steam

President Donald Trump has given the U.S. Navy and the Pentagon 60 days to draw up a plan for installing steam-powered catapults and hydraulic elevators on the future Ford class aircraft carrier USS Doris Miller. On and off for nearly a decade now, Trump has talked about ordering the Navy to abandon the Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) catapults and Advanced Weapons Elevators (AWE) that are currently at the core of the Ford class design. The EMALS and AWEs have struggled with reliability and maintenance issues, but reverting back to steam and hydraulics on future ships in the class would require a major redesign. Such a costly and time-consuming process would risk creating new delays in the delivery of new carriers, which are already running years behind schedule, and could put the future fleet into crisis.

The directive regarding the catapults and weapons elevators on the future Doris Miller, which is also known by the hull number CVN-81, is contained in a larger memo President Trump sent out yesterday titled “Rebuilding the United States Navy and America’s Shipbuilding Industrial Base.” The Wall Street Journal was first to report on the memo, which also orders various parts of the U.S. government to take new steps to boost U.S. maritime industrial capacity. This includes plans for the establishment of a fifth government-owned naval shipyard, sourcing new ships from foreign shipbuilders and otherwise increasing cooperation with them, improvements to the management of spare parts for submarines, and a broad overhaul of Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA).

The section on the catapults and weapons elevators is brief, but stands out as a particularly significant development. It reads, in full:

“Within 60 days of the date of this memorandum, the Secretary of War, in consultation with the Secretary of the Navy, shall provide to the President, through the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (APNSA), a plan on the required measures to replace the Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System and Advanced Weapons Elevators with steam and hydraulic systems for the construction of CVN-81, including timelines and resourcing requirements.”

The Wall Street Journal‘s report said that the expectation is that this redesign would carry over to all future Ford class carriers, but that the first three examples would retain their EMALSs and the AWEs. Currently, the USS Gerald R. Ford, hull number CVN-78, is the only ship in the class in operational service. The future USS John F. Kennedy (CVN-79) is currently undergoing another round of sea trials ahead of its expected official delivery to the Navy later this year. The future USS Enterprise (CVN-80) is also now under construction, having been laid down in 2022.

Beyond Doris Miller, the Navy has assigned names to two more future Ford class carriers – USS William J. Clinton and USS George W. Bush – but has not yet placed formal orders for those ships. The service has stated plans to acquire at least 10 members of the Ford class, in total.

The Navy also has 10 older Nimitz class aircraft carriers, all of which are equipped with steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators.

USS Nimitz (CVN-68) Flight Deck Operations

TWZ has reached out to the Navy for comment on yesterday’s memo from the White House.

As noted, Trump has railed against the EMALS and AWEs for years now, tracing back to his first term in office. In 2017, he publicly said he would order the Navy to abandon those features, but never followed through. During a visit to the Nimitz class carrier USS George Washington in Japan in October 2025, he again said that he would force the Navy to go back to using steam and hydraulics on future carriers.

“They had steam, which worked so beautifully, and it has for 50 years, right? So we’re gonna go back. Seriously, fellas, I want to make that change. I’m gonna do an executive order,” Trump said last October. “I’m not going to let them continue to do this thing. They’re trying to make it work, they’re trying so hard, and they have something that’s perfect. So we’re going to go back on that and the magnets.”

As we have written in the past:

“In principle, EMALS, together with the Advanced Arresting Gear (AAG), is supposed to give Ford class carriers a significant boost in capability over their predecessors when it comes to the speed at which they can launch and recover aircraft. The software-controlled EMALS and AAG, the latter of which has also faced issues over the years, have lower reset times than the steam-powered systems found on Nimitz class carriers.”

Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS)

“The EMALS and AAG can also be more fine-tuned in terms of the forces they exert on aircraft during launch and recovery, expanding the range of types they can accommodate and adding additional margins of safety. This notably helps open the door for embarking smaller and more fragile types on Ford class carriers in the future. This flexibility could be particularly critical for supporting carrier-based drone operations down the line. Wear and tear on individual aircraft can also be reduced.”

