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The World Cup continues on Saturday, with Brazil beginning their campaign and three more group-stage matches taking place across North America.

Brazil take on Morocco in the day’s biggest match, while Qatar face Switzerland, Haiti meet Scotland and Australia play Turkiye as more teams get their tournaments under way.

Away from the football, there has been plenty to talk about. Donald Trump skipped the United States’ opener, former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was at the US game instead of Canada’s, and Ghana midfielder Thomas Partey will miss his team’s first match after Canada denied his visa application.

In Peru, police made headlines after carrying out a drug raid dressed as World Cup mascots.

Here is what to know:

What’s the World Cup schedule on June 13?

Qatar take on Switzerland at BC Place in Vancouver, with kickoff scheduled for 12pm local time (19:00 GMT).

Later, Brazil face Morocco at MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey. The Group C clash kicks off at 6pm local time (22:00 GMT).

The day’s action concludes with Haiti meeting Scotland at AT&T Stadium in Arlington, Texas. Kickoff is set for 8pm local time (01:00 GMT on June 14).

Australia and Turkiye then get Group D under way at Lumen Field in Seattle, with kickoff at 9pm local time (04:00 GMT on June 14).

What do the predictions say for Brazil vs Morocco?

Brazil and Morocco have only faced each other once before at a World Cup, with Brazil winning their 1998 group-stage meeting. Morocco got their revenge in a 2-1 friendly win in 2023.

Brazil have won seven of their eight World Cup matches against African opponents, with their only defeat coming against Cameroon in 2022.

The five-time champions have not lifted the trophy since 2002. Since then, they have usually exited in the quarterfinals, apart from their run to the 2014 semifinals.

Opta’s 25,000 simulations give Brazil a 57.7 percent chance of winning. A draw happened in 23.5 percent of the projections, while Morocco won in 18.8 percent.

The winner could put themselves in a strong position to top Group C.

What do the predictions say for Qatar vs Switzerland?

Qatar and Switzerland have met only once before, with Qatar claiming a 1-0 friendly win in 2018 thanks to a late goal from Akram Afif. Afif is among nine players from that squad still in Qatar’s 2026 World Cup team, while Switzerland have seven survivors from that defeat, including Granit Xhaka and Remo Freuler.

Opta’s 25,000 simulations make Switzerland the clear favourites in this Group B clash, giving them a 76.0 percent chance of victory. Qatar won just 9.1 percent of the projections, while 14.9 percent ended in a draw.

A point would likely be considered a positive result for the Gulf side.

What do the predictions say for Australia vs Turkiye?

Australia and Turkiye have met only twice before, with Turkiye winning both friendlies in 2004. Turkiye have also won all four of their previous World Cup matches against Asian opponents.

Opta’s 10,000 simulations give Turkiye a 55.3 percent chance of victory, compared with 20.5 percent for Australia and 24.1 percent for a draw.

Neither side has a strong record in World Cup openers, however. Turkiye have lost both of their previous first matches, while Australia have lost five of their six opening games.

What do the predictions say for Haiti vs Scotland?

Haiti and Scotland have never faced each other before, making this one of several first-time matchups at the expanded 48-team World Cup. It will also be Haiti’s first-ever game against a team from the British Isles.

Opta’s 25,000 simulations make Scotland clear favourites, giving them a 59.0 percent chance of victory. Haiti won 19.2 percent of the projections, while 21.8 percent ended in a draw.

What else is shaping the World Cup?

The football has only just started, but the World Cup is already making headlines away from the pitch, too.

Trump did not attend the US World Cup opener

The US president did not attend the US men’s national team’s World Cup opener against Paraguay in Los Angeles.

His absence drew attention because Trump has recently attended several high-profile sporting events, including Game 3 of the NBA Finals earlier this week. He is also expected to host a UFC event at the White House on Sunday.

A White House official said Trump instead plans to attend the World Cup final on July 19 at MetLife Stadium in East Rutherford, New Jersey.

The US president called into a USMNT team meeting with some words of support via Andrew Giuliani, the White House’s World Cup task force CEO.

Partey denied entry into Canada

Ghana midfielder Thomas Partey will miss his country’s World Cup opener against Panama after Canada denied his visa application while he awaits trial in the United Kingdom on multiple rape charges, which he denies.

FIFA confirmed on Friday that the 32-year-old would not be permitted to travel from Ghana’s base camp in Smithfield, Rhode Island, to Toronto for Wednesday’s match.

“His visa application has been refused by the Canadian government,” FIFA said in a statement.

“FIFA is not involved in the immigration processes of host countries, including the adjudication of visas. As with previous FIFA events, the host government ultimately determines who receives a visa and is admitted into the country.”

