE: England begin Ashes rebuild with win over NZ

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England’s Emilio Gay falls for eight on Test debut as he’s caught off the bowling of Kyle Jamieson with the home side 16-1 on the first morning of the first Test against New Zealand at Lord’s.

FOLLOW LIVE: England v New Zealand 1st Test

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Spinner Shoaib Bashir has been backed as England’s first-choice spinner for the first Test against New Zealand after being overlooked for the entire Ashes series.

Bashir has been named in a 12-man squad for Thursday’s series opener at Lord’s and will take his place in the XI, with England pondering the make-up of their pace attack.

Uncapped seamer Sonny Baker is also in the 12, possibly vying with Gus Atkinson for the final spot in the team.

Bashir has not played for England since the third Test against India on this ground last July, when he took the final wicket to win a thrilling contest despite having broken a finger.

The 22-year-old returned to fitness in time for the Ashes tour, but was ignored by England for the entirety of their 4-1 defeat.

While Bashir struggled in tour matches and in the nets, England explained his absence by pointing to conditions that were not helpful to spin bowlers.

“We firmly believe in Bash as an international cricketer,” England head coach Brendon McCullum told BBC Sport.

“When I look back to why he wasn’t required in Australia, it wasn’t to do with how the ball was coming out of his hand per se, we just felt the conditions were not conducive to spin bowling – as did Australia.

“We remain hugely confident and optimistic about Bash as a cricketer and the role he can play for us.”

Reporting from Washington — California is confronting the limits of its power to save federal environmental protections as Congress and the Trump administration take aim at a landmark law the state has relied on for decades to clean the air of noxious smog.

A push by Republicans to roll back parts of the Clean Air Act would affect California more than any other state, rattling its lawmakers and regulators. And their legal authority to pick up the fight against California’s smog on their own is constrained.

The House last month passed a bill fiercely opposed by doctors and public health groups, including the American Lung Assn. and the American Academy of Pediatrics, that would delay for years new anti-pollution standards aimed at ultimately preventing 160,000 childhood asthma attacks and as many as 220 premature deaths in California each year.

The Trump administration had already tried using regulatory authority to put the standards on hold for a year, but walked back that action Wednesday after California and 14 other states filed suit against the delay.

The bill advancing in Congress would go much further, permanently upending the way restrictions are imposed on the ozone and small particulate matter that make up smog. No longer would regulators base decisions solely on scientific findings about what level of smog is safe to breathe. The potential cost to business would for the first time loom large in setting limits, and ultimately guide such things as when people with breathing problems are warned to stay indoors.

“It would be disastrous to do this,” said Jared Blumenfeld, former regional director of the federal Environmental Protection Agency for California and other Western states.

“The Clean Air Act has been one of the most successful and revered public health measures taken anywhere on the planet. Everyone from China to India to European nations came to my office and said, ‘How do we achieve these kinds of gains?’ This all originated in Los Angeles at a time the air was so bad it led to the creation of the EPA.”

Many state lawmakers agree, and they are vowing to keep California in compliance with the Clean Air Act as it exists now — regardless of what happens in Washington. But that turns out to be a promise not easily kept.

“This is not an easy switch whereby Congress gets rid of the standard, and California just puts it back in place,” Blumenfeld said.

Some of the most damaging pollution released inside California’s borders can only be controlled by federal regulators. Among California’s biggest concerns is what is spewed from the exhaust pipes of trucks traveling through the state that are not subject to its strict emissions rules. Such fumes account for 60% of such heavy truck pollution.

The EPA has been under pressure to toughen federal rules for trucks to enable California to meet its obligations under the act. The state and EPA have also been working on research into new technologies to clean truck emissions.

Even if the industry-friendly Trump administration slows down those efforts, the act empowers states and activists to impose pressure on the EPA in court.

But that would change under the measure passed by the House, HR 806, which would weaken the air quality standards now motivating federal action.

“We need EPA to continue to move ahead aggressively,” said Kurt Karperos, deputy executive officer at the California Air Resources Board. “It has a responsibility under the Clean Air Act to take action.… We are concerned this would be used as a justification to slow down.”

The pushback against the Clean Air Act in Congress is rooted in complaints, often driven by industry, that the EPA under the Obama administration set standards for air quality that are impossible to reach without harming economies in places that are already struggling, like California’s Central Valley, home to some of the worst air in the nation.

Among the most effective allies for Republicans pushing to weaken standards is the head of the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District, which regulates 25,000 square miles. It is home to 4 million Californians, who struggle with smoggy air and soaring asthma rates.