“The electromagnetic AWEs are intended to further help improve the overall efficiency of flight operations on Ford by reducing the time it takes to get ordnance and other stores to where they need to go.”

Watch the Advanced Weapons Elevators on the aircraft carrier Gerald R. Ford

At the same time, as we have repeatedly pointed out, Trump’s criticisms are grounded in very real problems that have plagued the catapults and weapons elevators on the Ford over the years. TWZ has covered the issues with both of these systems, as well as other long-troubled aspects of the ship’s design, in detail. The Navy has been working to mitigate these problems, but has continued to face hurdles. Maintenance demands and heavy reliance on contractors to perform that work remain particular challenges.

“The reliability and maintainability of CVN 78’s EMALS and AAG continue to adversely affect sortie generation and flight operations, which remains the greatest risk to demonstrating operational effectiveness and suitability in IOT&E [initial operational test and evaluation],” the Pentagon’s Office of the Director of Test and Evaluation (DOT&E) stated in an annual report covering developments in the 2025 Fiscal Year (FY25), which was released in March. “Data collected during CVN 78’s FY25 pre-deployment workup cycle indicate that EMALS reliability remains consistent with developmental and operational test data collected in FY23 and FY24. Engineering upgrades to hardware and software have produced gradual improvements in cumulative reliability and availability. Reliance on off-ship technical support remains a challenge. NAVAIR is continuing development on improvements.”

When it comes to the AWEs, “the Ford class has yet to build and transfer ordnance to the flight deck at rates reflective of the Design Reference Mission. DOT&E expects the sustained SGR [Sortie Generation Rate] live demonstration to be the first operationally representative demonstration of high ordnance throughput,” the report, which has since been taken offline, also said. “Of note, the crew is still reliant on off-ship technical support for correction of AWE hardware and software failures.”

The video below shows flight deck operations aboard the USS Gerald R. Ford in March 2026 while the carrier was supporting Operation Epic Fury against Iran.

USS Gerald R Ford Continues Epic Fury On Iran • (MAR 2026)

The SGR live demonstration mentioned here was conducted in February of this year.

“While the Navy is still analyzing the data, preliminary reports from the Sortie Generation Rate test program show that the flight deck design in conjunction with EMALS and AAG have contributed to an increased sortie generation rate compared to that of a Nimitz class carrier,” the Navy subsequently declared. “As of today, these systems are operating as designed, and the Ford continues with scheduled mission tasking.”

“While operating in the Southern Command area of responsibility CVN 78 completed a successful four-day sustained Sortie Generation Rate demonstration in February,” according to a Modernized Selected Acquisition Report (MSAR) on the Ford class program that the Pentagon produced in April, but which was only released publicly more recently. “The event resulted in the collection of over 40,000 data points to support the modeling and simulation of the full 30-day Key Performance Parameter.”

“As of March 2026, 36,863 EMALS launches have been completed aboard CVN 78,” that same report also noted. “Logistics products are maturing and are being prioritized for high use components to support phased depot stand-up which commenced in FY 2022. Logistics contracts are in place with General
Atomics for EMALS sustainment support and interim spares.”

USS Ford Launches, Recovers Fighters With Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS)

In April, then-Secretary of the Navy John Phelan also confirmed that a major review of the Ford class program, centered on planning for the future USS William J. Clinton and the USS George W. Bush, was underway. Questions were raised at that time about whether major changes could be on the horizon, including the potential cancellation of planned orders for more carriers in the class or a transition to a new design.

“Trust me, we measure and monitor a lot of things in the Navy, including that – the airframes and how that works. So I think it’s a function of just understanding it, for example, is the sortie rate generation that much greater? And then what are the cost implications of this electric catapult, and did it really generate the savings?” Phelan told TWZ and others at a roundtable on the sidelines of the Navy League’s Sea Air Space 2026 exposition. “You know, the Navy would like to say we’ve saved $5 billion in terms of savings in number [sic] of men and maintenance. I just need to check that back up, and that’s what I mean by that.”

