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South African official says drills with Russia, Iran, China and others key to protecting ‘maritime economic activities’.

South Africa has defended weeklong naval drills with Russia, Iran, China and other countries as “essential”, describing the manoeuvres off its coast as a vital response to rising maritime tensions globally.

The “Will for Peace 2026” exercises that began on Saturday off the coast of Cape Town come just days after the United States seized a Venezuela-linked Russian oil tanker in the North Atlantic, saying it had violated Western sanctions.

The seizure, part of a continued US pressure campaign against Venezuela, followed US attacks on the South American country and the abduction of its president, Nicolas Maduro.

The naval exercises also come at a time of heightened tensions between US President Donald Trump’s administration and several BRICS Plus countries, including China, Iran, South Africa and Brazil.

Captain Nndwakhulu Thomas Thamaha, South Africa’s joint task force commander, told the opening ceremony on Saturday that the drills were more than a military exercise and a statement of intent among the BRICS group of nations.

“It is a demonstration of our collective resolve to work together,” Thamaha said. “In an increasingly complex maritime environment, cooperation such as this is not an option, it is essential.”

The exercises also aimed to “ensure the safety of shipping lanes and maritime economic activities”, he added.

Expanding bloc

BRICS, originally made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, has expanded to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Indonesia.

Lieutenant Colonel Mpho Mathebula, acting spokesperson for joint operations, told the Reuters news agency that all member states had been invited to this week’s naval exercises.

China and Iran deployed destroyer warships to South Africa, while Russia and the United Arab Emirates sent corvette vessels and South Africa dispatched a frigate. Indonesia, Ethiopia and Brazil have joined as observers.

Asked about the timing of the event, South Africa’s Deputy Defence Minister Bantu Holomisa said on Friday that the drills were planned long before the current spike in global tensions.

“Let us not press panic buttons because the USA has got a problem with countries. Those are not our enemies,” Holomisa said.

“Let’s focus on cooperating with the BRICS countries and make sure that our seas, especially the Indian Ocean and Atlantic, they are safe,” he said.

Previously known as Exercise Mosi, the drills were initially scheduled for November but postponed due to a clash with the G20 summit in Johannesburg, which was boycotted by the Trump administration.

Washington has accused the BRICS bloc of “anti‑American” policies and warned that its members could face an additional 10-percent tariff on top of existing duties already applied worldwide.

South Africa has also drawn US criticism for its close ties with Russia and a range of other policies.

That includes the South African government’s decision to bring a case against top US ally Israel to the International Court of Justice, accusing the Israeli government of committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

South Africa also drew criticism for hosting naval drills with Russia and China in 2023, coinciding with the first anniversary of Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine.

The three nations first conducted joint naval drills in 2019.

Jan. 9 (Asia Today) — South Korean President Lee Jae-myung will visit Japan for a two-day, one-night trip starting Jan. 13, the presidential office said Thursday, with historical issues including the Chosei coal mine incident expected to be addressed alongside future-oriented cooperation.

The visit will mark the first round of Korea-Japan shuttle diplomacy this year and Lee’s second visit to Japan since taking office. It will also be his third meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae, following encounters at last year’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Gyeongju and the Group of 20 summit.

According to the presidential office, Lee will arrive in Nara Prefecture, Takaichi’s hometown, on the afternoon of Jan. 13. The summit will include a closed-door meeting, an expanded session and a joint news conference, followed by a dinner between the two leaders.

The leaders are expected to discuss expanding cooperation in areas directly affecting people’s daily lives, including intellectual property protection, emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence, efforts to counter transnational crimes including fraud, social issues and people-to-people exchanges.

They also plan to explore humanitarian approaches to historical issues, including the Chosei coal mine incident, which involves the remains of Korean forced laborers from Japan’s colonial period.

Woo Sung-lak, head of the National Security Office, told reporters during a briefing at the presidential office that Seoul is seeking “new progress” on the issue, including the possibility of DNA testing on remains. He said discussions on historical matters could extend to other areas as well.

“Historical issues have always existed between South Korea and Japan,” Woo said. “Although they are rooted in the past, they remain current issues that must be managed carefully so they do not hinder future cooperation.”

Woo said the government aims to build goodwill and tangible outcomes in bilateral relations when conditions are favorable, and to use that momentum later when more difficult issues arise.

On regional security matters, Woo said summit meetings typically include discussions on surrounding regional developments and noted that similar exchanges of views took place during Lee’s recent summit with China.

On the morning of Jan. 14, Lee and Takaichi are scheduled to attend goodwill events, including a visit to Rurinsan Temple, before Lee meets with South Korean residents in Japan and returns home.

The summit has drawn attention because it will be held outside Tokyo, reflecting Lee’s stated interest in regional development. Last year, Lee met with former Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba in Busan, focusing on revitalizing local economies and regional governments. Lee has since expressed interest in holding future summits in regional areas of Japan.

Woo said the idea of a regional summit grew out of discussions between Lee and Ishiba, adding that Nara Prefecture holds symbolic significance as both Takaichi’s hometown and a site of historical and cultural exchange between South Korea and Japan.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

SEOUL, Jan. 9 (UPI) — South Korean President Lee Jae Myung flew to China this week for a summit with his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, for the second time in two months. Lee is the first president of the country to visit Beijing since 2019.

Lee said that the two leaders should meet at least once a year, stressing the significance of shoring up the bilateral relationship between the two neighbors, whose ties at times have been strained.

Observers point out that Lee’s meetings with Xi showcases Seoul’s delicate position amid the intensifying rivalry between the United States and China.

“Despite its security alignment with Washington, South Korea relies heavily on China for trade, although the dependence has declined somewhat in recent years. As a result, Seoul is in a delicate position,” Myungji University political science professor Shin Yul told UPI.

“In the past, there was a simple formula — the U.S. for security and China for trade. But at a time when the world’s two most powerful countries are at odds and conditions are changing so fast, such an approach may no longer work,” he said.

Relations between Seoul and Beijing became worse in 2016 and 2017, when South Korea cooperated with the United States to deploy the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or THAAD, missile defense system to tackle North Korea’s threats.

However, the decision provoked China, which feared the advanced radar system would provide a window into the communist country’s internal airspace.

Beijing eventually initiated with what Seoul described as unofficial economic retaliation, including restrictions on Korean cultural content, group tourism bans and regulatory pressure on Korean businesses operating in China.

Officially, however, Beijing has consistently denied taking retaliatory measures over the past decade. Against this backdrop, Lee expressed hope to deal with them during a meeting Tuesday with Chen Jining, Communist Party secretary of Shanghai.

“Korea-China relations will advance to an entirely new stage through this visit to China,” Lee said. “I believe this trip will serve as a valuable opportunity to resolve the minor frictions that existed in the past.”

Strategic ambiguity

Improved ties with China would offer short-term economic benefits for South Korea, as China is South Korea’s largest trading partner. Last year, South Korea’s exports to China totaled $130.81 billion, compared with $122.87 billion to the United States.

However, analysts caution that Seoul cannot prioritize relations with Beijing in isolation, as Beijing’s rivalry with the United States directly affects its core security alliance.

“We cannot closely collaborate with China in such sensitive industries as semiconductors and nuclear reactors,” economic commentator Kim Kyeong-joon, formerly vice chairman at Deloitte Consulting Korea, said in a phone interview.

“In addition, China is our competitor in many industries, including steel, automobiles, rechargeable batteries and petrochemicals. There have also been recurring conflicts over intellectual property issues between the two,” he added.

Concerns have grown among Korean corporations over technology leakage and imitation by their Chinese competitors, particularly in such high-tech sectors as semiconductors and displays.

In this climate, South Korea has little choice but to carefully balance its approach, said political commentator Choi Soo-young, who worked at the presidential house in the 2010s.

“We should shun a situation in which we are forced to single-handedly side with one of the two superpowers, the United States and China. That would be the worst-case scenario,” Choi said.

“In other words, we are required to maintain the so-called ‘strategic ambiguity.’ However, it is a tall task to achieve, as amply demonstrated by Japan’s case,” he said.

From the perspective of Seoul, strategic ambiguity refers to avoiding explicit alignment choices at a time when Washington and China have competing strategic interests, according to Choi.

China’s relationship with Japan has frayed in recent months amid geopolitical tensions, leading to economic standoffs with direct trade impacts.

For example, China imposed export restrictions on dual-use goods this month, targeting Japan. It also curbed exports of rare earth elements, which are vital to Japan’s electronics and automotive supply chains.

Meanwhile, the Seoul administration announced Friday that Lee is scheduled to visit Japan early next week for a summit with Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi.

WASHINGTON — After weeks of meandering through snowy fields of the North and Midwest, the campaign for the presidency now turns South, to a vast region that paradoxically mixes relatively low unemployment with high dissatisfaction.

In Blanco County, Tex., for example, the unemployment rate of 3.5%–down one-third over the last three years–compares favorably with the days when local favorite son Lyndon B. Johnson reigned in Washington in the ‘60s. But that fact does not console Ava Johnson Cox, the late President’s 87-year-old cousin.