Seyed Sadredin, the district’s executive director, said there is only so much his agency is empowered to do, and now it faces severe federal sanctions for emissions from cars and trucks it has no authority to regulate.

Sadredin recently told Congress that local businesses will soon be prevented from expanding and big highway projects forfeited under Clean Air Act sanctions the valley faces — even after the region has done everything in its power to control pollution with some of the toughest restrictions in the nation.

“It all sounds nice and noble when you look down to the valley from the outside,” he said of the tough federal standards. “If you are with the elite crowd, you might say, ‘Let’s punish the valley for something they have no control over.’ We are talking real-life impact in a place suffering from double-digit unemployment, poverty, malnutrition. This has a real impact on our people. It is not just an academic argument.”

The San Joaquin board limited its support of the House measure to the part that would exempt air districts from sanctions in certain circumstances. A public outcry moved it to back away from its push to force the EPA to consider economic impacts in determining what air is safe to breathe.

But the economic impact language is still part of the House bill that the San Joaquin board helped get passed, creating no small measure of tension between Sadredin and other air quality experts who say his dire warnings served to benefit agriculture and drilling interests averse to stricter rules.

The valley is not going to lose big highway projects and businesses if it can’t control truck and car pollution it has no authority to regulate, according to state air regulators. But it will be pushed in the areas where it does have control, they say, including cutting pollution from oil and gas wells, and residential and agricultural burning.

“It is absolutely not in the cards,” Karperos said of the punishment Sadredin warns will befall the valley in coming years under current clean air rules. A good faith plan by the valley to further reduce emissions in the places it can would protect it from such sanctions, he said. But that plan will require more action by a region resistant to it.

“There are feasible strategies,” Karperos said. “The threat of sanctions is a red herring.”

Times staff writer Tony Barboza contributed to this report.

evan.halper@latimes.com

Follow me: @evanhalper

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May 27 (UPI) — The Federal Aviation Administration on Wednesday ordered SpaceX to investigate why a booster for its Starship rocket system failed during a test flight Friday, grounding the megarocket for a time.

The FAA declared the incident a “mishap” that involved the Super Heavy first-stage booster as it separated from the main ship and returned to the Gulf of Mexico after launch. The booster was supposed to perform a sustained burn to a controlled landing in the gulf, but a possible engine failure meant it fell back to Earth instead in a “hard splashdown,” SpaceX said in its launch report. The FAA said there were no reports of public injury or damage to public property from the mishap.

“The FAA will oversee the SpaceX-led investigation, be involved in every step in the process, and approve SpaceX’s final report, including any corrective actions,” the agency statement said.

“A mishap investigation is designed to enhance public safety, determine the root cause of the event, and identify corrective actions to avoid it from happening again,” the statement continued. “A return to flight of the Starship-Super Heavy vehicle is based on the FAA determining that any system, process, or procedure related to the mishap does not effect public safety.”

This means that another launch is less likely before the company’s planned initial public offering in June, TechCrunch reported.

The Starship system has two parts: the Super Heavy booster and the spacecraft itself, also called Starship. This was the first launch of the third version of the system, which is the first capable of deep-space flight. Plans call for Starship to carry Artemis 4 astronauts to the surface of the moon in a mission set for late 2028.

The Starship portion of the overall system did make it to space during this test launch, although it also lost one of its Raptor 3 vacuum engines there. Overall, this and other portions of the launch, including deployment of satellites and simulators, were considered a success.

PLANO, Texas — Texans are choosing a Republican nominee for U.S. Senate in Tuesday’s runoff election, bringing to a close the extended, bitter and expensive primary where President Trump weighed in late to tip the race in another effort to rid the GOP of leaders less devoted to him.

Trump’s endorsement of state Atty. Gen. Ken Paxton over four-term Sen. John Cornyn gives the challenger a late boost and puts Cornyn at risk of becoming the first Republican senator in Texas history to seek the party’s nod and lose.

That’s despite Cornyn’s campaign and allied groups spending roughly $90 million in advertising since last year, the vast majority of it attacking Paxton.

It’s the latest GOP contest where Trump has sought to punish a Republican he sees as insufficiently loyal. This month, he has successfully backed challengers to incumbents in Louisiana, Kentucky and Indiana, a sign of his enduring influence among primary voters.

Paxton’s campaign and a pro-Paxton super PAC began airing ads promoting the endorsement within 24 hours of Trump’s announcement. Cornyn acknowledged Trump’s move would have an impact but said he wasn’t giving up.

“I know who gets to choose our senators, and it’s the people of Texas,” he said hours after the endorsement.