“I think, like anything, it’s both understanding the cost-benefit analysis of it, because we really want to make sure we’ve got a good handle on the costs,” he added. “I think one of the things we have to do a better job of in the Navy is kind of what I call total cost of ownership. So what does it really cost to sustain and maintain these things? I think we do a reasonable job at that, to be honest. But the infrastructure needs on these are also costs you have to understand going in.”

Trump fired Phelan unexpectedly just days after he made these and other remarks at Sea Air Space 2026. There have been reports that disagreements over separate plans for new Trump class battleships, specifically, as well as other more general friction within the Trump administration, factored into his sudden dismissal.

As mentioned, any plans now to eliminate the EMALS catapults and AWEs from the Ford class design, even just on future carriers like Doris Miller, would be a major undertaking. The core physical structure of the ship, as well as its power generation requirements and other key elements of the design, are heavily rooted in these features. All-new steam piping and the large piston systems, among other elements, would have to be installed in spaces not currently designed to accommodate them. The ship’s flight deck would have been reconfigured, as well.

As a result of the base design decisions, the nuclear reactor plant on the Ford class is also notably set up to generate less steam overall compared to the one on the Nimitz class, according to a past report from the Project on Government Oversight (POGO), an independent non-profit. All of this, in turn, raises additional questions about how much time and effort it would take to retrofit future Ford class carriers to use steam catapults, in particular.

General Atomics, the prime contractor behind the EMALS and the AAG, has unsurprisingly already come out against Trump’s new directive.

“The decision will have broader implications for carrier readiness, national security, and U.S. technological superiority, potentially creating opportunities for adversaries to close the capability gap,” the company said, according to The Wall Street Journal. “It also comes at a time when strengthening the U.S. supplier industrial base is a national priority, making workforce stability, production capacity, and the ability to sustain critical technologies more important than ever.”

It is worth noting here that China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) now has two ships with electromagnetic catapults, the Type 003 carrier Fujian and Type 076 amphibious assault ship Sichuan. The U.S. government previously approved the transfer of EMALS technology to India, which could make it way into the country’s future carrier INS Vishal. Other nations have also been considering EMALS-type catapults for future carriers and other naval vessels.

Huntington Ingalls Industries, which builds the Ford class carriers through its Newport News Shipbuilding division in Virginia, said it would “work closely with the Navy to implement any potential changes to ships under construction,” according to that outlet. At the same time, there are serious questions now about that yard’s ability to meet current timelines for delivering new carriers, which have already been delayed repeatedly.

Around the Yard at NNS: John F. Kennedy (CVN 79) Ship Turn Around

The Navy’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget proposal, released earlier this year, confirmed that the projected timeline for Doris Miller’s delivery had slipped from 2032 to 2034. “The primary schedule driver for CVN-81 is the lack of available shipyard construction space for large assemblies due to delays on CVN-80,” a Navy official told Military Times back in May.

The Navy originally expected to receive Enterprise in 2028, but that timeline has since slipped to 2031. The future USS John F. Kennedy was also originally scheduled to be delivered back in 2022. All of these delays have come along with continued cost growth, as well.

“In December 2025, the Secretary of the Navy notified Congress he was increasing the Cost Limitation Baseline for CVN 79 from $12.936 billion to $13.529 billion,” according to the aforementioned April MSAR report. “The Cost Limitation Baseline for CVN 80 and CVN 81 remain unchanged at $13.529 billion and $14.016 billion respectively.”

As mentioned, Trump’s memo yesterday also focused heavily on further steps to address now long-standing concerns about U.S. naval shipbuilding capacity across the board. America’s specific ability to produce new nuclear-powered surface warships and submarines has now become even more of a focal point in these discussions with the addition of the plans for the Trump class battleships. In May, the Navy confirmed the Trump class warships will have nuclear propulsion using the same type of reactors developed for the Ford class.

