replace

England have described the arrangement for the second Test as “interim”, and its impermanence seems important.

On Monday, when it first emerged that Stokes and Gus Atkinson were in hot water, there was an immediate feeling it would spell the end of Stokes’ captaincy.

It still may. There is an ongoing investigation. Stokes could decide to walk.

But, with every passing hour, the temperature is cooling. Stokes could return for the third Test at Trent Bridge or, more likely, the series against Pakistan later in the summer.

Still, Stokes has given a window into what England’s life might be without him. For the first time in his career, Stokes the cricketer is not indispensable. Earlier this week, head coach Brendon McCullum had to defend his batting, and back Stokes to return to form.

If Brook had been put in charge, England may have seen something they like. Brook and McCullum seemed more aligned during the T20 World Cup than Stokes and McCullum did during the Ashes.

Brook would have been captaining his peers, whereas Stokes leads a group of younger men, many of whom grew up idolising him. Maybe England would have found a Stokesless formation that makes them stronger: the leg-spin of Rehan Ahmed as the all-rounder, followed by four specialist seamers.

None of this becomes an issue with Root in charge. He will be all too happy to hand over the reins when the time comes.

These roles were once reversed. In the Covid summer of 2021, Stokes stepped in for one Test while Root was on paternity leave. Root left a note on Stokes’ peg in the dressing room which said: “Do it your way”.

Now, Root will do it his way. Clapping his hands from first slip, long sprints to talk to his bowlers. A smile on his face, maybe a classic Rootian century. Not the puffed-out chest of an alpha like Stokes, just the calm reassurance of English cricket’s most dependable presence.

Once again, it is Joe Root riding to England’s rescue.

The U.S. Navy appears to be preparing to replace its remaining F-5E/F Tiger II adversary jets with F/A-18E/F Super Hornets, continuing the modernization and rationalization of these critical training assets. The Navy’s apparent acknowledgment that even upgraded F-5s are no longer sufficient for top-tier adversary training reflects a broader Pentagon shift toward higher-end platforms in this role.

The House Armed Services Committee released its first draft of the fiscal 2027 National Defense Authorization bill yesterday. Among the many provisions in the defense policy bill is a call for a report “on the status of efforts to transfer F/A-18E/F aircraft to the Navy Reserve to replace the F-5 aircraft.”

The report is to be delivered to the congressional defense committees by March 2027 at the latest.

This seems to be the first confirmation that further Navy adversary units will adopt the F/A-18E/F, the production of which is now ending, with the final deliveries expected next year.

As expected, the report will highlight any potential risk to mission execution, fleet readiness, and pilot and maintainer qualification during the period in which the older F-5s are being transferred and replaced by Super Hornets.

The Secretary of the Navy is also required to inform Congress of how long the transition process will take. This includes acquiring the required support equipment and spares, training for pilots and maintainers, and contracts related to the changeover.

Currently, the Navy has four Fighter Squadron Composite (VFC) squadrons responsible for adversary work.

One of these, VFC-12 “Fighting Omars,” has already transitioned to the F/A-18E/F at Naval Air Station (NAS) Oceana, Virginia.

VFC-13 “Saints,” based at NAS Fallon, Nevada, is equipped with surplus, but significantly upgraded F-16C/Ds, having previously flown F-5s.

This leaves two F-5F/N units.

VFC-111 “Sundowners” flies out of NAS Key West, Florida.

Finally, VFC-204 “River Rattlers” is at NAS/Joint Reserve Base New Orleans in Louisiana. VFC-204 converted from the Legacy Hornet to the F-5 relatively recently.

The Navy has made efforts in recent years to enhance its F-5 fleet, under an effort formally known as the Avionics Reconfiguration and Tactical/Modernization for Inventory Standardization program, or ARTEMIS.

This includes new Mk 16 ejection seats, Digital Air Data Computers (DADC), and Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast (ADS-B) transponders, as well as upgrades to its cockpit, including flat panel displays.