Trudeau attends the US’s World Cup

As Canada and the US kicked off their World Cup campaigns on the same day, former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was in California rather than Toronto.

The 54-year-old did not attend Canada’s 1-1 draw with Bosnia and Herzegovina at BMO Field. Instead, he was at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood alongside pop singer Katy Perry, who performed during the pre-match opening ceremony before the US faced Paraguay.

Peruvian officers use World Cup mascot costumes in Lima drug bust

Peruvian police have gone viral after carrying out a drug raid in Lima dressed as World Cup mascots.

Video shared by police showed officers dressed as World Cup mascots breaking through a metal gate with a battering ram before entering the property.

Once inside, they arrested a suspected drug dealer and recovered weapons and bags of what authorities believe were narcotics.

The World Cup may be decided on the pitch, but another competition is already under way off it: Which host city has the best food?

In a report for Al Jazeera, Lou Browne travelled across North America to find out what fans can expect beyond the stadiums.

In Mexico City, taco vendors are hoping the tournament brings more customers. “Well, now the World Cup is coming, and we hope we’ll get customers,” a tortilla cook at El Califa de Leon told Al Jazeera. “I imagine there will be a lot of people, foreigners or locals.”

Philadelphia is proudly backing its famous Philly cheesesteak. Locals say visitors should learn how to order properly. “You want to tell them what kind of cheese you want,” Anthony Rossi, a cook at Geno’s Steaks, explained. “And you say if you want onions, which is ‘wit’ or ‘wit-out’ … Keep it simple.”

Across the border, Toronto is making the case for poutine, the Canadian dish of fries topped with gravy and cheese curds. “Poutine is the … not the best … dish, but poutine is from Canada,” said Lisa Deni, a French tourist.

In Kansas City, barbecue is a point of pride. “This is really good,” diner Camilla Thomas said. “We’ve been enjoying coming here. and bringing people from out of town here and giving them a little taste of Kansas City.”

And in Miami, locals insist the Cuban sandwich is a must-try. “The Cuban sandwich, croquetas, and cafecito are really the way to go,” said Daniel Figueredo, cofounder of Sanguich. “The Cuban sandwich really is the thing you have to have when you come to Miami.”

For fans travelling across North America this summer, the hardest choice may not be picking the World Cup winner, but deciding which host city serves the best food.

As Washington and Tehran move towards a long-term ceasefire agreement, Gulf states will likely look for new long-term security solutions when a war in their region – which they did not start – finally ends.

It comes as United States President Donald Trump cancelled new strikes on Iran saying that a deal with Tehran was imminent, and that a “time” and “place” for signing would soon be announced.

In Tehran, officials appeared more cautious with one senior Iranian official telling Al Jazeera that the government was still reviewing a proposed Memorandum of Understanding with Washington.

Subsequent comments by Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif point to a deal being made, and what follows in the coming days could have important implications for collective regional security.

Attacks on the Gulf

The United States operates military facilities in at least 19 locations across the MENA region, including permanent bases in Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, according to the Council on Foreign Relations. Between 40,000 and 50,000 US troops were stationed across the region before the war on Iran started.

This US-Gulf nexus appeared to insulate states from conflicts engulfing other parts of the region, but over the past four months, Gulf states hosting US military facilities have been targeted by Iran.

“If there is a way to describe the prevailing security model in the region since the 1980s, the concept of security partnerships best encapsulates it,” said Mahjoub Al-Zuwairi, an academic and expert on Middle East politics.

“The countries of the region have chosen to align their security with broad international alliances. For decades, this model has provided a reasonable deterrent and logistical and intelligence depth that is difficult to replace.”

A security umbrella with holes

The war on Iran has exposed a paradox – while Iranian officials have repeatedly referred to their Gulf neighbours as “brothers”, they have also repeatedly targeted them during the war.

Despite the protestations of Gulf states that no attacks on Iran were launched from their soil, they have been repeatedly targeted.

At least 28 people have been killed across the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states in suspected Iranian drone and rocket attacks, since the US and Israel launched their offensive on Iran on 28 February. This has led to questions about the US-Gulf security arrangement.

“Just the war itself has pierced that sense of security, the US security umbrella is moribund at worst, or ineffective at best,” Simon Mabon, professor of international relations at Lancaster University, told Al Jazeera.

“They’ve long relied on it for their own security. Yet the presence of US forces on their territory directly meant they became targets. They can’t escape their geography [and] despite the tensions, despite the hostilities, despite the attacks, Iran isn’t going away. They have to find a way of dealing with this reality.”

The economic cost of war

The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has proven be a setback for some Gulf states working to diversify their energy-reliant economies towards tourism, services and finance, but not all have been affected equally.

Saudi Arabia was able to redirect some oil exports through its East-West pipeline to the Red Sea, while Oman – whose main ports are outside the Strait of Hormuz – has also benefited from rising energy prices.

The UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar have been more heavily affected due to their dependence on the waterway for their energy exports, but the war has encouraged new thinking on long-standing security and economic arrangements.

“There are new pipelines being set up, but the capacity of these alternatives is infinitely smaller than the Strait itself,” said Mabon. “It will take enormous investment and years of development before they can come close to replacing it.”

Moving closer to Iran?

One possible lesson from the conflict is that Gulf states may seek engagement with Iran rather than confrontation, something that Gulf states had already made some groundwork on before the US-Israel war began.

The UAE restored diplomatic ties with Tehran in 2022, and a year later, Saudi Arabia and Iran agreed to normalise relations in a deal brokered by China.

Al-Zuwairi says that the conflict could revive plans for MENA-led regional security arrangements, as envisioned in the 2019 Hormuz Peace Initiative, which proposed a Gulf security framework involving Iran, Iraq and the six GCC states.

But the distrust fostered since then – notably Tehran’s strikes on its Gulf neighbours – would make such a formation unlikely in the near future. 

“The recent war has opened the door wide to reconsidering the Gulf security system with its neighbours,” Al-Zuwairi said.

“How can Tehran propose a non-aggression pact while raining missiles on neighbouring cities? The initiative appears theoretically sound but practically bankrupt unless Iranian behaviour changes.”

Looking beyond Washington?

The solution for the Gulf could be a hybrid arrangement where ties with Washington are maintained, but other regional and domestic options are explored, including greater investment in local defence industries.

A possible blueprint for this could be the mutual defence agreement between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan last September, stating that an attack on one country would be considered an attack on both.

Yet previous instances when Gulf states felt abandoned by the US have led to divergent responses, with the UAE and Bahrain deepening ties with Israel, but a new paradigm means that a more collective action to the issue of security might be considered.

“The war has demonstrated that every guarantor, no matter how many banners it flies, primarily protects its own interests,” said Al-Zuwairi.

“The region ends up paying the price for a war it did not choose … The security of the Gulf will not be created in Washington … It will be created when Gulf countries recognise that they must build it themselves, because when fires start, it is always those closest to the flames who pay the price.”

The Washington institution cut its global growth forecast by 0.4 percentage points to 2.5 percent, citing surging energy prices, inflation and borrowing costs.

The conflict in the Middle East is set to bring global economic growth to its slowest since the COVID-19 pandemic, the World Bank has warned.

In its latest Global Economic Prospects report, published on Thursday, the Washington-based institution cut its global growth forecast for 2026 to 2.5 percent from the 2.9 percent it had predicted in January, citing surging energy prices, rising inflation and higher borrowing costs.

The report highlights the significant economic costs of the conflict, which is at risk of flaring up again, as the fragile ceasefire between the United States and Iran is tested on both sides.

The analysis warns that the outlook could decline further if supply disruptions worsen. Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz – a vital passageway for oil and gas transit – in response to the hostilities launched by the US and Israel has put huge stress upon global energy and other supply chains.

The World Bank estimates that Brent crude prices — the international oil benchmark — will average $94 a barrel this year, 36 percent above last year’s average. Fertiliser prices are forecast to increase significantly this year, with knock-on effects for food prices.

Overall, the closure of the strategic waterway will help to push global inflation to 4 percent this year, a substantial increase from last year’s rate of 3.3 percent.

However, the World Bank cautions that global growth could plummet to as low as 1.3 percent this year, should energy supply disruptions worsen, with inflation pushing to 4.4 percent.

The World Bank report also cautions that developing countries are on the front line of the potential impact.

In its report, the institution has downgraded its growth forecasts for two-thirds of countries since January. Global growth is expected to improve to 2.8 percent in 2027, but will remain 0.4 percentage points below the average during the 2010s, during which the world economy was recovering from the global financial crisis.

Excluding China and India, the report worries that developing countries have made little progress towards narrowing their per capita income gap with wealthy nations over the past decade.

“Developing countries have faced a series of challenges over the last decade,” said Ajay Banga, president of the World Bank Group. “The impact differs by country, but the basic test is the same: protect people and preserve stability today, without giving up on growth and jobs tomorrow.”

The World Bank is pledging to assist any developing country experiencing the economic fallout of the Middle East conflict. The organisation says it has set aside up to $60bn to help. It added that if the conflict persists, it can increase its support to $100bn.

Tim Ream is the only player on the American World Cup team who was alive the last time the tournament was played in the U.S. But he was only 5, so the memories are kind of sketchy.

“I remember bits and pieces of 1994,” he said.

Still, it’s fallen on Ream, as both the captain and the oldest man on the roster, to prepare the team for what they’re about to experience when the U.S. opens play Friday at SoFi Stadium.