The winner will run in November against Democratic state Rep. James Talarico.

Tuesday’s runoffs also will decide Democratic U.S. House nominees for districts in Dallas and Houston that overwhelmingly support Democrats, and a San Antonio-area seat the party hopes to flip.

The primary has been long, bitter and costly

Cornyn led Paxton in the March primary but failed to win a majority in the three-way contest that also included U.S. Rep. Wesley Hunt, who finished in a distant third.

That was after Cornyn’s campaign and allied groups waged a monthslong ad campaign, mostly attacking Paxton for ethical and personal questions. The two-term attorney general was acquitted in a 2023 impeachment trial when allegations of extramarital affairs surfaced. Last year, Paxton’s wife filed for divorce, citing “biblical grounds.”

The alliance of pro-Cornyn groups have continued its attack, outspending Paxton’s campaign and two allied super PACs $16.5 million to $5.9 million since March 3, according to the ad-tracking firm AdImpact.

Trump promised to endorse immediately after the primary, asking the unchosen candidate to withdraw. But he didn’t act until after early voting began on May 18.

“Ken Paxton has gone through a lot, in many cases, very unfairly, but he is a Fighter, and knows how to win,” Trump wrote in a social media post endorsing him. “Our Country needs Fighters, and also Loyalty to the Cause of Greatness.”

Pro-Cornyn groups lately have been airing ads criticizing the attorney general office’s handling of a Waco sex abuse case. Pro-Paxton groups had seized on Cornyn’s awkward relationship with Trump.

Trump snubs Cornyn amid retribution campaign

The negative tenor could diminish turnout in an election already complicated by coming a day after Memorial Day, Texas Republican strategist Tyler Norris said. About 2 million of Texas’ 18.7 million voters participated in the GOP primary.

The dynamic could favor Paxton, whose support draws from more of the most loyal Trump base in Texas, said Norris, who isn’t affiliated with either campaign.

“The defining battle lines are based around hyper-negative messaging, which dampens turnout to begin with,” he said. “So who is going to show up is the hardest of the hard core.”

Trump in his endorsement also poked at Cornyn, as he has done with other Republicans who are not in lockstep with the president.

He blasted Republican Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy as “a Disloyal Disaster” on May 16, before Cassidy lost a GOP primary for the office he has held since 2015. The two-term senator had voted to convict Trump after his 2021 impeachment trial over the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. Trump backed U.S. Rep. Julia Letlow, who advanced to a runoff with John Fleming, the state treasurer. Cassidy finished well behind them.

Last week, Trump celebrated as Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, a critic of the Trump administration’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files, lost his primary to Ed Gallrein. Trump called Massie “the worst congressman in the history of our country.”

In endorsing Paxton, Trump said Cornyn “was not supportive of me when times were tough” and that “John was very late in backing me.”

Cornyn suggested in 2023 that Trump could not win the presidency again in 2024 and that his “time has passed him by.” He also was an early critic of Trump’s plan for a border wall between the U.S. and Mexico — a project he now supports.

Senate GOP leaders backed Cornyn, saying he would be stronger in the general election. Some GOP strategists have argued a Paxton nomination would cost millions of dollars more to promote in the fall, when money could be spent defending Republican seats in more competitive states. Democrats need to gain a net of four seats to take the majority.

Democrats also will choose U.S. House nominees

Newly elected Rep. Christian Menefee and veteran Rep. Al Green are vying for the party nod in Texas’ 18th District, which the Republican-led Texas Legislature redrew last year to help the GOP. The new map led to a contest between incumbents and marks the end of a dizzying series of elections in the Houston area. Menefee was elected in a special runoff in January to the seat that had been held by the late Rep. Sylvester Turner, who died in March 2025.

Menefee finished narrowly ahead of Green in the March 3 primary but didn’t win a majority to avoid the runoff.

Former Rep. Colin Allred and U.S. Rep. Julie Johnson are competing in the Dallas-area 33rd District. Johnson was elected to the seat in 2024, the year Allred lost his U.S. Senate challenge to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz. Allred was running for Senate again this cycle but dropped his bid and instead is looking to return to the House.

Near San Antonio, Democratic leaders are trying to prevent Maureen Galindo, who has expressed antisemitic views, from winning the party’s runoff with Johnny Garcia. While Texas lawmakers redrew the 35th District to help Republicans, Democrats view it as within reach and don’t want Galindo’s past comments to impede them.

Beaumont and Bedayn write for the Associated Press. Bedayn reported from Austin.