The lead contractor for ARTEMIS is the private U.S. ‘red air’ adversary support company, Tactical Air Support, Inc., or TacAir. The ARTEMIS upgrade package is based on the F-5 Advanced Tiger, or F-5AT, configuration developed by TacAir. This includes Nemesis radar, mission computer, threat weapons engagement zone (WEZ) replication software suite, Argus radar warning receiver (RWR), Mason hands-on-throttle-and-stick (HOTAS) controls, Garmin wide area display, Scorpion helmet mounted display, open architecture mission system, and datalink, among other enhancements.

Transport of Swiss AF F-5 in a Navy C-130T

The Navy’s 28 single-seat F-5Ns and its pair of two-seat F-5Fs are being brought up to the ARTEMIS standard, as are a batch of 22 ex-Swiss Air Force F-5E/Fs that are being converted into adversary jets. The former Swiss airframes are being divided between the Navy and the U.S. Marine Corps and are known as F-5N+/F-5F+s once the work on them is completed.

But even with these enhancements, the F-5s are dated aircraft and are increasingly unsuitable for meeting the Navy’s demand for more advanced red air capabilities.

As we have described in the past:

“At its core, the F-5 is a dated, non-stealthy Cold War-era design, but it still can replicate a wide variety of threats, including some capability aspects of fourth-generation fighters and cruise missiles. F-5s do lack the performance to truly mimic a fourth-generation fighter. At the same time, they offer a valuable dissimilar threat for Navy and Marine aviators to train against, thanks to their relatively small size and agility.”

Where the F-5 does come into its own is in economically helping to generate a greater volume of aerial threats to better represent higher-end large-scale conflict scenarios during exercises, something that is especially important as the U.S. military prepares for a potential major fight in the Pacific against China. The degree to which the F/A-18E/F will be able to meet this requirement will depend on how many airframes are made available for adversary work. This is something that will also have to be weighed up against frontline fleet demands, at a time when there is already a shortage of tactical aircraft. It’s also worth noting that the Blue Angels fly some of the oldest Super Hornets in a special display configuration.

You can read what it’s like to fly Navy F-5 adversary jets in this past feature.

As of April last year, the Navy had 325 single-seat F/A-18Es, 250 two-seat F/A-18Fs in inventory, according to official budget documents. These are the primary workhorses of the service’s carrier air wings, as well as for supporting operations from bases on land. Super Hornets and Growlers have been heavily involved in combat operations in the Middle East in recent years and remain heavily engaged today.

Meanwhile, to help meet the surging demand for adversary support, the Navy and other services have turned more heavily to contractors to help fill in for red air requirements. These include TacAir, with its own F-5ATs.

However, there is no escaping the fact that the Navy, and the U.S. military at large, increasingly requires more advanced adversary capacity, especially as it gears up to fight advanced fourth-generation combat jets, let alone stealthy fifth-generation threats. The U.S. Air Force has responded to this requirement by operating its F-35A stealth fighters as a dedicated red air adversary during high-end training, as you can read about here. That service has since stood up an F-35 adversary squadron, while reducing its reliance on contractor red air services flying dated, third generation types, like the F-5.

The Super Hornet, with its AN/APG-79 — arguably the most mature active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar available — as well as its ATFLIR targeting pods and a radar warning receiver, makes a very capable adversary in training scenarios and a good match for replicating advanced Chinese fourth-generation threats, like the J-16 Flanker. Navy Super Hornets can also carry an advanced infrared search and track (IRST) system, like the Flanker.

When flown in a relatively clean configuration, the F/A-18E/F becomes a more effective adversary, eliminating the drag issues caused by the canted underwing pylons. Even when fitted with wingtip stores and a centerline fuel tank, it offers good aerodynamic and energy-maneuverability performance, allowing it to more closely emulate agile adversary aircraft during dissimilar air combat training. In particular, its well-known slow-speed handling performance makes it a good surrogate for the Flanker family of threats. Clean Super Hornets also have the ability to ‘run down’ fleeing targets much better than an F-5 — one negative about the small third generation fighter going up against fourth- and fifth-generation jets.

