quietly

How tiny French idyll is quietly turning into ‘the new St Tropez’

HOLLYWOOD superstar George Clooney revealed last week his plans to open a new restaurant in the tiny Provencal town of Cotignac.

The French fishing village, which is home to just 2,000 people, has seen an extraordinary influx of Hollywood celebrities in recent years.

George Clooney (pictured with his wife Amal) is planning to open at restaurant in Cotignac Credit: Splash
George has partnered with entrepreneur Graham Porter to open the restaurant, who also owns the Lou Calen hotel Credit: BackGrid

Yet this latest development is the first likely to draw hordes of selfie-stick-wielding tourists to the quaint medieval town.

And residents are split over the move, with many fearing the commune is being transformed into a new A-list enclave to rival St Tropez.

While some welcome the creation of jobs in the area, others feel the town risks being overwhelmed by celebrity residents such as George, 65, and his wife Amal, 48.

Writing on a local Cotignac Facebook page, local resident Veronique Luisetti wrote that the town is being “taken over.”

The Canadian entrepreneur backing George’s restaurant, Graham Porter, also owns the Lou Calen hotel, which includes the Michelin-starred Le Jardin Secret restaurant, and the La Falaise art centre.

Another, Viviane Palumbo, added: “We don’t have any money left!”

Meanwhile a comedy mock-up cartoon showing the Ocean’s Eleven actor serving a platter at his new venue is being shared among neighbours.

Titled Cotignac: Hollywood Passe en Cuisine – or Hollywood hits the kitchen – it sees a caricature of George serving up a platter of pasta in an apron.

Some Cotignac locals welcome the jobs the restaurant will create, but others are worried the town is being “taken over” Credit: Alamy
Angelina Jolie and Brad Pitt bought the Chateau Miraval vineyard close to Cotignac in 2008 Credit: Alamy

Jeany Cronk, who runs vineyard Maison Mirabeau, welcomes the jobs the venue will create for locals and said it will bring in much-needed cash.

But she said the residents hope they won’t be overrun by visitors desperate to ogle the actor, saying: “We are not St Tropez.”

Jeany, 53, told The Sun: “You can’t really escape the fact that people will want to come here to see George when his restaurant opens.

“It will impact people wanting to come and eat there.

“And he’s been a celebrity for a very long time, he understands that, you know.

“We’re expecting it to be over the top at first, but we’re hoping it settles down.

“Some people are negative about it, because not everyone likes change, but others are positive about the jobs it will create.

“We are just hoping that everyone will be respectful, and keep the spirit of our community alive.

“We are a former fishing village, we are not St Tropez.

“We don’t have a big Chanel villa or crowds of visitors.”

Jeany, author of the book At Home in Provence, has had plenty of chances to meet the celebrities who have moved into the area – from George and his wife Amal to Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie, who bought the Chateau Miraval vineyard just minutes away from Cotignac in 2008.

The vineyard was later at the centre of a toxic legal battle between the couple, after actress Angelina sold her share in 2021.

Chateau Miraval became part of a legal battle when Angelina Jolie sold her share in 2021 Credit: Reuters
A comedy mock-up cartoon (an AI image) depicts George Clooney at his new venue, and translates to “Cotignac: Hollywood steps into the kitchen! Very nice… but do you also do the lunch special?” Credit: Facebook/Passon Var

Also within a 30 minute radius is John Lucas’s Skywalker Vineyard, while John Malkovich owns a private wine-making estate named Les Quelles de La Coste.

And Ridley Scott produces wine at his Mas des Infermieres vineyard in the heart of the Luberon National Park in Provence.

Jeany continued: “Cotignac has always been quite a famous place.

“I mean, it’s one of the most beautiful villages in France.

“And it is, you know, it has a long history with, you know, celebrities.

“Eric Idle’s lived there for many years.

“And hugely famous people, like David Bowie and Pink Floyd recorded albums in the Studio Miraval.

“George and Amal have obviously built a strong connection to our village.

The former fishing village has a long history with celebrities Credit: Getty
John Malkovich has a private wine-making estate in the area Credit: Getty

“I think what’s very nice for him – and I really hope that this remains, now that the restaurant is so public – is that he’s been very free to move around and be amongst people who live in the village.

“He feels happy and safe here.

“I think the celebrities always love that people just go about their business while they’re there and don’t make a big fuss.”

But what of the rivalry among neighbouring vineyards?