The Navy has not acquired a new nuclear-powered surface combatant in decades. Newport News is currently the only U.S. shipyard producing nuclear-powered surface vessels of any kind, and is already heavily strained by current demands, which also include production of new non-nuclear warships. There is only one other yard in the country that produces nuclear-powered vessels of any kind, and is focused on submarine production.

In a time of peace, without all the threats and operational demands the United States is currently facing, or if there was any kind of surplus carrier capacity, making fundamental changes to the Ford class carrier program might very well have been a logical decision. However, all of this also comes at a time when the Navy’s operational carriers are experiencing exceptional pressure. The Nimitz class carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, which has been on a marathon deployment in the Middle East, has become something of a poster child for growing readiness concerns amid reports of severely flagging morale and mental health among the crew. The Navy is now moving to relieve Lincoln.

Still, this is a worrisome situation that has already been building for many years, due in large part to a succession of global crises, and has now been further exacerbated by the ongoing conflict with Iran. Even so, the Navy is trying to keep to its existing schedule for inactivating aging Nimitz class carriers, though the date for when the USS Nimitz is set to leave service has now been pushed back until next year. Retiring existing carriers will only create further strains if the arrival of new members of the Ford class continues to be pushed back.

With the various timelines the Ford class program is looking at now, whether the future Doris Miller or other forthcoming carriers ultimately make the switch back to steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators very much remains to be seen. Trump’s current term will end in January 2029, at which point Doris Miller could easily still be in a relatively early stage of construction. Any incoming administration could revert back to the original plan for the ship’s configuration.

Congress could also step in sooner, including to block spending any funds on changing the Ford class design. There is already separate friction emerging between lawmakers on both sides of the political aisle and the White House over the Trump class battleship program, and concerns about how that could impact other naval shipbuilding priorities.

As it stands now, the Navy has roughly two months to at least devise a path forward for returning to steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators on the future USS Doris Miller.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

“I’m not going to wake her up,” I hiss at my 12-year-old son who’s standing half naked in a dark corridor of a Victorian house. “Please, Mum. She said we could come at any time! I don’t want to get Lyme disease,” he begs.

This is not the kind of drama I was expecting when I signed up to a family walking holiday in Exmoor. A few meltdowns about an extra mile or a blister perhaps, but not a night mission to one of the guides to request a tick removal.

The door opens and Jill comes out brandishing her tweezers. “Have you found another one?” she says cheerily as she whips out the bug that’s buried its head in my son’s torso.

As we trot back to our room, I feel as though I’ve walked into one of the Enid Blyton boarding school books I devoured as a child, returning from a visit to matron with the warm fuzzy feeling of being safe and looked after. Everything about this HF Holidays trip, based at Holnicote House, near Selworthy, feels as though I’ve stepped into a little piece of British history. From the morning briefings in the boot room to pre-dinner hula-hooping on the lawn, we could easily have time travelled to 1956.

The company – a cooperative – has been around since 1913, when Lancashire pastor Thomas Arthur Leonard founded the Holiday Fellowship to give working people access to countryside walking holidays. More than a century later, much of that original spirit survives: communal dining tables, organised walks, evening entertainment and the feeling that everyone has collectively agreed to leave behind modern life for a few days.

I’ve come with my two daughters, 10 and 14, and my son in the hope that one of them might turn into a new walking buddy. Since marrying my husband 18 years ago, holidays have tended towards the accessible – he has partial paralysis – and long hikes, ridge walks and muddy scrambles are things I associate with a previous version of myself. This time I’ve left him at home and have four days (and four walks) to turn the kids on to the pleasures of the great outdoors. We share two rooms with Victorian sash windows and built-in cupboards, simple but spacious. The house has been an HF Holidays property since 1952 and has 32 rooms (14 are singles), sleeping up to 50. This week, there are about 40 of us.

Over scones and cream at the arrival briefing, the kids scour the room for children their age, while I clock other solo parents and grandparents along with a couple of multigenerational family groups. Each day, we can choose from four walks graded in difficulty from level one (about 3 miles), to level four (about 10 miles and with the steepest ascent).