With 18 examples of the OA-1K Skyraider II delivered to the U.S. Air Force’s Special Operations Command (AFSOC), the service is now looking forward to demonstrating the aircraft’s unique rapid-deployment capability later this year. AFSOC also says it plans to add laser-guided Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System (APKWS) rockets to the OA-1K’s armament options and is looking at boosting standoff capability in the form of Red Wolf mini cruise missiles. All of this comes at a time when the Pentagon is looking to cut back OA-1K numbers amid concerns surrounding its survivability and utility in a high-end fight, specifically with China, which stands today as the U.S. military’s pacing threat.

Lt. Col. Robert Wilson, chief of the AFSOC Armed Overwatch Requirements Branch, briefed journalists, including from TWZ, on the latest plans for the OA-1K ahead of the Special Operations Forces (SOF) Week, taking place from today in Tampa, Florida.

Beginning with an overview of the program, Lt. Col. Wilson stressed that the OA-1K — a militarized derivative of the popular Air Tractor AT-802 crop duster — is not viewed as a replacement for legacy platforms like U-28 (which he previously flew) or the MC-12. Instead, it is “a new, purpose-built solution for today’s complex environments.”

The thinking behind the Skyraider II reflects the transition from the Air Force’s focus on counter-terrorism operations in the post-9/11 period to a more complex threat picture. Now, the service has to be more prepared to fight against a much wider range of adversaries across the spectrum of conflict.

As Wilson explained, “the OA-1K represents a new era for AFSOC, with the flexibility to support not only counter-terrorism-like missions, but also crisis and contingency response, competition with more advanced adversaries, and even aspects of full-on conflict. To meet this wide range of mission sets, OA-1K is a multi-role capability platform that is essentially a Swiss Army knife of airborne capability.”

OA-1K Skyraider II Walk-Around Tour With Its Test Pilot

The OA-1K multi-role mission remit therefore covers close air support (CAS), armed intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), and precision strike.

At this point, Wilson explained, “we’re in the midst of production and delivery of aircraft, and we’re reaching a point where we are getting very close to demonstrating capabilities such as the weapons employment, the ability to provide ISR capability, so we’re kind of transitioning the program from what was previously developmental and conceptual to actually getting to the point where we’ll be looking to get into operational tests.”

To keep pace with changing threats, the Skyraider II has a modular design that provides flexibility for future upgrades, which could include expanded payloads, such as more advanced weapons, or more exquisite intelligence-collection capabilities.

Reflecting on the potential for future enhancements in terms of external sensors and other payloads, Wilson continued: “We really think of this as levers that can be manipulated with a combination of fuel, weapons, and exquisite capabilities that can be increased or decreased based on the mission set to most effectively apply the capability to whatever mission it’s going out to accomplish that day.”

The OA-1K is also expected to enhance overall ground-force lethality and situational awareness through its provision of modern datalinks for joint integration.

All of this is expected to come with a much lower price tag than would be the case for traditional crewed aircraft.

According to Wilson, the cost-effectiveness of the OA-1K translates to a cost per flying hour of roughly $2,500. For comparison, an F-16C/D costs roughly ten times this amount per hour to operate.

“The OA-1K is one of the most affordable AFSOC platforms, which then frees up higher-end assets that are more costly, for other mission sets around the world, and that dollar amount makes it roughly 50 percent more cost-effective than even an MQ-1, which is an unmanned platform, and it’s more cost-effective than armed platforms like the U-28,” Wilson added.

NB: Wilson subsequently clarified that he had misspoken and that the cost comparison was between the OA-1K and other crewed platforms, like the U-28.

In terms of fielding, AFSOC has taken possession of its 18th OA-1K and is expecting a handful more throughout the end of the fiscal year. The initial cadre of crews is still training at Will Rogers Air National Guard Base in Oklahoma, with plans to station the aircraft in the future at both Cannon Air Force Base in New Mexico and Davis-Monthan Air Force Base in Arizona.

The next step in standing up this capability will involve demonstrating the rapid deployment abilities of the OA-1K. This is something that was part of the original requirement but which is also seen as increasingly vital for SOF missions, which already demand a high level of expeditionary agility. The ability to rapidly disassemble and reassemble the Skyraider II would become even more important in a potential confrontation with China in the Indo-Pacific theater.

“With rapid disassembly and reassembly, OA-1K can be loaded into a mobility aircraft like a C-5 or C-17 for rapid worldwide deployment, supporting missions around the world at a moment’s notice, and importantly, we’re talking a matter of hours instead of days or weeks that it would have otherwise required to fly around the world wherever it needs to go,” Wilson explained.