David Bowie and Pink Floyd have both recorded albums in the Studio Miraval Credit: AFP
George Clooney (pictured with Brad Pitt) has recently became a French citizen after buying an estate in Brignole Credit: Getty

She continued: “It’s generally very friendly.

“We all share a common goal – to bring our beautiful rose wines to the world.

“And these big names do lend a hand in raising our profile.

“We are doing very well at the moment, especially in the UK, and we have a great global partnership with Soho House.

“So it isn’t nasty in any way.

“However,” she added, “Of course, business is business.”

George’s latest venture comes as he recently became a French citizen after buying an estate in nearby Brignoles.

And he reportedly wants his restaurant ready to open next year, according to the local mayor.

Jean-Pierre Véran told the newspaper Nice-Matin: “He wants to create a well-designed restaurant, with a terrace and the option to reserve the dining room for private events when he hosts celebrities.”

He continued: “We discussed their restaurant, and I told them I wasn’t opposed to this project, which can benefit everyone.”

However, both the actor and his wife are likely to stay far away from the kitchen – after joking that they are not the world’s greatest cooks.

“I’ll tell you what,” Clooney said three years ago.

“My wife, who is a brilliant lawyer, she’s one of the advocates of the world.

“She takes on Isis.

“But I better be doing the cooking or we will all die.”

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Netflix quietly removing ‘misunderstood’ film with ‘perfect mix of gore’

The feature film has been hailed a ‘cult classic’ and makes for ideal Halloween viewing – but fans don’t have long left to watch it

An ‘iconic’ noughties horror film is being removed from Netflix in a matter of days.

The film, released back in 2009, stars Hollywood heavyweights Megan Fox and Amanda Seyfried as two school friends who find themselves at odds after one of them is possessed by a demon and develops an appetite for boys.

The film in question is Jennifer’s Body, with Megan portraying the bloodthirsty cheerleader Jennifer Check who is sacrificed to Satan by an indie band looking to make it big, with devastating consequences. Amanda plays her nerdy best friend Anita ‘Needy’ Lesnicki, while the glittering ensemble cast also includes big names such as J.K Simmons, Adam Brody, Chris Pratt and Kyle Gallner.

Jennifer’s Body has been available on Netflix since May this year, but it is sadly about to be removed from the streaming giant. Netflix confirmed that the last available day to stream it will be November 7.

While the Rotten Tomatoes rating for the film is far from glowing – sitting at a measly 36 per cent from audiences – it still holds a special place in the hearts of many film fans. One reviewer gushed: “The perfect mix of gore, dry humour satire, original story, and, of course, an amazing soundtrack.

“As a horror/thriller superfan, this movie continues to delight even after seeing it ~10 times. Regardless of ratings it keeps playing and for good reason. A modern cult classic.”

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Meanwhile a second fan of the film penned: “Genuinely love Jennifer’s Body. I feel like this movie was so misunderstood when it first came out because it’s so much more than just a horror movie. I love the mix of dark humour, gore, and the complicated friendship between Jennifer and Needy.”

They continued: “The movie also touches on female friendship, jealousy, and how women are treated, but in such a chaotic and entertaining way. Megan Fox was literally made for this role, and the whole aesthetic of the movie is everything.”

A third film fan simply said: “Cult classic for a reason,” as a fourth added: “Such an iconic 2000s movie never gets old.”

Jennifer’s Body is now streaming on Netflix. It will be removed from the platform after November 7.

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Small Group Sits as Jury on Would-Be Judges : Appointments: A little-known informal panel has quietly helped the governor pick 11 of the 27 jurists in the county courts.

For the past eight years, a small group of influential Ventura County Republicans has played a pivotal role in the selection of every new judge in the Superior and Municipal courts.

Working out of the public eye, this little-known group of judicial advisers has helped pick almost half the judges now serving in the Ventura County courts–its recommendations almost always accepted by Gov. George Deukmejian.

For the record:

12:00 a.m. Dec. 5, 1990 For the Record

Los Angeles Times Wednesday December 5, 1990 Ventura County Edition Metro Part B Page 4 Column 1 Zones Desk 2 inches; 58 words Type of Material: Correction

Local judges–An article Sunday incorrectly reported that all of the 11 local judges appointed by Gov. George Deukmejian are white and that nine of them are former prosecutors. In fact, Municipal Judge Herbert Curtis III is black, and the number of ex-prosecutors is eight. Superior Court Judge Kenneth R. Yegan, a former deputy public defender, was incorrectly identified as an ex-deputy district attorney.