Looking further ahead, as the program matures, it is likely that a Collaborative Combat Aircraft (CCA) or an adversary variant will be used for more basic Navy red air tasks and for generating combat mass alongside the F/A-18E/Fs and F-16s. With that in mind, it is worth noting that Anduril’s CCA offering for the Air Force has its roots in an adversary drone, as you can read about here. Still, the Navy is moving a bit slower than the other services when it comes to CCA, but they could use the adversary role to reduce risk, increase trust, and as a gateway for fielding loyal wingman drones with its carrier air wings.

As of 2022, the Navy’s stated plan was to continue flying F-5s in the adversary role at least until 2035. It is unclear if this schedule might now change, but we have approached the service for more details.

There is also the question of what will happen with the Marine F-5s, flown by a pair of Marine Fighter Training Squadrons (VMFT). These are VMFT-401 “Snipers” at Marine Corps Air Station (MCAS) Yuma, Arizona, and VMFT-402 “Grim Reapers” at MCAS Beaufort, South Carolina. These jets are being upgraded with the Red Net system, providing them with a tactical and situational awareness datalink, achieved via a commercially available tablet-kneeboard display.

Ultimately, the Marine F-5s are to be replaced under a program named Adversary Next.

After the latest Marine Aviation Plan (AVPLAN) was released in February, the service told TWZ:

“Planning for Adversary Next is underway and will be detailed in future AVPLANs. Adversary Next is anticipated to be a family of systems that will provide world-class adversary replication to USMC and joint units to prepare for the next fight.”

The latest AVPLAN puts F-5 retirement at 2040-plus.

Until then, the Marines will continue to use their upgraded F-5s, valued above all for their low-cost and highly reliable adversary support. Potentially, they could also bolster their fleet with former Navy examples if the service jettisons them far before the USMC does. Otherwise, Navy F-5s could also find their way to contractor red air providers, once the service retires them.

As for the Navy F-5, it appears that officials are now drawing up plans to finally call time on the iconic jet’s career in the service, one that goes far back in the Navy’s adversary program and the successful operation of Top Gun.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

The death of Abakar Minuki, one of the most influential leaders of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), in a joint United States and Nigerian military operation, marks one of the most consequential blows to the insurgent group in recent years. Yet, analysts and insiders familiar with the terror group warn that history offers little reason to assume the killing will significantly diminish the long-term threat posed by the group.

Multiple sources familiar with ISWAP’s internal structure told HumAngle that Minuki’s most likely successor was Baba Shuwa, commonly known as Ba Shuwa. However, indications emerging from the aftermath of the operation suggest he may also have been killed. If confirmed, the simultaneous removal of both men would trigger the most significant leadership transition in the organisation since its emergence from Boko Haram’s internal schism nearly a decade ago.

For the first time, leadership could pass not to the insurgency’s founding generation, but to a second generation of fighters raised entirely within the movement’s war ecosystem. Two names have emerged as the strongest contenders: Abu Salem and Bana Chingori.

“This would represent a generational shift unlike anything the movement has experienced before,” a source familiar with ISWAP’s internal dynamics told HumAngle.

From village barber to insurgent leader

Known variously as Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad ibn Ali al Mainoki, Abor Mainoki, Abubakar Mainoki, and Abakar Minuki, the slain commander was himself a product of the insurgency’s evolution.

Born in 1982 in the village of Mainok, a settlement along the Maiduguri-Benisheikh corridor in Borno State, he adopted his nom de guerre from his hometown. Long before becoming one of the most feared figures in the Lake Chad Basin insurgency, Minuki was known as a young barber operating a modest salon in the village.

Those who encountered him during the rise of Mohammed Yusuf’s movement recall a quiet young man who blended into daily life. That anonymity would eventually disappear. By the time Boko Haram transformed from a fringe religious movement into a powerful insurgent force, Minuki had become part of its military structure.