To start with, AFSOC is looking at testing this deployment capability using larger transport aircraft, primarily to maximize the number of OA-1Ks that can be moved at once, although Wilson said the exact number that will fit in a C-5 or C-17 will be determined as part of the operational test process later this calendar year.

Once deployed, the OA-1K is expected to operate “from nearly anywhere,” including short dirt surfaces, grass strips, and unimproved runways. As such, it will give the Air Force a combination of rapid deployment and austere environment capability that it otherwise doesn’t possess.

As noted earlier, there have been repeated questions about the survivability and general utility of the OA-1K in more contested environments, something that TWZ has looked at in depth in the past. But Wilson is confident that its mix of capabilities means it can still be relevant, even when facing a high-end opponent.

“First, it complicates things for the adversary because you may not have the aircraft in predictable locations,” Wilson contended. “It ensures that armed overwatch is provided for the joint force to increase their own survivability, and finally, it also ensures the persistent presence of the capability at a low cost compared to other platforms, freeing up higher-end assets for other locations.”

All of this can be achieved with a relatively tiny logistics footprint, with only a handful of contract maintainers required, and the disassembly/reassembly process can be done safely even in austere environments. Each two-person aircrew is being trained in this process, which includes conducting functional check flights in these locations before the aircraft conducts its mission. The actual process of disassembly and reassembly takes just a matter of hours.

With traditional Air Force platforms, deployments can take days or weeks, not just in terms of physically having to fly the aircraft to wherever it needs to go around the world, but all the planning that’s necessary for the crews, ground support services, etc.

“We have demonstrated this capability by doing a timed disassembly and reassembly in a controlled environment in a hangar,” Wilson added. “We’ll next look to conduct the activity in an actual mobility aircraft during our operational test later this calendar year.” After that, AFSOC will look to conduct the rapid disassembly and reassembly of the Skyraider II as part of exercises, likely next year.

“Just like anything else, the more reps and sets that we accomplish, the more ready we will be whenever we need to conduct it operationally,” Wilson said.

While Wilson did not mention it by name, this mode of operating ties directly into broader Air Force plans for the Agile Combat Employment, or ACE, concept, which is designed to ensure that combat airpower can still be brought to bear in a timely way, even when conventional airbases are put out of action or otherwise held under threat — the kinds of conditions likely in a conflict with a near-peer competitor, like China or Russia. In fact, the OA-1K has a particular role to play in this sort of scenario, since it’s even questionable if more advanced platforms will be able to execute as envisioned in a major conflict under ‘ACE rules.’

Wilson is also confident that, even without recourse to these kinds of expeditionary basing tactics, the OA-1K offers a suitable degree of survivability for many different scenarios.

“We have a certain built-in survivability capability for the platform,” Wilson explained. “The contractor has built in cockpit and engine armor, for example, to ensure that it’s survivable, and it does have defensive systems. So I would say it does have a baseline level of defensibility and survivability, and then we are certainly working on, with funding, ensuring that it is modernized and equipped, not only for survivability, but for really any other capability for the platform as well, to ensure that it remains relevant for the future.”

As for that first operational deployment, that could occur “in the coming years,” provided that the program continues to mature as anticipated.

There are potential pitfalls ahead, not least the question about how many OA-1Ks the Air Force will eventually receive.

Wilson reiterated that the program of record still calls for 75 aircraft, but admitted that this could be a challenge to achieve. As it stands, the U.S. Special Operations Command, as the procurement agency for the OA-1K, has cut its planned purchase down to 53 airframes, citing resource constraints.

“As the capability sponsor, I would say less than 75 is not desirable,” Wilson noted. “Any decrement below that is essentially a result of resource constraints and budget limitations. We will continue advocating to ensure that we get closer and ultimately achieve that program of record, but as you can imagine, budget constraints that impact various programs have decreased the final fleet size to less than that currently.”

The prospect of a potentially smaller OA-1K fleet means that having the aircraft working alongside other platforms, including drones, may become more important. Already, however, AFSOC sees the value of crewed/uncrewed missions for the Skyraider II.

“The integration of manned and unmanned assets is something that we’re certainly looking at in terms of capability,” said.

When it comes to weapons capabilities, Wilson confirmed that APKWS laser-guided rockets are compatible with the OA-1K and are something that AFSOC wants to have as part of the ordnance options for the platform.