We quickly find our stride: ticking boxes to order packed lunches; attending evening briefings to choose the next day’s walk; joining in organised nightly activities. It’s an introduction for my children to a particular brand of Britishness – one of tea in the drawing room and snacks in brown paper bags, of camaraderie and can-do. And although they are the only mixed-race children here, they easily fold into the tribe of HF Holidays repeaters. Their presence speaks to the history of this country mansion, which during the second world war became Britain’s first mixed-race orphanage, established for children born to Black American GIs and white British mothers at a time when many faced open hostility and rejection.

My children’s initial resistance to the idea of a walking holiday turns to enthusiasm when they realise we’re all in it together and friends made out on the lawn are also on the walks with them. Each day, we’re out for five or six hours. The walks are so brilliantly paced with snack stops, paddle stops, tree climbing stops and the promise of ice-cream at the end, that even my youngest, the most reluctant, happily keeps pace and asks questions about trees and flowers. Mary, our guide, was a geography teacher and imparts her encyclopaedic knowledge engagingly, getting us to count rings on felled trees to determine their age or to guess which leaves come from which tree. We’ve borrowed some binoculars and enjoy identifying the white feathers of a buzzard’s belly and working out the name of a cargo ship far away in the Bristol Channel.

The walks, which are largely circular, cover varied landscapes: fields of buttercups and noisy sheep, pine forests and cliff paths. A particular favourite is a walk that starts by travelling two stops on the steam train of the West Somerset Railway and ends with a visit to Dunster Castle, which emerges fairytale-like from a deer-filled field.

As a solo parent I’m never lonely. Long conversations on walks lead to shared meals and drinks. The children bag “kids tables” at dinner, forcing us adults to mingle. I share one meal with a father who’s with his youngest while the older children are home revising, another with a woman who’s brought her grandchildren (up to three under-11s stay for free with a paying adult). Nearly everyone has been on an HF Holiday before; many came themselves as children. The food is surprisingly good with nightly three-course dinners; my son loves the soups, my eldest the salads and the youngest feels too grown up for the kids menu of burgers and nuggets and opts instead for fish and couscous, or chicken and potato gratin.

The holiday ends with dancing to a live ceilidh band. The final song has Sally walking down an alley and meeting a man from Tennessee. I think of those young English girls and their GI lovers, and for all the old-fashioned fun of the past few days I feel grateful I’ve had my children in a different era. Watching my daughters line dance with pensioners, I vow that this is where I, too, will bring my grandchildren, if I’m lucky enough to have them. But until then, I will bring my son, who tells me on the drive home that he preferred this holiday to any beach holiday we’ve had – despite the ticks. I think I may just have found myself a new walking buddy.

The trip was provided by HF Holidays. The next four-night Exmoor Family Walking Adventures are on 17 and 24 August, £909pp (under-11s free), including full board and daily guided walks. Book now for discounts of up to £172pp for Easter, August and October 2027

It was a traumatic moment for much of Southern California, as federal immigration agents snatched undocumented workers from car washes, garment factories and Home Depot parking lots.

Angelica Salas, who heads one of Los Angeles’ most influential immigrant rights groups, met regularly last summer with City Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez — himself the son of Mexican immigrants — as they formulated a response. The two kept circling back to a singular issue: the lack of political power wielded by noncitizens.

“A lot of this is happening because immigrants don’t have the right to vote,” said Salas, executive director of the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights.

Those conversations helped fuel Soto-Martínez’s decision in late April to push for a ballot proposal aimed at giving noncitizens the right to vote in city and school district elections. The proposal quickly gained momentum, with two-thirds of the council voting in mid-June to draft a measure for the Nov. 3 ballot.

Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez attends a City Council meeting following elections at City Hall June 3.

(Etienne Laurent / For the Times)

But the effort collapsed on Tuesday, with the council reversing course and sending the proposal to a committee for more study. Before the vote, Soto-Martínez acknowledged that he had not performed sufficient outreach, particularly to the city’s Black community leaders.