The most influential of the advisers–according to several sources–is Dist. Atty. Michael D. Bradbury, who has helped secure judicial appointments for nine assistant prosecutors out of the 11 judgeships that have opened up since Deukmejian’s election in 1982.

In addition to Bradbury’s input, three of the county’s top Republican Party stalwarts serve as an informal judicial screening panel for Deukmejian.

They are Paul Leavens of Ventura, former county campaign chairman for Deukmejian; Gwen Tillemans of Oxnard, county Republican chairwoman; and Katherine H. Haley of Ojai, a major Republican fund-raiser.

The four have helped give a conservative and prosecution-oriented shape to the county’s bench for years to come, but whether they will enjoy a similar advisory role in the administration of Republican Gov.-elect Pete Wilson remains to be seen.

Leavens, Tillemans and Haley say that, in the informal structure of the county panel’s makeup, they see themselves as a separate panel of political advisers to the governor that usually checks with Bradbury before making judicial recommendations to Deukmejian.

Leavens is among those who candidly admit that Bradbury is probably the most influential of Deukmejian’s local advisers, an opinion shared by many in the legal community.

“The district attorney in Ventura County, as I recall, is a very influential person,” said Charles Vogel, president of the California Bar Assn. “I think that he’s not shy about expressing his views and I think that he will endeavor to influence the composition of the court, since it’s important to him.”

“It is not sufficient for Kay Haley to say, ‘Gee, I’d like you to make Chuck Campbell a judge now,’ ” said Wendy Lascher, president of the Ventura County Bar Assn., referring to Municipal Judge Charles W. Campbell Jr.

“That’s how the governor gets the ideas for choosing who to nominate, and if it comes down to one or the other it makes a difference,” Lascher added. “I suspect Mike Bradbury has had more influence than the rest of those people put together.”

And Leavens conceded:

“I would never send a recommendation to the governor without checking with Mike. He’s probably the most influential one of all. He’s in and out of the courts. He knows who they are.”

Bradbury downplays his role in picking the county’s judges, insisting that the governor’s office consults the local district attorney on judicial openings in every county in California.

That statement is supported by Terry Flanigan, the governor’s appointment secretary, but disputed by a spokeswoman for Dist. Atty. Ira Reiner in Los Angeles, a Democrat, who said Deukmejian never consults Reiner or any other Democratic head prosecutors around the state.

“I’m treated no differently than any other district attorney in the state . . . the governor’s office seeks our input and we provide it if we have the pertinent information,” Bradbury said. “The governor is clearly his own person when it comes to judge appointments and he does not simply rubber-stamp the recommendations of others.”

Nonetheless, Bradbury said that all 11 judges appointed by Deukmejian in the last eight years were recommended by him during the initial review process, including the nine former prosecutors from Bradbury’s office.

All the judges are white, nine of the 11 are Republicans and all but one are men.

Deukmejian appointed five out of the 15 sitting Superior Court judges, including Robert C. Bradley in 1984 and Barbara A. Lane, Kenneth R. Yegan, Frederick A. Jones and Edwin M. Osborne in 1986. All were elevated from Municipal Court positions. Osborne, a Democrat, is now presiding Superior Court judge.

Deukmejian also installed half of the 12 Ventura County Municipal Court judges, including Democrat Herbert Curtis III in 1984, John R. Smiley in 1986, Barry B. Klopfer in 1987, Charles W. Campbell Jr. and Ken W. Riley in 1988 and Thomas J. Hutchins in 1989.

Lane and Smiley, the only non-prosecutors, were appointed from private practice.

Bradbury’s influence in the judicial selection process, especially the elevation of Municipal Court judges to the Superior Court, brought an expression of concern from one expert on legal ethics, Dean Gerald F. Uelmen of the Santa Clara University School of Law.

“I wouldn’t go so far as to say it’s a conflict that should preclude him from serving on the committee, but I think it’s a legitimate concern,” Uelmen said. “The danger would be that a judge would be more reluctant to rule against the D.A. on an issue that comes before him, for fear that it would jeopardize his prospects for advancement.”

Bradbury retorted:

“Gerry’s comment is the typical BS that he throws out on this and every other issue where he takes a very pro-defense point of view. I’ve never had any judge try and curry favor with me for any reason.”

Bradbury said he has “a fairly combative relationship” with Ventura County’s judges who dislike the fact that his policy against plea bargaining forces 12% to 15% of cases to trial, compared with 5% to 7% in most other counties.

Bradbury vehemently insisted he is “not on any committee” and added that “my views do not carry the kind of weight people attribute to me.” He said that Deukmejian’s office also consults with Sheriff John V. Gillespie on some appointments. Gillespie was out of town and unavailable for comment.