“At one time, America contained the inspiration and the purifying principles of the world,” Miss Ava told a visiting reporter recently. “But no more.”

Clear across Dixie, in Atlanta, Jackie Rogers, owner of a downtown ladies’ boutique, struck a similar note.

“I’m very upset about this economy,” she said. “This is the first time America is not rewarding their well-educated people.

“They are the ones who went to school and studied so hard to make America No. 1,” she added. Now, “they are the ones on the unemployment lines.”

But while Southerners may agree with citizens of, for example, New Hampshire, about the problems the country faces, they have had much less exposure to politicians’ proposed solutions.

Unlike New Hampshirites, who lived for two months under a steady barrage of campaigning before they voted last week, citizens of the South have only just begun to hear from the candidates. When they vote–March 3 in Georgia and Maryland, March 7 in South Carolina and March 10 in Florida, Texas and several other Southern and border states–they will do so after an intense, but short, campaign.

As a result, for many potential Southern voters, the sense of discontent they share with the rest of the nation remains somewhat separated from the political process, and their feelings about candidates remain largely unformed.

“It’s strange to be so far into the process and not feel more committed to someone,” said Margaret Yoder, a 44-year-old real estate broker in Miami. “I’m feeling confused.”

Southern voters know President Bush, and many in the South still like him despite disapproval of his handling of the economy.

“I’m going to vote Republican,” said Henry Dryer Jr. of Carollton, Ga. “I think, personally, and most of the people in my circle feel, like Bush has done as good a job as any President in his circumstances could have done.

“The poor man can’t do it by himself,” Dryer said. On the other hand, he added: “People in this part of the country are just very disappointed that Bush hasn’t done something to pull us out of the recession.”

On the Democratic side, the name of Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton registers with many, but primarily for the controversies surrounding him–unsubstantiated allegations of marital infidelity and questions about his Vietnam-era draft status.

And as for former Massachusetts Sen. Paul E. Tsongas, some voters say they like what they have heard of him. Tsongas is “not a showman,” said James Smith, a retiree in Atlanta. But more typically, Southerners interviewed for this story said that despite his victory in New Hampshire, they simply remain unsure who Tsongas is.

“People still have trouble pronouncing his name,” said Beth Carper, a graduate student at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville, who said she supports Tsongas but doubts he can win when her state votes March 10.

In Johnson City, Tex., the Blanco County seat in the hill country west of Austin, Ralph Moss, 48, said he has made only one decision about the election. He voted for Bush once and will not do it again. Beyond that, Moss said, he cannot decide what to do.

“There’s not a real good choice to make,” said Moss, who is the mayor, a nonpartisan position. “I may not vote in the primary.”

DeeDee McKennis, a cashier at Johnson City’s Dixie Fried Chicken and Quick Stop, would like to see the country make a change.

Even though she and her husband have had “the best year we’ve had in years” economically, she remains worried. McKennis, 46, and her husband both hold two jobs, she said, but they cannot afford to send any of their four children to college. Nor can they afford health insurance.

Still, McKennis has not found a candidate she feels confident would bring about the changes she would like to see.

Down the street, Duke Rumpf, 68, the manager of the Charles’ Motel, gave Clinton a tepid endorsement and, in the process, summed up what many Southern voters seem to feel.

Clinton, he said, had “got the state of Arkansas in pretty good shape.” But, he added: “I ain’t seen anybody I’m real enthused about. I know I ain’t enthused about the one (President) we got.”

Special correspondents Edith Stanley in Atlanta, Karen Brandon in Johnson City, Tex., Michael Clary in Miami and Patrick Thomas in Nashville contributed to this story.

Jan. 8 (UPI) — As the Philippines takes over the rotating Association of Southeast Asian Nations chair in 2026, it will do so at a moment of sharpened maritime tension and narrowing diplomatic patience in the South China Sea.

Manila has made clear it intends to prioritize two parallel initiatives that reflect the region’s evolving reality: renewed efforts to finalize a legally binding code of conduct with China and a dramatic expansion of U.S.-Philippines military cooperation, with more than 500 joint activities planned for the year.

Taken together, the dual-track strategy underscores how Southeast Asia’s maritime order is being reshaped. Diplomacy remains essential, but it is increasingly paired with deterrence and preparedness, reflecting a regional judgment that rules alone are insufficient without the capacity to defend them.

The Philippines is moving to fast-track a binding code of conduct after decades of inconclusive talks, using its ASEAN chairmanship to push for enforceable rules rather than voluntary guidelines.

“The Philippines will push for a binding COC at the same time continue to strengthen defense ties with the United States, as well as other partners like Japan, Australia and others,” said Lucio Pitlo III, a foreign affairs and security analyst at Asia-Pacific Pathways for Progress Foundation.

Yet, the limits of ASEAN consensus diplomacy remain evident. Member states hold differing threat perceptions and economic dependencies, while China has resisted provisions that could constrain its operational flexibility or legitimize external involvement.

Analysts have argued that, with Manila chairing, a comprehensive agreement is unlikely to be concluded in 2026 given the temperature of China-Philippines tensions – though the chair can still steer narrower confidence-building steps and agenda-setting wins.

“I would not expect a binding code of conduct in the South China Sea to materialize regardless of who is ASEAN Chair,” said Hunter Marston, senior fellow at the Washington, D.C.-based Center for Strategic & International Studies.

As ASEAN chair in 2026, Manila is expected to press for a more active multilateral role in managing South China Sea disputes, seeking to use regional dialogue to dampen tensions when incidents erupt.

Philippine officials, however, are also likely to lean more heavily on bilateral channels with Beijing to manage flashpoints in real time. Chief among them is the Philippines-China Bilateral Consultative Mechanism, a forum designed to contain maritime flare-ups before they escalate into broader diplomatic or security crises, reflecting Manila’s effort to balance regional solidarity with the practical need for direct engagement with China.

Even so, chairmanship confers agenda-setting power. Manila can steer negotiations toward narrower but meaningful gains, such as clearer incident-avoidance protocols, standardized communications between maritime forces and provisions that explicitly address coast guards and maritime militias, which are now central actors in most confrontations.

In that sense, 2026 may be less about delivering a final document than about clarifying whether a credible code of conduct remains politically attainable.

“The progress on CoC isn’t necessarily hinged heavily on who holds the ASEAN chairmanship, though in some ways the ASEAN member state holding onto this position might influence or shape the direction it takes,” said Colin Koh, senior fellow of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

That diplomatic push unfolds against a backdrop of persistent friction at sea. Confrontations near Second Thomas Shoal, Sabina Shoal and other contested features have increasingly involved water cannons, ramming incidents and aggressive maneuvering, often targeting Philippine resupply missions and civilian fishing vessels.

Each episode reinforces Manila’s view that restraint has not been reciprocated, and that negotiations conducted without leverage risk entrenching, rather than moderating, coercive behavior.

This is where the second pillar of the Philippines’ 2026 strategy becomes decisive. Plans for more than 500 U.S.-Philippines joint military activities represent a significant escalation in tempo and scope, even in the absence of a single marquee exercise.

The schedule encompasses everything from staff-level planning and logistics coordination to maritime domain awareness, coastal defense drills and repeated operational rehearsals across air, land and sea domains.

“Having the Philippines as chairman, particularly under the U.S. friendly Marcos administration, is useful to the U.S. agenda in the region,” said Elizabeth Larus, adjunct senior fellow at the Pacific Forum.

She also underscored the critical importance of Trump-Marcos security accord in preventing China from displacing the United States as the dominant maritime power in the region.

The scale of this cooperation carries implications that extend well beyond symbolism. A Philippine maritime force that trains continuously with U.S. counterparts becomes harder to coerce at sea, raising the operational and political costs of gray-zone pressure in contested waters. In a region where presence, response time and narrative control often determine outcomes, that shift matters.

“China is likely to emphasize the Philippine defense cooperation with the United States over a Philippine-led ASEAN agenda that emphasizes legal norms and [United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea],” said Khang Vu, a visiting scholar in political science at Boston College.

The volume of combined activities also accelerates alliance integration in less visible but more consequential ways. Regular staff talks, shared surveillance practices and logistics planning embed interoperability as a standing condition rather than a crisis response.

For regional observers, the message is unmistakable: U.S.-Philippines security cooperation is becoming structural, not episodic, and is likely to endure regardless of short-term political fluctuations.

By pairing expanded readiness with a renewed push for a binding code of conduct, Manila also is reframing diplomacy. The Philippines is signaling to ASEAN partners that engagement with China should proceed from a position of resilience, not restraint alone.

In practice, this reflects a broader regional reassessment that negotiations over the South China Sea will only carry weight if backed by credible capacity to resist coercion when rules are tested.

For ASEAN, the Philippine chairmanship will test the concept of “ASEAN centrality” under far less forgiving conditions than in previous decades.

While ASEAN remains indispensable as a diplomatic convener, the region’s most consequential security dynamics increasingly run through alliances and mini-lateral arrangements rather than consensus forums. The challenge for Manila will be to preserve ASEAN’s relevance without pretending that diplomacy alone can manage today’s risks.