By then, critics were accusing the council of failing to do its homework, leaving voters to fill in the blanks on such questions as whether undocumented immigrants would be covered by the expanded franchise. Some worried the proposal would endanger the very people it was designed to help, making them a fresh target for the Trump administration.

Even community leaders who have worked on civil rights issues were urging the council to slow down.

Mobilizing Preachers and Communities, a national nonprofit that represents clergy and civil rights advocates, asked for a delay, citing concerns about President Trump. Rev. K.W. Tulloss, the group’s western regional director, said he was also hearing concerns from Black residents and their religious leaders about the potential for weakening Black voting representation.

That, in turn, could reduce the overall number of Black elected officials in Los Angeles, he said.

“That’s a major concern among our community,” Tulloss said. “And we can’t be afraid to have that dialogue.”

In L.A., Black residents make up about 8% of registered voters, according to the Sacramento-based firm Political Data, Inc. That figure has been gradually declining over the past few decades. An influx of noncitizen voters — Latinos, Asians and others — could cause it to shrink even more.

At the end of the year, L.A.’s 15-member City Council will have two Black representatives, down from three, all in South L.A.-based districts. Two Latinos are running in this year’s election to replace Councilmember Curren Price, who is Black and retiring after serving the maximum three terms.

The county’s five-member Board of Supervisors has one Black member. Voters have given the go-ahead to add four more members, which some fear could leave the board with one Black member out of nine.

Tulloss said his organization supports creating a pathway to citizenship for the city’s undocumented immigrants. At the same time, he worried that Soto-Martínez’s proposal could in the short term divide Black and brown residents, who share a common struggle on a wide range of issues.

“At the end of the day, we don’t want any type of deal that will be divisive in the community,” he said.

Soto-Martínez, who represents an Echo Park-to-Hollywood district, said in an interview Wednesday that noncitizen voting was part of his platform when he first ran for City Council in 2022. He said he first thought about the issue seriously a decade ago, when San Francisco voters passed a measure allowing noncitizen parents to cast ballots in school board elections.

Since its formation, the United States has repeatedly redefined the right to vote, broadening it to include women, Black people and other groups, he said.

“To me, it just seemed very natural to expand it,” he said. “It’s part of our history.”

The idea of noncitizen voting has been circulating in L.A. for years. School board member Kelly Gonez persuaded her colleagues to begin exploring it in 2019. But the effort was set aside after the onset of COVID-19, which caused massive disruptions across the Los Angeles Unified School District, said Michael Trujillo, a political strategist for Gonez.

Last summer, as the Trump administration was launching immigration raids across Southern California, the city was convening a 13-member citizens commission to come up with proposals for rewriting the City Charter, L.A.’s governing document.

The commission took up noncitizen voting in March, narrowly rejecting it. Several commissioners said they were worried about unintended consequences, like the Trump administration taking aim at newly registered voters, said Raymond Meza, who served as the commission’s chair.

“I thought those concerns were not fully addressed,” Meza said, “so I actually switched my vote” and opposed the proposal.

A month later, with the deadline for placing items on the Nov. 3 ballot fast approaching, Soto-Martínez introduced a motion calling for a two-step process for expanding voting rights. First, voters would be asked to give the City Council the authority to grant noncitizens the right to vote.

The council would then examine the details surrounding the change before passing an ordinance expanding those voting rights.

Soto-Martínez said his motion was based on a simple idea: Those who live in the city, raise their families there and pay taxes “deserve to have a voice” in local decision-making. He did not offer many specifics, saying those would be worked out at a later date.

Critics, and even some supporters, said Soto-Martínez was making his move at the wrong time. Councilmember Monica Rodriguez, who voted against the proposal in mid-June, voiced fears that the list of noncitizen voters would immediately be seized by federal immigration authorities.

Former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa said he opposes noncitizen voting in city elections. He does favor it for L.A. Unified — but only for parents of children attending those schools.

Villaraigosa, who led the city from 2005-13 and recently ran for governor, argued that this is not the right time to make even that change.