Each of Deukmejian’s judicial appointees in Ventura County began the selection process by calling or being recommended by someone on the informal three-member review panel, Leavens said.

Panel members never meet to discuss their work, but they often call each other and Bradbury to confer on nominees, said Leavens, whose Ventura-based Leavens Ranches company owns more than 1,000 acres of citrus and avocado orchards in Ventura and Monterey counties.

Each sends a letter of recommendation to Deukmejian’s office only “after conversing with people that know these people and learning who is well-respected, who has a good reputation and who would not embarrass the governor,” Leavens said.

Haley, a third-generation Ventura County resident described by some as “Mrs. Republican” in Ventura County, said she agrees with Leavens’ description of their work.

“The gist of it is that when there were people who had contacted us that were interested in serving as a judge . . . we investigated whether they were qualified people who could do the job. We’d write a letter and send it to the governor,” Haley said. “He wouldn’t always take our suggestion.”

Bradbury said that party loyalties play no role in his recommendations to Deukmejian. As for the fact that nearly all of Ventura County’s judges are Republican, he said:

“I have a hunch it’s because people that go into law enforcement organizations, for example, prosecutors, tend to be Republican. But we’ve got our share of Democrats in the office.”

Although the three review panel members do not automatically reject Democrats, Leavens and Tillemans said they screen the legal records, family background and political views of potential nominees to make sure that they will hew to Republican philosophies.

“Through the years, we’ve had so many judges that were very lenient in so many ways . . . so we look for the good Republican principles,” Tillemans said. Asked to outline the principles that are reflected in nominees’ legal briefs and judicial rulings, she said, “It’s more government by the people than government for the people.”

However, the three said that they do not delve into nominees’ personal lives.

“The kind of people we were talking to were all law-abiding citizens that were well-known in the legal community. Besides, isn’t that against the law anyway?” Haley said. “I never had anybody talk to us that had murdered anybody or threw his wife downstairs.”

And Leavens said they do not concern themselves with the nominees’ drinking habits or marital fidelity. “I think those things you wouldn’t have to ask about. You’d hear about them from other sources. Anybody that wants to go up is essentially pretty clean.”

The process of settling on a recommendation can take four to six months, said Tillemans, who when not working for her party promotes housing developments for the Dolphin Group, a Los Angeles-based lobbying and public relations firm with strong Republican political connections.

“We go over their resumes and we recommend the ones who we think are suitable and then the governor’s appointment secretary looks over them and it goes to Deukmejian,” she said.

But before Deukmejian makes any appointment, each nominee is reviewed by the state Judicial Nominees Evaluation Commission, a panel of 20 lawyers and six lay people, which does extensive background checks.

The so-called Jenny Commission also reviews a seven-page questionnaire in which each nominee lists experience on the bench and at the bar, outlines political affiliations and personal history, and answers the question, “Why do you want to be a judge?”

Once that process ends, the commission rates each nominee as extremely well qualified, well qualified, qualified or “not ready for appointment at this time,” Flanigan said.

After reviewing the commission’s recommendations and letters on the nominees from local bar associations, the governor picks the nominee he feels is best suited for the slot, Flanigan said.

But this process could change in January–after what is sure to be a flurry of appointments by the outgoing Deukmejian–when Sen. Pete Wilson becomes governor, legal experts and Wilson associates agree.

Wilson has relied on an eight-member merit selection committee to make initial recommendations for federal judge appointments in the Central District of California. The panel included U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Cynthia Holcomb Hall, U.S. District Judge William D. Keller and California Supreme Court Justice Malcolm M. Lucas, who also served while a federal district judge.

Although critics on the federal bench challenged the propriety of letting federal judges help name their colleagues when the Wilson committee’s makeup was first revealed in 1986, the panel has continued to advise Wilson on federal judicial nominees. Federal judges are appointed by the President upon the recommendation of legislators.

And if Wilson’s taste in federal judges is any guide, his appointments to the state bench will differ to some degree from Deukmejian’s, said Vogel, the state bar association chief.

“It appears he is impressed with people who have good academic records,” Vogel said of Wilson. “If you look at his federal appointments, many of them were high achievers in college or law school.”

Vogel continued, “Deukmejian was the attorney general, he did work with prosecutors, he did work with government lawyers. He was pretty proud of them and felt somewhat in line with them and felt their expertise in government would fit them well in the bench.”