Abu Mus’ab, Abu Fatima, and other Boko Haram leaders had to secure Minuki’s approval before finalising their escape from Abubakar Shekau in the Sambisa forest to the islands of the Lake Chad Basin, shortly before ISWAP split from Boko Haram. Minuki not only provided refuge for members of the newly formed ISWAP fleeing Shekau’s crackdown, but also protected them and facilitated their settlement in his territory, where he ruled as one of Shekau’s most formidable Amirul Fiya.

He belonged to the first generation of fighters who entered the organisation before the 2009 uprising that transformed the movement forever.

The last men of Yusuf’s generation

To understand what Minuki represented, one must return to Boko Haram’s earliest years. According to sources familiar with the group’s formative history, Mohammed Yusuf’s original armed contingent consisted of fewer than 100 members. These men were responsible not only for security but also for recruitment.

As the organisation expanded, Yusuf reorganised fighters into military formations named after prominent figures from Islamic history. Among them were the Zubair Ibn Awwam Battalion, Umar Farouk Battalion, Salmanu Farisu Battalion, Khalid Ibn Walid Battalion, and Salaudeen Ayubi Battalion.

Several battalions survived years of expansion, state crackdowns, factional disputes, and battlefield losses. Over time, however, only two retained their original lineage and remain operational: the Timbuktu formation, associated with Faruk, and the Buhairiya structure, which absorbed the remnants of several earlier battalions.

Minuki was already a Naqeeb, a junior commander, during the pre-2009 period. Ba Shuwa, by contrast, was merely a foot soldier. While Abu Salem, who is now touted as the likely successor of ISWAP, was still a child. That generational distinction highlights that few survivors remain from the movement’s founding era.

The rise of the second generation

If Minuki and Ba Shuwa are both dead, the succession process could elevate men who never knew the insurgency before it became a regional war. Among them, Abu Salem stands out. Sources describe him as both a military commander and a religious authority within the insurgency. He currently serves as Amirul Fiya, based in Krinua, a battlefield commander with influence extending beyond purely military affairs.

His biography mirrors the insurgency’s own evolution. The son of a respected first-generation Boko Haram member, Abu Salem benefited from mentorship by senior leaders from an early age. His pedigree gave him access to influential networks that many younger fighters lacked.

He also carries the scars of combat. During one battle with members of Nigeria’s armed forces, he sustained serious gunshot wounds to the lower abdomen. The injuries required long-term medical management involving a Foley catheter. According to sources familiar with his condition, he continued participating in military operations despite the injury for years.

Within ISWAP, Abu Salem has cultivated a reputation for bravery, clerical authority, and charisma. Several sources compared his influence to that once exercised by Abu Musab al-Barnawi and Minuki himself.

Another contender is Bana Chingori, regarded as Ba Shuwa’s closest deputy. Unlike Abu Salem, however, Bana faces a structural challenge: He does not originate from the Faruk battalion network, which sources estimate supplies approximately 70 per cent of ISWAP’s current fighters and leadership, including Minuki.

In an organisation where battlefield alliances and battalion loyalties remain deeply influential, that may prove decisive.

The ethnic question behind ISWAP leadership

Leadership succession inside ISWAP is not determined solely by military competence. HumAngle understands that ethnicity, lineage, dialect, and social hierarchy continue to shape power within the organisation.

Public portrayals often reduce Boko Haram and ISWAP to ideological movements driven exclusively by extremist interpretations of Islam. The reality is considerably more complex. The overwhelming majority of ISWAP’s estimated fighting force originates from the Kanuri ethnic nationality, which has historically been dominant across the Lake Chad Basin. Yet, the Kanuris are far from homogeneous.

They are divided into numerous dialect communities, clan networks, and social categories that carry significant political weight, all of which the insurgents take very seriously. These divisions influence recruitment, promotions, alliances, and leadership legitimacy.

Mohammed Yusuf, for example, belonged to the Manga dialect group, one of the most prestigious Kanuri communities. His lineage strengthened his standing within the movement’s formative years. Abubakar Shekau came from the Kaama-speaking Ngala’a community, often viewed as socially marginal within traditional Kanuri hierarchies.