Maritime relations in 2026 will be defined less by stability than by tempo, with a surge in patrols, surveillance flights and military exercises raising the risk of miscalculation and making clear rules of engagement and crisis hotlines more critical than ever.

At the same time, legitimacy at sea is becoming as important as capability. Each encounter is now fought on two fronts: on the water and in the information space.

Competing claims of lawful defense versus provocation, sovereign rights versus external interference, shape international perceptions and diplomatic alignments. How states behave during routine encounters may ultimately matter as much as formal agreements signed at the negotiating table.

The Philippines’ 2026 approach signals that the era of quiet accommodation in the South China Sea is over, with Manila pressing for binding rules while bolstering its military posture.

Whether that strategy stabilizes the region will depend on whether China and other regional actors are willing to translate pledges of restraint into behavior at sea, but the Philippine chairmanship already is set to shape how maritime order is contested in the years ahead.

Landing at Aden International Airport on a trip in late 2017, the plane had two flags visible as it moved along the tarmac. One was the flag of the former South Yemen, resurrected as a symbol of Yemen’s secessionist southern movement. The other was of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the movement’s primary backer.

Passing one checkpoint after another on the road out of Aden, the flag of the actual Republic of Yemen wasn’t visible, and only made an appearance towards the city of Taiz, to the north.

The UAE-backed secessionist Southern Transitional Council (STC) had been formed a few months earlier, in May 2017. Headed by Aidarous al-Zubaidi, it made clear that its ultimate goal was separation from the rest of Yemen, even if it found itself on the same side as the Yemeni government in the fight against the Houthi rebels occupying the Yemeni capital Sanaa.

By 2019, the STC and the Yemeni government fought in Aden and other areas of the south. The STC emerged on top, forcing the government out of Aden – the former capital of South Yemen and the city the government had designated as a temporary capital during the conflict against the Houthis.

Momentum continued to be on the STC’s side for the next few years, as it seized more territory. Even after al-Zubaidi joined the Saudi-backed Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) as a vice-president, officially making him a member of the Yemeni government, it was clear that on the ground, the STC had de facto control over much of the former South Yemen.

Al-Zubaidi must have felt close to achieving his goals when he found himself at the United Nations General Assembly in September. Speaking to the international media, he said that the “best solution for Yemen” was a “two-state solution”.

But then he went too far. His move last month to push STC forces into the eastern governorates of Hadhramout and al-Mahra, effectively securing control over all of the former South Yemen, was a red line for Saudi Arabia.

The STC leader is on the run, forces now loyal to the Yemeni government are in control of the majority of southern Yemen, and many of his allies have changed sides.

The UAE, meanwhile, appears to have accepted that Saudi Arabia is the primary foreign actor in Yemen, and has taken a step back – for now.

What now for South Yemen?

In a matter of weeks, secession has gone from a de facto reality to seemingly further away than it has been since the early days of Yemen’s war in the mid-2010s.

It was only last Friday that al-Zubaidi announced a two-year transitional period before a referendum on the independence of southern Yemen and the declaration of the state of “South Arabia”.

A week later, the STC looked divided – with Abdul Rahman al-Mahrami, a PLC member also known as Abu Zaraa, now in Riyadh, appearing to position himself in the Saudi camp.

The Yemeni government, with Saudi support, is attempting to reorganise the anti-Houthi military forces, with the aim of moving them away from being a divided band of groups under different commands to a force unified under the umbrella of the government.

Nods to the “southern issue” – the disenfranchisement of southern Yemen since the country’s brief 1994 north-south civil war – continues, with plans for a conference on the issue in Riyadh.

But the ultimate goal of hardline southerners – secession – is off the table under current circumstances, with consensus instead forming around the idea of a federal republic allowing for strong regional representation.

The Yemeni government also sees an opportunity to now use the momentum gained in the recent successes against the STC to advance against the Houthis, who control Yemen’s populous northwest – even if that remains an ambitious goal.

Of course, this is Yemen, and the winds can always change once again.

Support for the secession of southern Yemen remains strong in governorates like Al-Dhale, where al-Zubaidi is from. Hardcore STC supporters, those who have not been coopted, will be unlikely to simply give up, sowing the seeds for a potential insurgency.

And President Rashad al-Alimi will have to show that his power does not simply rest on Saudi Arabia’s military strength. One of the major tests of his legitimacy is whether he will be able to return with his government to Aden, and finally be based in Yemen for the first time in years.

That will be the ultimate challenge for the Yemeni government. Is it truly capable of being in control once again? Or are current events just a temporary setback for the STC and the cause of southern secession, waiting for the opportunity to rise up again?

SEOUL, Jan. 7 (UPI) — The leader of South Korea’s main opposition People Power Party apologized Wednesday for former President Yoon Suk Yeol’s brief declaration of martial law last year, distancing the conservative party from the impeached ex-leader while pledging sweeping reforms aimed at broadening its political appeal ahead of upcoming local elections.

Rep. Jang Dong-hyeok, chairman of the People Power Party, delivered the apology during a press conference at party headquarters in Seoul, as Yoon awaits trial on insurrection charges stemming from the failed December 2024 move.

“The emergency martial law declared on December 3, 2024, was a wrongful measure that did not fit the situation,” Jang said. “It caused great confusion and inconvenience to our people and inflicted deep wounds on our party members who have defended the constitutional order of liberal democracy.”

Jang said the People Power Party bore a “heavy responsibility” for the episode, acknowledging that it failed to fulfill its role as a governing party. He was among 18 PPP lawmakers who rushed overnight to the National Assembly to vote down the decree, which was overturned within hours.

“I gravely acknowledge that responsibility and offer my deepest apology to the people,” he said.

Seeking to move beyond the fallout, Jang unveiled what he called a “Change to Win” initiative, outlining plans to rebuild the party around youth participation, expert-driven policymaking and expanded public outreach.

Proposed measures include mandatory youth nominations in upcoming local elections, new platforms to recruit outside policy experts and standing committees focused on labor, social welfare and generational issues.

The announcement comes less than five months before nationwide local elections scheduled for June 1, as the People Power Party looks to reassert itself as a viable alternative to the current administration of President Lee Jae Myung.

Jang also signaled a willingness to broaden the party’s political coalition, saying the PPP would work with other opposition parties to win future elections.

“If they agree with the values of liberal democracy and share the will to stop the dictatorship of the Lee Jae Myung regime, we will open our hearts and join forces with anyone,” he said.

Lee, a former opposition leader, won the presidency in June following Yoon’s removal from office, with his Democratic Party holding a commanding majority in parliament. Conservatives have accused Lee’s administration of overreach, arguing that the party’s legislative dominance has marginalized the opposition, while the government says its actions are necessary to ensure stability and advance voter-mandated reforms.

Jang said the PPP would press ahead with internal reforms, including stricter anti-corruption rules, centralized oversight of candidate nominations and a possible change of the party’s name.

Past political turmoil, including the martial law episode and Yoon’s impeachment, should be left to the courts and historians, Jang said, urging the party to focus instead on restoring public trust.

“We will cross the river of martial law and impeachment and move toward the future,” he said.

Jan. 5 (Asia Today) — By 2026, understanding international relations and shaping national core-interest strategies should start from a geoeconomic perspective. Geoeconomics links geopolitics and economics. It describes the use of economic tools as weapons to achieve political and security goals and the study of how those tools work.

The term is not widely used, but the idea has been around for decades. In 1990, strategist Edward Luttwak argued in an essay, “From Geopolitics to Geoeconomics: The Logic of Conflict, the Grammar of Commerce,” that competition among nations was shifting from geopolitical rivalry to geoeconomic rivalry. In other words, economic instruments were becoming as consequential as military ones.

Traditional geopolitics explains international relations mainly through territory and military power. The reality today looks different. Tariffs, supply chains, exchange rates, finance and standards have become powerful tools aimed at rivals.

The start of President Donald Trump’s second term and the intensifying U.S.-China confrontation highlight what the author calls the arrival of the geoeconomic era. The erosion of free trade and de facto globalization, the “America First” approach and broad tariffs, and the cycle of retaliation and sanctions between Washington and Beijing are presented as signals of that shift.

In the past, globalization prioritized efficiency. That made strategies such as “security with America, economy with China” workable for South Korea. The author argues that economic interdependence itself is now a weapon. Globalization is no longer a stable order. Trump’s tariff policy, the author writes, should be understood not only as an economic move to improve the trade balance but as part of a broader security strategy intended to shrink rival industries, rebuild supply chains inside the United States and push China out of key nodes of the global supply chain.

China’s countermeasures, the author adds, reflect similar logic. The U.S.-China confrontation has expanded beyond military tensions into economic conflict. The author says the superpower rivalry will place increasing pressure on allies and neighboring states to choose sides, as each power blends hard and soft approaches. The author describes an emerging world of overlapping sanctions that could reshape international order.

The author argues such pressure is already visible in currency and tariff measures and in battles over standards tied to technological leadership in telecommunications, semiconductors and artificial intelligence. The author also cites energy security, the restructuring of battery and electric-vehicle supply chains and debates over the burden of security costs. Without a geostrategic plan, the author warns, South Korea could face a compound crisis spanning industrial diplomacy and security.