APKWS is quickly becoming a weapon of choice for a wide range of platforms, offering a low-cost, high-volume, precision weapon that is equally effective for both ground attack and counter-drone missions. APKWS was proven incredibly effective on light attack aircraft experiments that tangentially led to the procurement of the Skyraider II, working as the primary weapon for those aircraft. So it should come as no surprise that it will be integrated onto the Skyraider II. It’s actually somewhat surprising it isn’t already.

As far as the Red Wolf cruise missiles, Wilson was a little more circumspect. “That is certainly an area that we are looking to explore to allow for inclusion of that weapon into the planned set,” he said.

As we have explained in the past, adding Red Wolf, or a similar standoff weapon, to the OA-1K armory is one way of ensuring the aircraft can be more relevant and survivable, providing it with a true long-range strike capability.

Putting aside the Red Wolf, it is also somewhat surprising that so little weapons integration work appears to have been carried over from earlier iterations of the armed Air Tractor concept, since similar versions of this aircraft have been flying for years, including in combat.

The Air Force service sees the OA-1K as far more than a light attack aircraft and more as a modular platform that will be able to be configured for irregular warfare, armed overwatch, ISR, strike, and more. Clearly, by pushing its rapid-deployment capability, the service is seeking to underscore the relevance of the aircraft in the Pacific theater. Meanwhile, recent conflicts in the Middle East — where traditional airbases were pummelled by drone and missile attacks — have demonstrated that the Air Force still has a requirement to conduct combat operations in other, less-contested environments too.

Once the OA-1K starts demonstrating its rapid-deployment capability, AFSOC hopes that the aircraft will further demonstrate that it fills a niche that no other crewed Air Force platform currently can.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

Taijul Islam’s six-for helps Bangladesh bowl out the visitors for 328 in their first home series win over Pakistan.

Bangladesh have sealed a historic home Test series win over Pakistan after handing the visitors a 78-run defeat in their second Test in Sylhet.

Spinner Taijul Islam took six wickets to lead the spirited home side’s series win on the fifth day of the match on Wednesday.

Pakistan, who started the day on 316-7 while chasing a record 437, were bowled out for 328 in the first session after Mohammad Rizwan hit a valiant 94.

It was Bangladesh’s first Test series win at home against Pakistan and their second successive sweep after their 2-0 triumph on Pakistani soil in 2024.

Wicketkeeper Rizwan kept Pakistan in the hunt for an unlikely win with a 166-ball stay after the visitors had slumped to 162-5 on day four.

Rizwan put on an eighth-wicket partnership of 54 with overnight partner Sajid Khan, who made 28.

Taijul broke through to dismiss Sajid for his 18th Test five-wicket haul, and Shoriful Islam had Rizwan caught in the next over to end Pakistan’s resistance.

Taijul took the final wicket of Khurram Shahzad to return figures of 6-120 and trigger Bangladesh celebrations.

The left-arm spinner also took 3-67 during Pakistan’s 232 in the first innings.

Bangladesh wicketkeeper Litton Das scored 126 in their 278 in the first innings.

Veteran batsman Mushfiqur Rahim scored 137 in the second to guide Bangladesh to 390, with contributions from Mahmudul Hasan Joy (52) and Litton (69).

Bangladesh, led by Najmul Hossain Shanto, won the opening Test by 104 runs.

In this episode of TWZ: Special Access, Jamie Hunter talks with Lt Col “Evil” Marcus, a B-1B Lancer test pilot assigned to Air Force Reserve Command at Edwards AFB, California, about how the B-1B’s armament is morphing to meet the challenges of facing off against a peer threat. This includes reactivating its external pylons, which have been gone since it lost its nuclear mission decades ago, as well as the introduction of hypersonic missiles to its menu of available weapons options.

Check out the video:

B-1B Lancer’s Future Weapons According To Its Test Pilot

Contact the editor: Tyler@twz.com

Ronda Rousey returns to the ring on Saturday to face Gina Carano at the Intuit Dome in a card that its promoters hope will prove that mixed martial arts (MMA) can generate the same excitement as boxing without the UFC.

The five-round, 145-pound bout airing on Netflix (6 p.m. PDT) will be the first MMA event promoted by Most Valuable Promotions (MVP), the company co-founded by Jake Paul and Nakisa Bridarian. According to Bridarian, the card is the most expensive in MVP history, with each fighter receiving at least $40,000 — a sum greater than what UFC rookies receive.

“I would say this is the most expensive MMA card ever put together,” Bridarian said Wednesday. “We can only do this because we have a partner [Netflix] that allows us to pull it off, and they deserve it.”