Several researchers and former members argue that Shekau’s relationship with the broader movement was shaped partly by this outsider status. Minuki himself emerged from Borno Central, where multiple Kanuri dialect groups intersect. Ba Shuwa’s ancestry has also been the subject of internal scrutiny.

Sources say rivals occasionally questioned the purity of his Kanuri lineage, reflecting how deeply social stratification continues to influence perceptions of authority within insurgency networks in the Lake Chad basin.

For this reason, sources told HumAngle, the emergence of a non-Kanuri leader remains highly unlikely. Even if such a figure were elevated, sustaining authority would be extraordinarily difficult. “The movement talks about Islam and the caliphate,” one source familiar with internal deliberations said, “But when leadership questions arise, ethnicity still matters.”

The foreign fighters effect

The leadership transition unfolding inside ISWAP is taking place within an organisation that has undergone profound internal transformation in recent years. Sources familiar with the group’s operations told HumAngle that the growing presence of foreign fighters from across the Sahel and beyond has reshaped not only the movement’s military tactics but also its internal security culture.

As foreign fighters increasingly settled in the Lake Chad region, ISWAP imposed some of its strictest operational security measures to date. Members were ordered to delete existing photographs and cease documenting activities through images. The use of smartphones was largely prohibited, reflecting mounting concerns about surveillance, geolocation tracking, and intelligence penetration. 

The restrictions marked a sharp departure from earlier years when both Boko Haram and ISWAP routinely photographed preaching sessions, training exercises, weapon displays, and daily life in territories under their control. Such imagery formed a central component of the group’s propaganda and recruitment machinery.

According to sources, the new rules were enforced ruthlessly. Several fighters accused of taking photographs or retaining images on their devices were reportedly executed. The killings served as both punishment and deterrence, reinforcing a culture of secrecy that now permeates much of the organisation. 

“The message was simple,” one source familiar with the group’s internal directives said. “Any digital trace that could expose fighters, commanders, or locations became a security threat.” The arrival of experienced foreign fighters appears to have accelerated this shift. Many brought with them lessons learned from conflicts across the Sahel, where drone surveillance, signals intelligence, and electronic tracking have increasingly shaped the battlefield.

The influence of foreign fighters introduced a greater emphasis on counter-intelligence, operational discipline, compartmentalisation, and the elimination of digital footprints that could expose personnel, camps, supply routes, or command structures. The result is an insurgent organisation that has become considerably more cautious than its predecessors. While leadership losses continue to disrupt, ISWAP’s evolving security architecture suggests a movement increasingly focused on institutional survival rather than on dependence on individual commanders.

Fractured, not defeated

The killing of Minuki undoubtedly represents a serious disruption, and the elimination of Ba Shuwa, if confirmed, would considerably deepen that disruption. Yet, military and intelligence officials caution against interpreting the development as a strategic defeat for ISWAP.

“The organisation has experienced similar moments before with the deaths of Mohammed Yusuf, Mamman Nur, Abu Musab al Barnawi, Ba Idrissa, and several other senior commanders, each of which generated predictions of organisational collapse,” said Kyari Mustafa, a conflict researcher in Maiduguri.

Those predictions never materialised. Instead, the group adapted. The pattern has become familiar across the Lake Chad Basin.

HumAngle has documented a pattern where successful military campaigns weaken the insurgency. Communities experience a period of relative calm. The group regroups, reassesses, and eventually resumes attacks. This cycle has repeated itself for more than 15 years. What makes the current moment significant is the possibility that an entire generation of commanders may be disappearing simultaneously. If Minuki and Ba Shuwa are indeed gone, the future of ISWAP may soon be shaped by men who were toddlers when Mohammed Yusuf built the movement.

Whether that transition produces fragmentation, renewal, or further violence remains uncertain. What is clear is that the Lake Chad Basin has witnessed enough leadership decapitations to know that the death of a commander, however important, does not automatically mean the end of the war.