The column cites U.S. State Department criticism of South Korea’s proposed revision of the Information and Communications Network Act, a measure described as aimed at rooting out false and manipulated information. The author says the U.S. raised “serious concerns,” arguing it could harm the business of U.S.-based online platforms and impede freedom of expression. The author writes that the episode shows how Washington may intervene in other countries’ domestic law when it sees national interests at stake, including through potential trade disputes.

The author links that criticism to what is described as controversy involving Coupang, which is listed in the United States. While the author says Coupang deserves criticism over a personal data leak, the column argues that influential politicians in Washington have spoken up on the company’s behalf, while responses in South Korea have largely focused on calls for hearings and political pressure.

The author also points to a U.S. airstrike on Venezuela and the operation to arrest President Nicolás Maduro as an illustration of how economic interests and security strategy can converge. The author argues that while the stated rationale included counternarcotics, remarks cited in the column about “taking back the oil” reveal a geopolitical calculation tied to energy and supply chains.

The column concludes that no national interest can be protected without a tough geoeconomic strategy and that patriotism rooted in anger or emotion cannot substitute for strategy. The author argues that domestic-focused politics risks being pushed aside in a geoeconomic order and urges South Korea to rethink its national survival strategy rather than remain a passive object of great-power competition.

Editor’s note: The views expressed in this column are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of this publication.

Kim Myung-ho is a visiting professor at Konkuk University’s Graduate School of Journalism and Public Relations.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Jan. 5 (UPI) — Several South American countries announced new migration controls and border security measures in response to Venezuela’s political crisis following a United States operation that detained Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and transferred them to New York to face drug-related charges.

While Colombia said it will keep its border crossings with Venezuela open and ruled out closures, Argentina, Peru, Ecuador and Paraguay announced restrictions on the entry of people linked to the Venezuelan government amid regional uncertainty and diplomatic coordination.

Colombian Vice Foreign Minister Mauricio Jaramillo said keeping the border open is strategic given cross-border migration and commercial flows along some 1,370 miles of shared frontier.

“Colombia has no interest in closing the border. It is essential that it remain open,” Jaramillo said, adding that Migration Colombia activated a permanent monitoring plan to oversee the situation without disrupting the regular movement of people and goods.

At the same time, President Gustavo Petro ordered tighter security along the border through the deployment of more than 30,000 public security personnel, including military and police forces, as a preventive measure against possible disturbances to public order.

Argentina, Peru, Ecuador and Paraguay separately announced new migration controls and entry restrictions targeting government officials, military personnel and others linked to the Venezuelan government.

In Ecuador, the Foreign Ministry said it will apply migration restrictions to public officials, members of the armed forces and security services, business figures, and other people associated with the government of Nicolás Maduro, citing national security concerns.

Authorities said asylum and refugee protections will not be misused and must comply with principles and procedures established under national and international law.

In Argentina, National Security Minister Alejandra Monteoliva said the National Migration Directorate will impose limits on the entry of people connected to the Venezuelan government, including officials, members of the armed forces, business figures and sanctioned individuals, to prevent what she described as regime collaborators from using the country as a refuge or protective platform.

“Argentina will not grant protection to collaborators of the Maduro regime,” the ministry said in a statement. President Javier Milei welcomed the fall of the Venezuelan leader and voiced support for a political transition process in Venezuela.

In Peru, the Interior Ministry announced the immediate implementation of migration controls through the National Superintendency of Migration, in coordination with the National Police.

The measures target Venezuelan citizens linked to the Caribbean nation’s government who appear on international sanctions lists, particularly those issued by the United States, to prevent Peru from being used to evade judicial proceedings.

“Notified. Those who oppressed their country for years are not welcome,” interim President Jose Jeri said in a post on social media platform X.

In Paraguay, the National Migration Directorate said it adopted control and restriction measures, with support from state security agencies, to block the entry of people linked to the Venezuelan government or with alleged ties to drug trafficking, narcoterrorism or pending criminal cases.

Authorities said they will evaluate international cooperation mechanisms and database cross-checks to verify individuals’ links to the Venezuelan government.

The Israeli military has spent the past 24 hours expanding the so-called “yellow line” in eastern Gaza, particularly in eastern Gaza City’s Tuffah, Shujayea, and Zeitoun neighbourhoods, according to Al Jazeera teams on the ground, squeezing Palestinians into ever smaller clusters of the enclave.

The Israeli army’s actions on Monday are also pushing it closer to the key artery of Salah al-Din Street, forcing displaced families sheltering near the area to flee as more of them come under intensive threat, as Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza shows no signs of abating.

Israel now physically occupies more than 50 percent of the Gaza Strip.

Since the ceasefire took effect, Israeli attacks have killed at least 414 Palestinians and injured 1,145 in daily truce violations despite the ceasefire deal mediated by the United States on October 10.

Al Jazeera’s Hani Mahmoud, reporting from Gaza City, said, “The ongoing Israeli attacks on the ground, the expansion of the ‘yellow line’ are meant to eat up more of the territory across the eastern part, really shrinking the total area where people are sheltering.”

“Everyone is cramped here. The population here not just doubled but tripled in many of the neighbourhoods, given the fact that none of these people is able to go back to their neighbourhoods. We’re talking about Zeitoun, Shujayea, as well as Tuffah,” he added.

“It was not until the past few minutes that the sounds of hums, the drones buzzing, faded away, but it had been going on for the past night and all of yesterday. Ongoing explosions that could be heard clearly from here,” Mahmoud said.

Intense artillery bombardment and helicopter fire also resumed on Monday in the areas south of the besieged enclave, north and east of the cities of Rafah and Khan Younis.

On Sunday, Israel launched more attacks into parts of Gaza outside its direct military control. At least three Palestinians were killed in separate Israeli attacks in Khan Younis, medical sources told Al Jazeera.

A five-storey building belonging to the al-Shana family in the Maghazi camp in central Gaza collapsed. It had been subjected to Israeli bombing at the end of 2023.

Civil Defence teams are searching for missing people under the rubble. The Wafa news agency reported that at least five people were injured.

Israeli push to make Rafah crossing ‘one-way exit’

Expectations have heightened around the possible reopening of the Rafah crossing, fuelling both desperate hope and deep fear.

For many in Gaza, there is some hope it could offer a lifeline, allowing the sick and wounded to access medical care, reuniting separated families, and giving some people a rare chance to move in or out of the Strip. Some also see it as a potential sign of easing restrictions.

But fears remain strong. Many worry the opening will be limited and temporary, benefitting only a few. Others fear it could become a one-way exit, raising concerns about permanent expulsion, effectively Israeli ethnic cleansing, and whether those who leave will be allowed to return.

“Until this moment, there’s nothing on the ground other than the headlines we’ve been reading over the past couple of days, the expectation now that within days the Rafah crossing is going to open and allow for movement in and out of Gaza. So far, we know the Israeli military is pushing for Rafah to be just a one-way exit,” Al Jazeera’s Mahmoud reported.

After months of uncertainty, people in Gaza who have suffered unimaginable loss and destruction are cautious. Even the possibility of relief comes with questions and little trust in what will happen next.

At least 71,386 Palestinians have been killed and 171,264 injured since the start of the war in October 2023, according to the latest figures from Gaza’s Ministry of Health. At least 420 people have been killed since the ceasefire was agreed upon three months ago.

The Israeli military continues to block a large amount of international humanitarian aid amassing at the Gaza crossings, while maintaining that there is no shortage of aid despite testimonies by the United Nations and others working on the ground.

Jan. 4 (Asia Today) — Corporate lending at South Korea’s five largest commercial banks grew at about half the pace of the previous year, despite government calls for “productive finance” aimed at steering money toward businesses, industry data showed.

Outstanding corporate loans at KB Kookmin Bank, Shinhan Bank, Hana Bank, Woori Bank and NH Nonghyup Bank totaled 844.7 trillion won (about $650 billion) at the end of December, up 2.94% from a year earlier, the data showed. The increase of 24.1 trillion won (about $18.5 billion) compared with 2024’s 6.95% rise, when balances increased 53.3 trillion won (about $41.0 billion).

The lending trend diverged between the first and second halves of the year. Corporate loan balances rose 9.1 trillion won (about $7.0 billion) in the first half as banks prioritized asset quality amid higher rates and more financially strained firms. Growth accelerated in the second half, rising 15.0 trillion won (about $11.5 billion), as the government that took office in June pushed banks to expand credit to companies and advanced industries while tightening household lending.

Even so, growth in loans to small and medium-sized firms slowed sharply. SME lending at the five banks increased 12.2 trillion won (about $9.4 billion) last year, down from 31.3 trillion won (about $24.1 billion) in 2024, the data showed. Loans to large companies rose 11.9 trillion won (about $9.2 billion), down from 22.0 trillion won (about $16.9 billion) the prior year, but large-company loan growth still outpaced SME growth, with rates of 7.52% and 1.84%, respectively.