“With Trump ferreting through every record he can find looking for undocumented people, I just think it’s the wrong time,” he said. “I think these people would be exposing themselves to deportation, and the well-intentioned would be exposing them as well.”

Soto-Martínez portrayed such arguments as “fear mongering,” saying undocumented immigrants take risks every day in their quest to create a better future for their families.

Salas, the head of CHIRLA, echoed that idea.

“At end of day, we are already targets,” she said. “This is not going to make it worse. Don’t tell me voting against this was for the protection of immigrants.”

The Trump threat was not the only reason council members hesitated.

Rodriguez, who has expressed some interest in the proposal, said city leaders had not determined how county election officials would issue separate ballots for voters who would be barred from state and national contests. They also had not determined the cost of such a service, she said.

Twenty-two local jurisdictions across the country have approved and implemented noncitizen voting, according to Megan Dias, who is co-author of “Immigrant Voting and the Movement for Inclusion in San Francisco,” a report examining that city’s push to allow immigrants to vote in school board elections.

Dias said that backers of noncitizen voting need to build a broad coalition — grassroots organizations, election officials, lawyers for the city — before taking the proposal to voters.

Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson said he is confident that noncitizen voting will get a much more extensive review in the coming months, and make the ballot in 2028. First, he said, the council will need to provide voters with specifics on how the changes would work.

Harris-Dawson said he heard from people who wanted more time to understand the proposal, to “make sure that it was done in a way that protected Black voting districts in particular.”

During the deliberations on the proposal, it also was not clear whether the change would apply to green card holders, recipients of Deferred Action on Childhood Arrivals or other categories of noncitizens.

“When something goes to the ballot, we need the details to be figured out — like how much something is going to cost, exactly how it’s going to work, and what the parameters are,” Harris-Dawson said. “All of that needs to be defined.”

Benchmark Nikkei 225 tops 68,000 for first time as AI-driven buying frenzy shows no signs of slowing down.

Japan’s stock market has hit an all-time high as a global buying frenzy driven by AI shows no signs of slowing down.

The Nikkei 225 rose nearly 3 percent on Wednesday, lifting the benchmark index above 68,000 for the first time.

The latest surge continues a banner year for Japan’s stock market, which is up nearly 33 percent so far in 2026.

“Investor enthusiasm over the AI boom is helping drive Asian equity markets higher,” Khoon Goh, head of Asia research at ANZ, told Al Jazeera.

“While strong demand for high-end chips has seen the top semiconductor companies in Taiwan and South Korea rally strongly, this is also benefiting Japanese markets, which are also getting some tailwind from a weak yen.”

Japanese firms involved in the semiconductor business led the gains.

Tokyo Electron, Japan’s largest manufacturer of semiconductor equipment, soared as much as 14 percent in morning trading.

Advantest, which supplies testing equipment to the semiconductor industry, rose more than 5.5 percent.

Shin-Etsu Chemical, a supplier of silicon wafers used in integrated circuits, gained about 4 percent.

Softbank, which is heavily invested in AI models, chips and data centers, fell about 3 percent, after overtaking auto giant Toyota on Monday to become Japan’s biggest company by market capitalisation.

Ferocious demand for AI chips has been driving record-breaking rallies in stock markets across the globe, taking key indexes in the US, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan to record highs.

During the past month, three memory chip makers – South Korea’s SK Hynix and Samsung Electronics, and US-based Micron – entered the elite club of firms with a market capitalistion of at least $1 trillion.

Only 17 companies have hit the milestone, all but five of which are based in the United States.

Despite concerns about the sustainability of the sky-high valuations in the sector among some investors, tech companies are continuing to commit huge sums to AI-related infrastructure.

US tech giants are expected to spend about $800bn on AI-related capital investment in 2026, according to Goldman Sachs.

Google parent company Alphabet on Monday became the latest Silicon Valley giant to outline its AI-related investment plans, announcing that it would sell $80bn worth of shares to help fund expected capital expenditures of $180-190bn in 2026.