Former UK Health Secretary Wes Streeting has announced he will run against Prime Minister Keir Starmer as Labour leader if an election is to take place. Streeting voiced strong support for rebuilding ties with Europe, saying the UK should pursue “a new special relationship” with the EU and potentially rejoin the bloc in the future.

With the U.S. Air Force set to still be flying B-52s at least into 2050, at which point the youngest examples will be some 88 years old, it has become common to quip about the bombers staying in service forever. However, the Air Force is now looking to conduct a formal review of its requirements to see whether the development of a successor might be warranted, and potentially sooner rather than later.

The Air Force is asking for $1 million in its budget request for the 2027 Fiscal Year to conduct a New Heavy Bomber Analysis of Alternatives (AoA). Aviation Week was the first to report on the appearance of this AoA in the service’s budget documents. All branches of the U.S. military routinely use the AoA process to assess available options and further refine requirements for new weapon systems and other capabilities.

The Air Force currently has 76 B-52Hs in service. The last of these aircraft rolled off Boeing’s production line in 1962, though they have received numerous upgrades in the decades since then. These bombers continue to be in high demand as conventional long-range strike platforms, as evidenced by their heavy use in the latest conflict with Iran. They also play a key role in the air leg of America’s nuclear triad.

“A Heavy Bomber Analysis of Alternatives will begin in FY27 [Fiscal Year 2027] to analyze the future long range strike requirements to determine future B-52 requirements and costs and/or a new heavy bomber aircraft configuration and costs,” the Air Force’s latest proposed budget explains.

More specifically, the newly requested funding will support “initial planning activities to develop key performance parameters, key system attributes, and additional performance attributes for a follow-on heavy bomber in the USAF,” per the service’s budget documents. “The FY27 work scope will include key planning activities for programmatic, requirements, capabilities, and vendor options that could field [sic] in the future.”

The $1 million in funding for the AoA would come through a line item titled “Advanced Concept Demonstration” contained within the section of the Air Force’s budget for “B-52 System Improvements.” The service did not ask for or receive any money for this particular line item in Fiscal Year 2026, but did get nearly $4 million in funding for it in the preceding fiscal cycle.

The Fiscal Year 2025 funding supported a “classified Proof of Concept demonstration on the B-52,” according to the budget documents.

The Air Force is already in the midst of a massive, multi-billion-dollar modernization effort for the B-52 fleet. In the coming years, the bombers are set to get new engines, radars, communications capabilities, and more, as you can learn about in more detail here. The upgrades are so substantial that the aircraft will be redesignated B-52Js in the process. A host of new ordnance, including advanced hypersonic missiles and new nuclear weapons, is set to be integrated onto the B-52 fleet, as well.

B-52 Future Stratofortress: The Upgrades That Will Transform The B-52H Into The B-52J

Based on the Air Force’s current force structure plans, the B-52 is set to outlast both the B-1 and B-2 bombers, and serve alongside the forthcoming B-21. Despite its age, the B-52’s design has certain unique benefits, especially the space underneath its wings for the carriage of outsized payloads, including very large munitions. This has also led the bombers to play important roles in research and development and test and evaluation efforts in the past, including air-launching large crewed and uncrewed aircraft.

There is really nothing like the B-52 in production today anywhere globally, which has further contributed to its long service life. There is only one company in the United States currently building heavy bombers of any type, Northrop Grumman, with the B-21. The stealthy Raider is a very different aircraft designed to meet a very different set of requirements from the B-52, hence the Air Force’s stated plan to operate the two aircraft together for decades to come.

The Air Force’s budget documents do not specify any particular design or other requirements for a follow-on heavy bomber. One possibility could be an aircraft with a blended wing body (BWB) planform, something the service has already been exploring for other mission sets. A BWB aircraft could offer a limited degree of low-observability (stealthiness), as well as significant internal payload capacity, including the ability to carry outsized stores. This could also be paired with Air Force plans for a next-generation aerial refueling tanker, which we will come back to in a moment.