Loans to the self-employed declined. Balances fell 1.2 trillion won (about $915 million) to 324.4 trillion won (about $249.6 billion) from 325.6 trillion won (about $250.5 billion) a year earlier, according to the data.

Bankers cited higher delinquency risks among SMEs and the self-employed and said lenders have leaned toward higher-quality corporate borrowers to protect capital, including common equity tier 1, or CET1, ratios.

Authorities are expected to intensify pressure this year to expand corporate credit. Banks have said they broadly agree with the policy direction but want regulatory relief, including lower risk weights on corporate loans, to increase supply while meeting capital rules.

In September, financial authorities said they would adjust capital regulations, including raising the minimum risk weight on mortgage loans and lowering risk weights on banks’ stock holdings. The move could expand corporate lending capacity by up to 73.5 trillion won (about $56.5 billion), the report said.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

A SOUTH Korean movie star, hailed “The Nation’s Actor” has died, following a years long battle with cancer.

Ahn Sung-ki, who began his career as a child star, was a heavyweight in the industry and spent six decades on South Korean screens.

His death was confirmed by his agency, Artist Company, and Seoul’s Soonchunhyang University Hospital, which said Ahn had been battling blood cancer.

Born to a filmmaker in the southeastern city of Daegu in 1952, Ahn made his debut as a child actor in the movie The Twilight Train in 1957.

He subsequently appeared in about 70 movies as a child actor before he left the film industry to live an ordinary life.

In 1970, Ahn entered Seouls Hankuk University of Foreign Studies as a Vietnamese major.

Ahn said he graduated with top honors but failed to land jobs at big companies, who likely saw his Vietnamese major largely useless after a communist victory in the Vietnam War in 1975.

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Goals either side of half-time by Junior Tchamadeu and Christian Kofane took Cameroon through to the Africa Cup of Nations quarterfinals at South Africa’s expense, as the Indomitable Lions edged their last-16 clash 2-1.

Tchamadeu opened the scoring in the 34th minute at Al Medina Stadium in Rabat on Sunday, and teenage Bayer Leverkusen forward Kofane headed in the crucial second goal two minutes after half-time.

A late rally from South Africa saw Evidence Makgopa pull one back, but it is Cameroon who go through. The five-time champions now play the hosts, Morocco, in a heavyweight quarterfinal on Friday.

They can go into that match in a relaxed mood, knowing all the pressure is on Morocco as they look to win a first AFCON title in 50 years in front of their home support.

For Cameroon, reaching the last eight means their AFCON is already a success after a chaotic buildup in which Samuel Eto’o, the football federation president and Indomitable Lions legend, sacked the coach, Marc Brys, replacing him with David Pagou.

The new coach got the better of South Africa’s Hugo Broos, who had promised to show no mercy to Cameroon, nine years after leading them to their last continental crown at the Cup of Nations in Gabon.

Bafana Bafana, who finished third at the last AFCON two years ago in Ivory Coast, will be hugely disappointed, but they can console themselves by turning their attentions towards the upcoming World Cup.

Yet, South Africa had chances to take an early lead, with Relebohile Mofokeng squandering a golden opportunity inside seven minutes.

Cameroon defender Che Malone failed to deal with a simple ball forward, to leave Mofokeng in on goal, but the Orlando Pirates forward blazed over.

Lyle Foster then had the ball in the net only to be denied by the offside flag, and instead, Cameroon went in front just after the half-hour mark.

When the South African defence could only partially clear a corner, the ball fell to Carlos Baleba on the edge of the area.

He took a touch and tried a shot which was deflected into the path of Tchamadeu, and the London-born full-back with Stoke City rolled home from close range.

That goal – confirmed after a long VAR check – was celebrated by the Cameroonian fans, who made up the majority of the 14,127 crowd, with two-time AFCON winner as a player Eto’o among those in attendance.

South Africa would have hoped for a strong start to the second half, but instead, Cameroon scored again within two minutes of the restart.

Substitute Mahamadou Nagida crossed from the left, and Kofane headed in his second goal of the tournament so far.

Cameroon goalkeeper Devis Epassy then made good saves from Samukele Kabini and from a Teboho Mokoena free-kick, before Makgopa turned in a low cross by fellow substitute Aubrey Modiba on 88 minutes.

That set up a grandstand finish, but Cameroon nervously held on.

Morocco see off Tanzania

Earlier on Sunday, Brahim Diaz scored his fourth goal for Morocco at the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations to put the hosts into the quarterfinals with a nervous 1-0 Round-of-16 victory over Tanzania in Rabat.

Morocco dominated possession, but ⁠Tanzania had opportunities too, and it took a fine strike from Diaz to book a ​place in the last eight.

Captain Achraf Hakimi fed Diaz on the right side of the box on 64 minutes, and the Real Madrid playmaker worked his way to the byline before firing into ‍the goal from ⁠a tight angle when most expected a cross.

Morocco wasted several other chances, but were also fortunate that Tanzania were wasteful too, with Simon Msuva and Feisal Salum missing gilt-edged opportunities for the East Africans, with the score at 0-0.

It was far from a vintage performance from the home side, who have yet to click into top gear at the tournament, but they did enough to keep their campaign on track.

“The ​competition is hotting up, and we faced our toughest opponent in ‌this Tanzania team,” Diaz said.

“Not everything worked, we know that, but fortunately, we managed to secure our qualification [to the next round]. Now, we are going back to work to be fully ready for the quarterfinals.”

Follow the build-up, analysis and live text commentary of the game as South Africa face Cameroon in a last-16 showdown.

The missile test comes as President Lee Jae Myung arrives in Beijing to meet his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, their second in two months.

North Korea has launched multiple ballistic missiles off its east coast into the sea as South Korea’s leader begins a state visit to China in its first barrage of the new year.

According to South Korea’s military, the missiles launched at about 7:50am on Sunday (22:50 GMT on Saturday) flew about 900km (560 miles).

The military added that the country, as well as the United States, was “closely analysing the specifications” while “maintaining a full readiness posture”.

In a statement, the US forces for the Asia Pacific said the missile launches did not pose an “immediate threat to US personnel or territory, or to our allies”.

Japan also reported that at least two missiles had reached distances of 900km (560 miles) and 950km (590 miles).

“North Korea’s nuclear and missile development threatens the peace and stability of our country and the international society, and is absolutely intolerable,” Japan’s Defence Minister Shinjiro Koizumi told reporters.

The last time Pyongyang tested its ballistic missiles was on November 7.

According to North Korean state media, leader Kim Jong Un on Saturday called for the doubling of production capacity of tactical guided weapons while visiting a munitions factory.

In recent weeks, Kim has visited a series of weapons factories and a nuclear-powered submarine, overseeing missile tests in advance of the ninth party congress of the Workers’ Party, which will take place later this year and set out key policy goals.

Lim Eul-chul, a professor at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies in Seoul, told the Reuters news agency the launches from Pyongyang represented “a message to China to deter closer ties with South Korea and to counter China’s stance on denuclearisation”.

Lim added that it was North Korea sending a message of strength that they were different from Venezuela, after the US launched a series of attacks on Saturday and “captured” President Nicolas Maduro.

China visit

On Sunday morning, Chinese state broadcaster CCTV reported that South Korean President Lee Jae Myung had arrived in Beijing on a four-day visit.

Lee, accompanied by more than 200 South Korean business leaders, is expected to discuss supply chain investment, the digital economy and cultural exchanges.

The South Korean leader will meet his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, for their second meeting in just two months. According to analysts, the short frequency of the meetings signals Beijing’s interest in increasing economic collaboration and tourism.

Seoul has said peace on the Korean Peninsula would be on the agenda during the Beijing trip.

Lee’s trip comes at a time of heightened tensions between China and Japan after Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said in November that her country’s military could get involved if China were to take action against Taiwan.

Before his trip, Lee gave an interview to CCTV, in which he assured that South Korea consistently respects the “One-China” policy when it comes to Taiwan. He said the healthy development of Beijing-Seoul relations depends on mutual respect. Lee also praised Xi as a “truly reliable neighbour”.

Who: South Africa vs Cameroon
What: CAF 2025 Africa Cup of Nations
Where: Al Barid Stadium, Rabat, Morocco
When: Sunday, January 4, 8pm (19:00 GMT)
How to follow: We will have all the buildup on Al Jazeera Sport from 16:00 GMT in advance of our text commentary stream.

A crunch encounter awaits in arguably the tie of the round in the last 16 at the 2025 CAF Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) between South Africa and Cameroon.

The showdown at the compact Al Medina Stadium in Rabat has the makings of a fascinating contest between a Bafana Bafana side building towards the World Cup and a Cameroon team that entered the AFCON in disarray.

Cameroonian football federation president and Indomitable Lions legend Samuel Eto’o sacked national team coach Marc Brys just weeks before the competition started, replacing him with David Pagou.

His opposite number on Sunday, Hugo Broos, led Cameroon to an unlikely 2017 AFCON title

Al Jazeera Sport takes a look at the mouth-watering match-up.

How did South Africa reach the 2025 AFCON last 16?

South Africa’s 2-1 victory against near neighbours Angola was the first time they opened an AFCON with a win in 21 years.