Rousey (12-2), a Riverside native, is returning to competition after a nine-year hiatus, during which she starred in movies, wrestled in the WWE and became a mother of two. Her informal retirement came after consecutive losses to Holly Holm in 2015 and Amanda Nunes in 2016. For the Californian, this fight is the career finale she never had.

Gina Carano participates in an open workout Wednesday at Venice Beach ahead of her Netflix MMA bout with Ronda Rousey at Intuit Dome.

(Sarah Stier / Getty Images for Netflix)

“It’s incredible, because I feel like, no matter what happens, I’m completely at peace with it,” Rousey said. “Before, winning was the most important thing in the world. Now, what matters most to me are my kids and my family.”

Rousey hopes the event will draw more than nine million viewers, a threshold that would help convince Netflix and MVP to invest in MMA on a sustained basis. The MMA ratings record belongs to the fight between Junior dos Santos and Cain Velasquez at UFC on Fox 1 on Nov. 12, 2011, which peaked at 8.8 million viewers and averaged 5.7 million during its broadcast.

Netflix has already demonstrated an appetite for combat sports, posting impressive numbers: it drew a global audience of 33 million for Paul versus Anthony Joshua, 41.4 million for the Canelo Álvarez-Terence Crawford bout and 108 million for the Paul-Mike Tyson fight. However, promoters are aware that MMA operates in a different league and that on Saturday they will have the top ambassador of women’s MMA in action.

Ronda Rousey lunges forward and punches during an open workout at Venice Beach on Wednesday ahead of Netflix MMA bout against Gina Carano at Intuit Dome.

(Sarah Stier / Getty Images for Netflix)

“I just want to convince MVP and Netflix that there’s something here worth investing in and that they should keep backing MMA,” Rousey said.

Carano (7-1), 44, also has a historic track record, having been part of the first women’s MMA fight on live television in 2007 and headlining the first Showtime card featuring two women as main event fighters, facing Cris Cyborg in 2009. Although Carano is unlikely to pose a competitive challenge for Rousey, both women are approaching the event more as pioneers than as rivals.

On Wednesday, Rousey trained at Venice Beach in front of dozens of fans, the same beach where she began her career. She was accompanied by Pauline Macías, a Brazilian judoka, MMA fighter and close friend since the age of 11.

“It’s the ending she deserves,” Rousey said of her special training session ahead of what could potentially be her final fight as a fighter.

Beyond her fight, Rousey has her sights set on becoming a promoter to improve conditions for fighters outside the UFC.

“It’s about giving the power back to the fighters and reminding people that we are the essence of this sport, not a brand or a belt,” said the 39-year-old fighter.

The match has been criticized for taking place more than 10 years late, well past the fighters’ prime. Carano disagreed.

“I think this fight is coming at just the right time,” Carano said. “Two years ago, you would have seen a different version of me. Right now, I’m in such a strong place that, well, I’ve had to go through all of this to get here.”

This article first appeared in Spanish via L.A. Times en Español.

NEW YORK — Democratic leaders, desperate to compete in red states where their party brand is toxic, are embracing something new this midterm season: not backing Democrats.

In states like Nebraska and Alaska, Democratic officials are, in some cases, looking past their own party’s candidates while subtly encouraging — or even openly promoting — independent candidates they hope can outperform the Democratic label. The Democratic National Committee and some of its allies in Washington are quietly supporting the new strategy.

Meanwhile, some of the independent candidates are chatting in a group text about their approach as they plot a path that could shake up Congress, which is consumed by partisan gridlock.

Nebraska Democrats this week chose a nominee for U.S. Senate, Cindy Burbank, who said a major campaign priority was to ensure a Democrat wouldn’t be on the fall ballot to pull support from independent Dan Osborn. Shortly after polls closed, Burbank reiterated her plan to drop out in the coming weeks during a private conversation with a party official, according to state Democratic chair Jane Kleeb.

Democratic leaders believe Osborn, who came within 7 percentage points of winning a Senate seat in 2024, has the best chance to defeat Republican Sen. Pete Ricketts.

Democrats’ pivot toward independents is part of an intentional strategy in some places — and something closer to a wink and a nod in others — that covers a handful of high-profile Senate and House and even statehouse contests. Independent Senate candidates are also running in states like Idaho, South Dakota and Montana, where Democratic leadership has so far been unwilling to fully embrace the independents, although many view them as the Democrats’ best chance to stop Republicans this fall.

“For some states, and Nebraska is one of them, where Democrats are 32% of the electorate, this is a long-term strategy for us,” said Kleeb, who also serves as a vice chair to the Democratic National Committee.