Whatever design requirements might emerge, a new heavy bomber to supplant the B-52 would not need to be as complex as the B-21. Still, it could involve a costly development cycle and risk, with few, if any, additional customers beyond the Air Force on the horizon. Today, only the United States, Russia, and China fly heavy bombers of any kind. Other countries, such as Australia, could be interested if the aircraft was uniquely cost-effective and could be exported.

The New Heavy Bomber AoA might also consider more radically different options for meeting even just some of the requirements that the B-52 fulfills today. As a tangential example, the Air Force has looked at a very wide array of concepts for next-generation aerial refueling capabilities, including stealthy, BWB, and business jet-based tankers, as well as packaging an aerial refueling boom in a ‘buddy store’ type pod that a fighter could carry.

The Air Force’s desire to conduct this AoA now also raises questions about the future of its existing B-52 modernization plans and the expected service life of the bombers. From what has been publicly disclosed to date, a fully upgraded force of B-52Js is still a decade away, at least, from becoming a reality. The re-engining effort and work on the new radars, the two biggest ticket items in the upgrade package, have also been beset by delays and cost growth.

Deciding to conduct an AoA does not commit the Air Force to pursue any particular course of action. As the budget documents note, the new heavy bomber review is also set to explore “future long range strike requirements to determine future B-52 requirements” that do not necessarily lead directly to a full follow-on program. We do not know what the service may have already concluded in this regard from the results of the classified demonstration in Fiscal Year 2025, either.

Regardless, despite the jokes, the B-52 cannot fly forever. At some point, the airframes will simply age out. The service is now clearly looking to put serious thought into what might come next.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Audacy’s Los Angeles news radio station KNX is ending its simulcast on 97.1 FM, which will move to a sports talk format on May 11.

The New York-based audio company announced Tuesday that the frequency will be re-branded as the Fan, becoming the first all-sports FM station in the Los Angeles market.

Sports talk listeners are currently served by KLAC, an AM station co-owned by iHeartRadio and the Dodgers, ESPN LA 710, and KLAA at 830 AM, owned by the Los Angeles Angels.

KNX will continue its all-news format on its AM frequency 1070. The station will also be heard on 97.1 HD2, mostly available in vehicles equipped with digital radios.

Chris Oliviero, chief business officer for Audacy, said the moves are aimed at providing more local content to listeners in the Los Angeles market. The Fan will be stocked with on-air talent well-versed in the area’s teams.

“We’re going to be providing twice as much original local L.A. content than we were previously,” Oliviero said. “We are taking these two broadcast frequencies, and getting more out of them.”

KNX’s news format benefited from the FM simulcast, with its share of the audience up more than 25% since it began in December 2021. Oliviero said Audacy remains committed to the format, which has a significant number of listeners through the station’s app and other streaming platforms.

Audacy has a proven track record in sports talk radio, which is attractive to advertisers. Los Angeles was the only top 10 market where the company did not have a station carrying the format.

Oliviero noted that the upcoming sports calendar that includes the 2026 World Cup and the 2028 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles will likely drive up listener appetite for the station.

The Fan will launch without any live play-by-play of Los Angeles teams. KLAC has the audio rights to the Dodgers, the Clippers of the NBA, the Chargers of the NFL and UCLA football.

Oliviero said Audacy will look at acquiring audio rights to Los Angeles teams as they become available. He noted that the Fan will carry local hosts during daytime hours when KLAC offers syndicated hosts Dan Patrick and Colin Cowherd. KLAC has a popular local team, Petros and Money, in the afternoon, and a Dodgers-focused talk show in the evening.

In addition to KNX, Audacy owns classic hits station KRTH-FM (101.1), rhythmic hits outlet KTWV-FM (94.7), adult hits station KCBS-FM (93.1) and KROQ-FM (106.7), which has an alternative rock format. The stations broadcast out of studios on the Miracle Mile.

Audacy has owned KNX since 2017, when it merged with the radio division of CBS Corp. The company was known as Entercom at the time of the transaction.