Oswin Appollis had given South Africa the lead, but Show had Angola level by the break, before Lyle Foster netted the winner from outside the box.

Mohamed Salah led 10-man Egypt to a 1-0 win against South Africa in the second group stage match, and in doing so, he secured the Pharaohs’ place in the next round.

The Liverpool player converted a penalty on 45 minutes, but South Africa were denied a spot kick late in the second half, when Yasser Ibrahim appeared to handle the ball inside the box.

The crunch game came against another neighbouring country for Bafana Bafana as Appollis scored a penalty in the ‍final ‍10 minutes to hand South Africa a 3-2 victory over Zimbabwe.

South Africa finished with six points in the group, one behind ‍winners Egypt. ⁠

How did Cameroon reach the 2025 AFCON last 16?

Cameroon opened with a 1-0 win against Gabon as Karl Etta Eyong, assisted by Bryan Mbeumo, settled the game with his sixth-minute strike.

A point was rescued against defending champions Ivory Coast in their second match after Amad Diallo gave the Ivorians the lead in the 51st minute, only for Ghislain Konan to put through his own net five minutes later – Konan had laid on the assist for Diallo only moments earlier.

Cameroon again had to come from behind in their final group stage match against Mozambique, with a thunderbolt from Christian Kofane delivering a 2-1 victory.

Ivory Coast and Cameroon finished level on seven points, and both had a plus-two goal difference. The Ivorians topped the table because they scored five goals to Cameroon’s four.

Who will South Africa or Sudan face in the AFCON 2025 quarterfinals?

The winner will face the victor of the match between the hosts, Morocco, and Tanzania in Rabat on January 9.

Who are South Africa’s key players?

Foster is the main man for Bafana Bafana, and has already netted one crucial goal with his late winner in his side’s opening match against Angola.

Sipho Mbule has been given a role of greater-than-expected responsibility at the tournament, starting high up the park, along with Foster, in an attack-minded setup.

At the other end of the pitch, Ronwen Williams remains a pillar of strength in South Africa’s goal.

Who are Cameroon’s key players?

With seven goals across all competitions, Bryan Mbeumo headed into the tournament as Manchester United’s standout performer in an otherwise mixed and chaotic season for the Red Devils.

An injury kept Mbeumo out of the previous AFCON, but this time, the 26-year-old has a golden opportunity to clinch his first trophy with Cameroon.

Carlos Baleba arrived at AFCON without any major-tournament experience, but the 21-year-old has already produced performances that belie his age.

Have South Africa ever won an AFCON?

South Africa have won the tournament only once, when they were the hosts in 1996. Bafana Bafana were also finalists in 1998, while they were the bronze medallists at the last AFCON.

Have Cameroon ever won an AFCON?

Cameroon lifted two out of three AFCONs between 1982-1986, beating Nigeria in both finals. The 1984 title went to Egypt, with the Indomitable Lions the defeated finalists.

Back-to-back titles were secured in 2000 and 2002, while a further defeat to Egypt came in the 2008 final, before Cameroon lifted their fifth and last title in 2017.

When did South Africa and Cameroon last meet?

The last encounter between the sides ended in a 0-0 draw in a qualifier for the 2016 ACFON.

The match was played in South Africa, while the reverse qualifier in Cameroon ended in a 2-2 draw.

The sides have drawn their last three encounters.

Have South Africa and Cameroon ever played at an AFCON finals before?

The only meeting between the teams at an AFCON event was in the 1996 edition, hosted and won by South Africa.

Bafana Bafana, making their debut at the tournament, were 3-0 winners in the group stage encounter, which was also the opening game of that edition.

When did South Africa first meet Cameroon?

The first match between the sides was of particular note, given it was South Africa’s first match after apartheid ended.

Bafana Bafana claimed a 1-0 win in the match on July 7, 1992, which was played in Durban.

It was the first of a three-game series between the sides, which saw South Africa claim two wins to Cameroon’s one.

Head-to-head

This is the 10th meeting with the draw being the overall winner in previous encounters, accounting for five of the results between the African giants.

Bafana Bafana have claimed victory on three occasions, however, leading Cameroon with just one win in matches between the sides.

South Africa team news

Broos confirmed that Sphephelo Sithole’s omission against Zimbabwe was a tactical decision and not injury-related.

Relebohile Mofokeng and Bathusi Aubaas are both battling for a place.

South Africa predicted starting lineup

Williams, Mudau, Modiba, Mbokazi, Ngezana, Mokoena, Aubaas, Mbule, Mofokeng, Appollis, Foster

Cameroon team news

Captain Nouhou Tolo was forced off with a hamstring injury against Mozambique. He was replaced in defence by Christopher Wooh, who will be on standby once more, should Tolo fail to recover.

Mbeumo and Baleba were both removed at half-time in that game so as to avoid bookings that would have led to suspensions for this match.

Cameroon predicted starting lineup

Epassy, Tolo, Kotto, Malone, Yongwa, Baleba, Namaso, Tchamadeu, Ebong, Mbeumo, Kofane

Hugo Broos lead Cameroon to the 2017 AFCON title but will have be no room for sentimentality with his South Africa side.

South Africa coach Hugo Broos has promised to show “no mercy” to Cameroon when he comes up against his former side in the last 16 of the Africa Cup of Nations on Sunday.

Broos will lead Bafana Bafana out at Al Medina Stadium in Rabat against the nation he led to an unexpected AFCON triumph in Gabon in 2017.

“Tomorrow’s game is surely a special game for me. If you win an AFCON with a country, then a part of them stays in your heart, but tomorrow I can’t have mercy for them because I am the coach of South Africa now and I want to win the game,” Belgian Broos told reporters Saturday in the Moroccan capital.

“They are a very good team, a young team, and they have a good fighting spirit and mentality, which means if we want to beat them, we will have to be at our best.”

Cameroon took seven points from a possible nine in the group stage in Morocco despite a chaotic build-up to the tournament.

Coach Marc Brys was sacked by football federation president and Indomitable Lions legend Samuel Eto’o only a few weeks before their opening game, with David Pagou appointed as his replacement.

“I would have preferred to face Cameroon in the final – maybe now is a little too soon,” Broos said.

“I was curious to see Cameroon with all the changes in their team, and I have been surprised. They did not have much preparation time, but the coach has done a good job, and for us it will be a difficult match.”

He added, “No mercy tomorrow! You can be sure. I have to win that game, that is all that counts.”

South Africa upset with Morocco AFCON setup before Cameroon test

Meanwhile, the 73-year-old expressed anger at tournament organisers for forcing his side to train at the Moroccan national team’s facility, a 45-minute drive away from their hotel in Rabat.

Whoever wins on Sunday will face Morocco in the quarterfinals, should the hosts see off outsiders Tanzania in their last-16 tie.

“I don’t understand why CAF [the Confederation of African Football] allowed that. I have to say that because it makes me unhappy,” Broos complained.

Bafana Bafana, who have qualified for this year’s World Cup, are hoping to at least match their run to the semifinals at the last Cup of Nations in the Ivory Coast in 2024.

But their coach admits that could be a tall order given the depth of quality left in the competition.

“It was the ambition when we came here to do at least as well as two years ago, but I said this tournament would be much more difficult.

“At the last AFCON, a lot of big teams were knocked out early, but this time they are all here, which means to get to the final, even the semifinals, it will be much more difficult, but our ambition remains intact.”

Jan. 2 (Asia Today) — South Korea’s presidential office said Friday it “respects the One China principle” after China urged Seoul to reaffirm its position on Taiwan ahead of President Lee Jae-myung’s planned visit to China.

National Security Office Director Wi Sung-lac told reporters at the Blue House that the government respects the One China principle and is responding in line with that stance.

China’s Foreign Ministry said Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi raised the issue during a phone call Wednesday with South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Hyun. Wang also criticized what he described as efforts by some political forces in Japan to revise history and downplay past aggression and colonialism, the ministry said.

The remarks were widely seen as pressure on Seoul to publicly restate its position before Lee’s trip.

China’s Foreign Ministry said Cho told Wang that Lee places importance on cooperation with China and is committed to developing the bilateral strategic cooperative partnership. Cho also said South Korea’s position of respecting the One China principle has not changed, the ministry said.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Dec. 31 (Asia Today) — Supreme Court Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae said the judiciary will seek to ensure court system reforms benefit the public as debate over judicial changes continues in the National Assembly.

In a New Year’s address released Wednesday, Cho said the courts will “reflect from the public’s perspective” and deliver decisions “based on law and principle.” He added the judiciary will act responsibly so reforms move in “the most necessary and desirable direction” from the standpoint of citizens.

Cho said 2025 brought a major social crisis involving an emergency declaration and impeachment, prompting renewed reflection on democracy and the rule of law. He said public interest and expectations toward courts and trials have grown, and he acknowledged concerns raised about the judiciary.

He said the judiciary will prepare to open additional rehabilitation courts in Daejeon, Daegu and Gwangju to provide more specialized bankruptcy services without regional disparities, expanding opportunities for faster rehabilitation for businesses and individuals under economic strain.