However, Wilson’s method of weeding out unwanted nominees probably will change for state appointees because state law requires nominees to be reviewed by the Jenny Commission, said John G. Davies, a San Diego lawyer who served as Wilson’s judicial selection adviser.

“Deukmejian and all the other governors in my lifetime have had local screening committees. I have no idea what Pete’s intentions are on that,” Davies said.

“We have over 4,000 judicial applications on file for Deukmejian,” Flanigan said. He predicted the lame-duck governor will fill many of the judicial vacancies before leaving office. “I think he’ll look at it as his greatest legacy.”

The retirement last week of Presiding Municipal Judge Lee E. Cooper Jr. virtually guarantees that Deukmejian’s local advisers will have further impact on the bench before Wilson takes office.

The Jenny Commission already has pumped nominees through the pipeline and readied them for the governor’s final approval, and the local advisers have made their recommendations for new openings, Bradbury said.

“It’s my sense that Deukmejian will fill every opening that he has available before he leaves office because the judiciary was a very important issue for him,” Bradbury said.

Once Wilson takes office, he will find the California justice system far larger and more of a challenge–with 1,500 judgeships–than the federal system he is accustomed to, said Flanigan, the governor’s appointment secretary.

Flanigan, who has been asked to keep his job through the first year of Wilson’s term, said that relying on a fixed group of people for input “would not be reasonable,” even though “there are lawyers and non-lawyers who we may talk to in the Deukmejian or future Wilson administration.” The ideal situation, he said, “is to talk to as broad a group as possible.”

Flanigan said the work of local advisers such as Bradbury, Leavens, Tillemans and Haley is vital to selecting the nominees that his office sends to the Jenny Commission–that is, the nominees who have a shot at being appointed by the governor.

“Wilson will follow the same road as Deukmejian in appointing conservative judges,” Tillemans predicted, “and we’re on that governor’s council now.”

Leavens’ wife, Carolyn Leavens, who was chairwoman of Wilson’s campaign in Ventura County, said she made a recommendation on one of Deukmejian’s judicial appointees–a duty she would gladly repeat for Wilson.

Bradbury, who actively campaigned for Wilson this year, said he is uncertain what his role will be in helping the new governor select future Ventura County judges.

But he added, “I would hope that Sen. Wilson would continue to seek the input of local public officials.”

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Elon Musk quietly becomes biggest known donor in midterm contests as he tries to save Republicans

Elon Musk, the world’s only trillionaire, has quietly become the biggest known donor in this year’s midterm elections, doling out more than $276 million since July to try to save Republican majorities in Congress.

The numbers, first reported by the New York Times ahead of this week’s federal filing deadline, were confirmed by Andrew Romeo, a spokesperson for Musk’s super PAC.

The money includes $158 million given to the Senate Leadership Fund, the main super PAC supporting Republican Senate candidates, one of the largest known political donations in American history, according to the Times.

Another $76 million went to America PAC, a Musk super PAC, which has once again built out a major turnout operation like the one it used to help elect President Trump by knocking on doors in 2024.

Musk also provided $10 million to Lone Star Liberty PAC, a group that supports the Republican nominee for Senate in Texas, Ken Paxton. The race has been a major focus of Musk’s efforts.

It’s a dramatic turnaround since last May, when Musk said he intended to cut back on future political spending. “I think I’ve done enough,” he said at the time.

Despite the cash infusion, Musk has generally kept a lower profile than in 2024, when he appeared on stage next to Trump at rallies, and in the early days of the president’s second term, when he led the Department of Government Efficiency.

He had a falling out with Trump while leaving his government post, but the two have since reconciled. Trump presented Musk with the National Medal of Science last week.

Musk’s net worth has fluctuated around the trillion-dollar line this year based on changes in stock prices, but he topped $1 trillion again last week according to Forbes magazine.

Republican have a gaping financial advantage over their Democratic counterparts — a disparity that has been a rare bright spot for a party that is bracing for major potential losses amid deep voter frustration over the president’s performance, stubbornly high prices and the unpopular war with Iran.

They have been using the money to blanket the airwaves in the race’s final stretch.

“These robust investments have allowed the G.O.P. apparatus to get its message out so Republicans can have a fighting chance to defy history,” Romeo told the Times.

Democrats responded to the news by accusing Republicans of using vast amounts of cash to mask their shortcomings.

“Republicans are hoping to buy these elections, injecting tens of millions into races to try and outrun their unpopular candidates, unpopular president, and unpopular economy,” said Lauren French, a spokesperson for Democrats’ Senate Majority PAC.

Colvin writes for the Associated Press.

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