Kleeb said her state party is backing independents in at least four state legislative seats in addition to the U.S. Senate: “We have to build a coalition with independents in order to win elections so we can do good work for the people. Period.”

Some of the Democratic Party’s national political machine appears to be on board.

The Democrats’ fundraising site, ActBlue, serves some of the independent candidates, as do popular Democratic-allied website builders. At the same time, some of the party’s campaign committees in Washington quietly provide logistical support in some cases, while avoiding public criticism of the independent candidates even in some races where there is a Democratic nominee.

“The Democratic Party’s brand is awful right now,” said Democratic strategist Josh Schwerin. “The combination of the brand problem and the existential nature of the threat that our country is facing requires us to have a big tent and look for candidates who can win.”

There are risks for the Democratic Party

Some Democratic donors, strategists and party leaders from other states have privately pushed back, insisting Democrats should not look past their own nominees for short-term political gain. They want Democratic officials, in Washington and on the ground in red states, to work harder to make the Democratic brand more attractive — even if it takes several more years to be competitive.

“What’s the independent going to do for the Democratic Party if they win?” asked Democratic strategist Mike Ceraso, who sees the shift toward independents as an attempt to disguise Democrats in some cases. “We’re the party of truth and honesty and integrity, but we’re playing these stupid political games?”

And there is no guarantee that the independent candidates, if elected, would support all of the Democrats’ policy priorities or even Democratic leadership in Congress.

In Idaho, independent Senate candidate Todd Achilles, an Army veteran and former Democratic state legislator, said he won’t be caucusing with either party if elected. He explained his politics as “straight down the middle,” and said he believes in individual liberties.

“Idahoans should be able to live how they want,” he said. But the Democratic Party was a bad fit because it “has given up on little red states like Idaho.”

On his list of problems with Democrats is that the party made a big mistake by initially running Joe Biden again for president in 2024. But he also said “the shine is coming off” Trump, whom Idaho voters backed by 36 points in 2024.

Achilles said he and other military veterans running for Senate as independents chat in the text chain and are “very much on the same page.” He says the group wants to see “guardrails,” including term and age limits and campaign finance reform.

“The priority is to get Congress functioning again,” he said. “We gotta break the grip of the two-party system.”

‘I’ll never vote for a Democrat’

In South Dakota, Navy and Air Force veteran Brian Bengs has launched an independent bid to defeat Republican incumbent Sen. Mike Rounds, who’s seeking a third term this fall.

Bengs ran as a Democrat against Senate Majority Leader John Thune four years ago and lost by 43 points.

A lifelong independent, he said he got turned down by the party this time when he sought to run with its organizational support but without the label. Still, he insists he can win without the party’s formal backing.

One key lesson from his 2022 campaign, he says, was how hard it was to break through with the Democratic Party label.

Voters would immediately ask, “What are you?” he recalled.

“When you say, ‘I’m a lifelong independent running as a Democrat,’” Bengs said, the response was quick. “‘I’ll never vote for a Democrat.’ And that was it,” he said.

“So that takeaway soured me on running again in any party system, because it was just a soul-sucking experience.”

In Alaska, some Democrats believe that commercial fisherman Bill Hill, a retired school superintendent, may represent their best hope in defeating first-term Republican Rep. Nick Begich for the state’s only House seat.

Hill, a lifelong independent, raised more than $780,000 in the first three months of the year, besting Democrat Matt Schultz, a pastor, who raised $578,000 from last October through March.

The state Democratic Party declined to endorse Schultz at its recent convention, which Hill also attended. The House Democrats’ campaign committee in Washington has also declined so far to promote Schultz’s candidacy. Hill, meanwhile, is racking up local union endorsements.

Hill’s message to voters, he said, is the same for Republicans, Democrats and independents: “You need to be pragmatic about who you choose to support in this election cycle, because at the end of the day, we need a change in the House seat in Alaska.”

A spokeswoman for the National Republican Senatorial Committee criticized independents like Osborn, Bengs, Achilles and Seth Bodnar, who is running in Montana, as “fake Independents who would push liberal Democratic policies in the Senate.”

Currently, there are two independents in the Senate: Maine Sen. Angus King and Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders. Both caucus with Democrats.

In an interview, Hill said he’s unlikely to caucus with Republicans in Washington if elected, but he’s not committing to joining Democrats either. He was reluctant to criticize the Democratic Party or Trump.

Hill acknowledged the challenge of running for Congress as an independent, but said there are benefits, too.

“There’s freedom,” he said. “I can truly represent the working people of Alaska.”

Peoples and Catalini write for the Associated Press.