Cho also said expanded staffing and budget will allow further support for expedited trials and initiatives aimed at ensuring courts free of discrimination for socially vulnerable groups. He said the judiciary plans to pilot specialized courts to resolve disputes closely tied to daily life, including lease conflicts.

He said the judiciary will continue to broaden access to justice based on the next-generation electronic litigation system and criminal electronic litigation system launched this year.

Cho said overseas participants at a 2025 Sejong International Conference expressed admiration for South Korea’s rule-of-law philosophy, and he said the judiciary will seek closer international cooperation through the Asia-Pacific Chief Justices Conference scheduled for September 2026.

Separately, Constitutional Court Chief Justice Kim Sang-hwan said in his own New Year’s address that 2025 led South Koreans to reconsider the meaning of the Constitution, citing Article 1’s principle that sovereignty resides with the people. He pledged to conduct constitutional adjudication fairly and independently to meet public expectations.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Dec. 31 (Asia Today) — South Korea’s Marine Corps will regain operational control of its 1st and 2nd divisions from the Army for the first time in 50 years under a Defense Ministry plan that would expand Marine Corps command authority and move toward what officials called a quasi-fourth-service structure.

Defense Minister Ahn Kyu-baek announced the reorganization plan Wednesday at a news conference at the Ministry of National Defense in Seoul. The plan keeps the Marine Corps under the Navy while strengthening the authority of the Marine Corps commandant to a level comparable to the Army, Navy and Air Force chiefs of staff, the ministry said.

Ahn said the overhaul is intended to “institutionally guarantee the independence and professionalism of the Marine Corps,” adding that the ministry will gradually return operational control of the 1st and 2nd Marine divisions to the service.

Under the plan, the 1st Marine Division will be removed from the Army’s 2nd Operations Command, with peacetime and wartime operational control returning to the Marine Corps by the end of 2026. The 2nd Marine Division would regain peacetime operational control by 2028, while wartime operational control would remain with the Capital Defense Command.

Ahn said the wartime control issue for the 2nd Marine Division will be reviewed over the medium to long term as the military evaluates restructuring and changes in capability, manpower and unit organization.

The ministry also said it is reviewing steps to expand promotion opportunities for Marine Corps officers to general-level posts. Rather than elevating the commandant position to full general, the ministry is considering allowing Marine officers to move into positions such as deputy commander of the ROK-U.S. Combined Forces Command or vice chief of the Joint Chiefs of Staff after completing a term as commandant.

The plan also includes establishing a separate Marine Corps Operations Command, a structure the service has not previously had. The ministry said it is considering upgrading the Northwest Islands Defense Command into a Marine Corps Operations Command aligned with the return of divisional operational control.

A three-star general is a leading candidate rank for the operations commander role, which would give the Marine Corps two three-star posts: the commandant and the operations commander. The commandant would handle administrative and logistics duties, while the operations commander would oversee operations and intelligence, the ministry said.

Ahn said Marine Corps personnel account for 5.7% of the total military but that the service has relatively few general officers. He said the ministry will seek to secure the Marine Corps share by adjusting general officer positions in units directly under the ministry rather than increasing the overall military quota.

The Defense Ministry said it will also accelerate capability upgrades for the Marine Corps, noting budgets have been allocated for 10 areas including firepower, protection and detection radar. It said it will expand placement of Marine personnel in higher-level units such as the Joint Chiefs of Staff and rename the Marine headquarters building to strengthen its symbolic significance.

Ahn said the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps will operate as a joint force to build what he called a trusted advanced military.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has invited South Korean President Lee Jae Myung to a state visit in Beijing, signalling China’s desire to reinforce relations with South Korea amid regional turbulence.

South Korea’s national security adviser, Wi Sung-lac, told reporters on Friday that Lee will meet Xi in Beijing on Monday before travelling to Shanghai to visit the historic site of South Korea’s provisional government during Japan’s 35-year colonial rule.

Wi said the leaders are expected to discuss “practical cooperation” in areas including supply-chain investment, tourism, and responses to transnational crime, according to Yonhap News Agency.

Lee is also expected to persuade China to take a “constructive” role in achieving “a breakthrough in resolving issues on the Korean Peninsula”, Wi added.

It will be the second meeting between Xi and Lee in just two months, in what analysts have described as an unusually short interval, reflecting Beijing’s interest in bolstering ties before the next meeting between the leaders of South Korea and Japan takes place.

Relations between China and Japan remain at a low point after Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi suggested in November that a hypothetical Chinese attack on Taiwan could provoke a military response from Tokyo.

On Friday, Wi reaffirmed South Korea’s position on Taiwan, saying the country does “respect the one China policy and act in accordance with that position”. The position acknowledges Beijing’s view that Taiwan remains part of its sovereign territory, while allowing for separate ties with the self-governing island.

Kang Jun-young, a professor of political economics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, said “China wants to emphasise South Korea’s importance slightly more than before.

“China appears to have strategically decided that it would be better to have [Lee] visit China before South Korea holds a summit with Japan again,” Kang told the Reuters news agency.

For its part, the Lee administration has stressed its goal of “restoring” ties with China, which remains South Korea’s largest trading partner. At the same time, it has said Lee’s approach of “practical diplomacy” aims to maintain strong ties with Japan and the United States, South Korea’s most important ally.

Under Lee’s predecessor, Yoon Suk Yeol, Seoul leaned closer to Washington and Tokyo and increased criticism of China’s stance on Taiwan.

Lee, in contrast, has said he will not take sides in the dispute between China and Japan, a position he maintains as tensions around the Taiwan Strait rise following Beijing’s recent large-scale military drills near Taiwan.

Security alliances, regional strategy

The two leaders may also address contentious issues such as efforts to modernise the South Korea-US alliance, which some see as a counterbalance to China’s dominance in the Asia Pacific region, according to Shin Beom-chul, a former South Korean vice defence minister and senior research fellow at the Sejong Institute.

Currently, roughly 28,500 US troops are stationed in South Korea to deter threats from North Korea. US officials have signalled plans to make those forces more flexible in responding to other regional challenges, including Taiwan and China’s growing military reach.

“Korea is not simply responding to threats on the peninsula,” General Xavier Brunson, commander of US Forces Korea, said at a forum on December 29. “Korea sits at the crossroads of broader regional dynamics that shape the balance of power across Northeast Asia.”

As China remains North Korea’s principal ally and economic lifeline, experts expect Lee to seek Beijing’s assistance in encouraging dialogue with Pyongyang.

North Korea dismissed Lee’s outreach last year, calling him a “hypocrite” and “confrontational maniac”.

China and North Korea have, in turn, continued closer coordination, with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un appearing alongside Xi at a major military parade in September.

Trade and culture

Lee’s visit is also expected to focus on cooperation in critical minerals, supply chains, and green industries, his office said.

Nearly half of South Korea’s rare earth minerals, which are essential for semiconductor production, come from China. The trading partner accounts for a third of Seoul’s annual chip exports, its largest market.

Last month, officials from both countries agreed to work towards stable rare earth supplies. The visit may also explore partnerships in AI and advanced technologies.

Huawei Technologies plans to launch its Ascend 950 AI chips in South Korea next year, providing an alternative to US-based Nvidia for Korean firms, Huawei’s South Korea CEO, Balian Wang, said at a news conference last month.

Another potential topic is Beijing’s effective ban on K-pop content, which stretches back to 2017 following the deployment of the US’s THAAD missile defence system in South Korea.

SM Entertainment’s chief executive, who heads one of the country’s leading K-pop agencies, will join Lee’s business delegation, according to local media.

Cape Town, South Africa – Lucy Campbell, with her long grey dreadlocks, stands animated in front of the thick stone walls of the Castle of Good Hope in Cape Town’s city centre, her small frame accentuated by their towering height.

The 65-year-old activist-turned-historian has a message for the 10 American students who have come to hear her version of the city’s history. Dressed in a black hoodie and blue jeans, Campbell is well-spoken but shows her disdain for Cape Town’s colonial past, often erupting in harsh language for those she blames for its consequences.

“This castle speaks to the first economic explosion in Cape Town,” she says at the beginning of her five-stop tour of the city. “It’s an architectural crime scene.”

Campbell refuses to enter the 17th-century castle, which she sees as a symbol of the violence and dispossession that the colonial era brought to South Africa’s second biggest city.

“That is where they used to hang people,” she says, pointing to one of the castle’s five bastions. It was built by the settlers of the Dutch East India Company, commonly known by its Dutch acronym, VOC. The VOC built the fortress as part of its efforts to establish a refreshment post between the Netherlands and other trade destinations in the East. The castle is now run by the South African military.

Campbell, an accredited tour guide, has been giving privately run tours like this for 17 years, starting at the castle and offering a scathing critique of the city’s monuments and museums for dozens of people each year.

She says most official tributes, such as the Slave Memorial erected in 2008 in Church Square, fail to do justice to the enslaved people who contributed to the construction of Cape Town and often neglect to acknowledge the Indigenous population that lived here for hundreds of years before the Dutch arrived in 1652, displacing them and introducing slavery to the Cape.

Campbell can still see clear echoes in the city of the “genocide” and dispossession of the Khoi people, the Indigenous herders who lived on this land for thousands of years. She remembers her mother’s stories about how this history personally affected her family, who are descendants of the famously wealthy Hessequa, a subset of the Khoi. The Hessequa lost their land and livestock to the Dutch.

Known as “the people of the trees”, the Hessequa lived for centuries in the farming area now known as Swellendam, about 220km (137 miles) east of Cape Town. The arrival of European settlers transformed them from land and cattle owners to peasant workers employed by white people, conditions that in many places persist to this day.

Land ownership in Cape Town and South Africa as a whole remains overwhelmingly in the hands of the white minority. Rights groups have also accused white farmers of sometimes abusing predominantly mixed-race agricultural workers and evicting them on a whim, a practice that has carried on since the colonial era.

“Many of them have worked there for generations, and they are just being evicted,” Campbell says. “There’s no pension. There’s nothing. So the ailments of the past [continue].”

The coloniality of the museum

With a resume that includes posts ranging from trade union administrator and mechanic’s assistant to historian, Campbell started her tours after working at the Groot Constantia estate of the VOC colonial Governor Simon van der Stel, now a museum. This is where she got her first taste for history.

When she started working on the estate as an information officer in 1998, she found that the history of enslaved and Indigenous people was largely erased on the property, including the “tot” system, the use of wine as payments to workers that dates back centuries and was still in use on some Cape Town farms years after the fall of apartheid in 1994.

Alarmed by this erasure of her ancestors at the estate, Campbell resigned and pursued a degree in history. Armed with a postgraduate degree specialising in the history of slavery in the Cape, Campbell established Transcending History Tours in 2008.

Her academic research uncovered the inherently colonial nature of museums globally. She discovered that human remains were held in museums, universities and in private ownership, especially in Europe. The South African Museum, founded in 1825, housed human remains that were used in studies that sought to reinforce racist ideologies, such as seeking to prove that non-Europeans were racially inferior. Even though these studies have been halted, the remains continued to be housed by these institutions.

Campbell would prefer that the museums she tours be decentralised and relocated to the Cape Flats, a mainly nonwhite working-class area where Campbell and most descendants of the Khoi and enslaved people live. She argues this would make the museums more accessible to these communities, bringing them closer to their personal histories and demonstrating that their current difficult living conditions and marginalisation are not natural or inevitable, but rather the result of a cruel past.

“At night, this place is filled with homeless people,” she says on a sunny morning in September as the tour leaves the castle.

A few steps away, past two lions perched on pillars at the castle’s entrance and a moat filled with fish and pondweed, a barefoot man is asleep on the sidewalk while a woman in a bra and camouflage pants scrounges for food in the shrubs. Like most of the unhoused on the wealthy city’s streets, they are people of colour.

The tour passes the Grand Parade, the city’s public square and oldest urban open space, where the mud and wood predecessor to the existing castle stood. For many years, it served as a training ground for the colonial garrison before becoming a marketplace, surrounded by striking buildings, such as the Edwardian City Hall.

The parade’s most famous moment in modern South African history was as the setting of Nelson Mandela’s first public speech after his release from prison in 1990. Today, traders still gather here to sell everything from brightly coloured dashikis (colourful, traditional garments) to kitchen electronics.

A ‘trailblazer’

A few blocks away, the group stops to look at a plaque in St George’s Mall dedicated to one of Campbell’s heroes, Krotoa, a Khoi woman known as the progenitor of Cape Town’s mixed-race population after her marriage to a Danish surgeon.

The plaque dedicated to her in this busy modern commercial area feels misplaced and superficial to Campbell, who says it fails to celebrate the woman’s historical significance. Campbell also dislikes the commonly used image of Krotoa on the plaque, which she says is fabricated.

“The Krotoa that I know, she’s a trailblazer. She’s an interpreter. She’s a negotiator,” Campbell says.

The niece of the Khoi chief Autshumato, Krotoa joined the household of the first Dutch governor in the Cape, Jan van Riebeeck, at about the age of 12. As one of the first Indigenous interpreters, she became a mediator between the Dutch and the Khoi, playing a key role in the cattle trade, which was vital to the settlers’ survival at the Cape. She also negotiated in the conflict that arose between locals and the settlers.

Krotoa’s influence in van Riebeeck’s government eventually led to her becoming the first Indigenous person to be baptised as a Christian in 1662 and adopting the name Eva. She married a Danish soldier, who was later appointed as the VOC surgeon, Pieter van Meerhof, in 1664, and the couple became the Cape’s first recorded interracial marriage.

In the end, though, Krotoa was a controversial figure: Khoi leaders criticised her for adopting colonial ways, and both they and Dutch officials accused her of being a spy for the other side.

“She went right into the kitchens of the Dutch,” Campbell says. “She used to tell them, ‘I know you. I know who you are. You can’t do anything for yourself. Slaves have to do everything for you.’”

Campbell says Krotoa was instrumental as a mediator in the first Khoi-Dutch war, which lasted from 1659 to 1660 and was sparked by a campaign led by local Khoi leader Nommoa, or Doman, to reclaim the Cape Peninsula. The Dutch were victorious against the two Khoi groups, the Gorinhaiqua and the Gorachouqua, and expelled them from the peninsula to mountain outposts about 70km (44 miles) away.

Asked what she would consider a fitting memorial for Krotoa, Campbell says: “Monuments are Eurocentric and hierarchic. Where her memorial should be, I am not sure. What I know is that her story and her memory should be a popular memory and part of our learning in schools and in other tertiary learning. She and her Danish husband van Meerhof were sent to Robben Island. She also spent lots of time at the first castle, which is today’s Golden Acre [shopping mall], and her so-called plaque in Castle Street is a humiliation of the contributions she made in resisting the colony in favour of her people.”

Profits over people

Around the corner from Krotoa’s memorial in Castle Street, Campbell stops at another VOC landmark – the cobbled walkway featuring the VOC’s bronze emblem framed by an outline of the castle’s five ramparts.

“I want you to see how the VOC is embedded right in the fabric of the city,” she says, pointing to the insignia emblazoned in the street.

Then she directs her tour’s attention to nearby skyscrapers, which she views as symbols of wealth rooted in VOC exploitation.

As she speaks, workers on their lunch breaks walk by while others sell beaded jewellery, paintings, leather handbags and other wares in stalls dotted along the mall. Most of these workers live in overcrowded townships far outside the city, which is famed for its French Riviera-like lifestyle and has often been voted one of the world’s top tourist destinations.

“For me, it’s important to speak of that company, the first company that came here,” Campbell says, explaining the origin of capitalism in the region.

“It comes from there – profits before people. It comes from history. … The VOC is alive and kicking in the city.”

Restoring memory

The most haunting stop on the tour comes next: the Slave Lodge. It stands on the doorstep of the parliament precinct and the gardens that the VOC established to provide fresh produce to ships journeying between the East and the Netherlands.

Thousands of enslaved people from as far away as Angola, Benin, Indonesia, India and Madagascar were housed here from 1679 to 1811. Converted into a museum, it contains artefacts, including shackles and the reconstructed hull of a slave ship as well as a plinth recording the names of the enslaved people – names assigned to them by slave owners when they arrived at the Cape.

Campbell objects to the pristine exhibits, saying they are in stark contrast to the building’s dark history as a place of suffering and violence. One of the most horrific aspects of life there was the sexual violence inflicted by soldiers on women, including rape and coercion into sex work, often with payments made to the VOC.

This violent culture has had lasting effects, contributing to today’s high levels of sexual crimes and domestic violence on the Cape Flats, according to Campbell.

“The Slave Lodge does not get the reflection that it should get,” Campbell tells her tour. “It is very much veneered and made palatable to the visitors. It doesn’t bring the voices of the women in.”

The tour ends in the street behind the Slave Lodge, where Campbell shows the tourists a macabre landmark they might otherwise miss. On a traffic island in the middle of Spin Street is the spot where the city’s slave auctions were once held. A tree that marked the spot was chopped down in 1916. In its place, a slab of stone was installed in 1953, inscribed with a fading and barely legible message about its historical significance.

“It looks like a drain,” Campbell says, noting the sharp contrast between this neglected memorial and the bronze statue of Afrikaner leader Jan Smuts, oddly situated in front of the Slave Lodge, where the plaque bearing his name has been restored to a brilliant gleam.

In 2008, the city tried to rectify this oversight at the auction site, unveiling a commemorative art installation designed by prominent artists Gavin Younge and Wilma Cruise across the street. It consists of 11 granite blocks, roughly at knee height, inscribed with the assigned names of enslaved people and words that recall their tortured reality: “Suicide, infanticide, abscond, escape, flee.”

Activists have criticised the installation for being too cold and failing to convey the deep wounds left by nearly 200 years of slavery.

“Birds s*** on it, people sit on it, but they don’t know what it is,” Campbell says. “They have the names of the slaves that were held at the Slave Lodge, but there’s no story. … It’s a monument that only serves the master, at the end of the day, because it doesn’t bring out the pain of the people.

“I would have loved to see a high rise to bring out the memory of the people, … something more visible.”