“I’ve tried to tell guys and tried to convey the message that this is a once-in-a-career [opportunity] and with that comes more expectation, more pressure,” he said. “But at the same time we have to enjoy it.

“It’s about just opening your eyes and taking everything in because this is unique, this is completely different from anything that any of us as players has experienced.”

Only 22 men in history have suited up for a home World Cup game on U.S. soil. Players including Alexi Lalas, Eric Wynalda, Cobi Jones and Marcelo Balboa parlayed that fame into broadcasting careers. Others have become coaches. Fifteen of them were inducted into the National Soccer Hall of Fame.

Ream, who played in the last World Cup in Qatar, said it’s difficult to compare the experience of that tournament with this one — especially since this one hasn’t started yet.

“It’s not our first rodeo, but it’s our first one on U.S. soil,” he said. “So it’s kind of our first rodeo in a way. It’s exciting.

“So take it in, enjoy it, embrace everything that it is. Because it’s so unique, it’s so special. And it’s not something that we will ever get to do again.”

Midfielder Cristian Roldan was also at the last World Cup, although he didn’t appear in a game. He says the energy is different this time around.

“You feel it when you’re there. You’re kind of isolated, you’re alone,” said Roldan, one of 13 players on this team who were also on the team in Qatar, half a world away. “But it’s different here. You see how many media members are here. You see how many people we’ve seen in training over the last few weeks. You feel that energy, you feel that support.

“Now it’s about translating that energy, that support, that pressure into something good.”

Goalkeeper Matt Turner agreed.

“This one, obviously, it’s a lot more tangible,” he told reporters Tuesday. “You guys are all here, right, real close to us. We have 5,000 fans for training yesterday. It’s very different. In Qatar, you’re in a lot more of a bubble.

“But us players, the ones that had the [World Cup] experiences, I think we’ve done a really good job of keeping that boundary.”

What’s lacking this time, Turner said, was the pressure of a qualifying campaign to bring the team together. Because the U.S. is one of the three host countries — alongside Mexico and Canada — it was assured a spot in 48-team field when it won the right to stage the tournament eight years ago. As a result it hasn’t played a competitive game in more than 11 months.

“The intensity of those games, the environments that you have to dip into and get results, you find out a lot about the players and find out a lot about the team,” he said. “This time around, it’s been different. We’ve had a lot of different looks, a lot of different players getting a chance to prove themselves and show themselves.

“It’s not anything bad or good. I just think it was a little bit different.”

Striker Folarin Balogun, one of 13 World Cup newbies on the U.S. team, said he doesn’t expect the gravity of the experience to hit him until he lines up for Friday’s opening game with Paraguay.

“It’s probably going to start to go more real to me when I’m preparing to go on to the pitch,” he said, sitting behind a table next to Ream. “I’m hearing the fans shouting and screaming, so I definitely think it’ll be real to me the closer I get.

“But you know, this is the first opportunity for me to play in the World Cup so I don’t really have any expectations.”

Balogun then looked over at a frowning Ream, who had just finished urging his teammates to be sure to stop and smell the flowers along this World Cup journey.

“Just trying to stay present, stay in the moment,” Balogun hastened to add. “You know, enjoying the experience. I think it can be a really memorable World Cup.”

Guillermo “Memo” Ochoa has experienced nearly everything a Mexican soccer player could imagine. World Cups, titles, criticism, adulation, impossible saves and nights when he practically carried the weight of an entire national team on his own. But at 40, the legendary Guadalajara-born goalkeeper seems to be looking toward the end of his career with a different kind of calm. No drama. No exaggerated nostalgia. Like someone who knows exactly what he has achieved and what he still wants to give to Mexican soccer before saying goodbye.

The Mexican goalkeeper recently confirmed that the 2026 World Cup will be the last of his career with the Mexican national team and likely also as a professional soccer player, thus closing a career that will place him on a list reserved for few names in soccer history.

If he manages to play at least one minute in this summer’s tournament hosted by Mexico, the United States and Canada, Ochoa will have appeared in six World Cups — a feat he would share only with figures like Lionel Messi and Cristiano Ronaldo. Though the goalkeeper himself makes it clear that he never puts himself on the same level as those legends.

“Being on that exclusive list would of course be fantastic on a personal level, but it would be even nicer and more interesting if people remember in the future that a Mexican shares that list with them,” Ochoa said.

Mexican goalkeeper Guillermo Ochoa lays down and collects the ball during a friendly against Australia at the Rose Bowl on May 30.

(Ronaldo Bolanos/Los Angeles Times)

“They’re light years ahead of me in terms of what they’ve done in their careers, the goals they’ve scored, the titles they’ve won. I don’t compare myself to them at all. But the best thing would be if, one day, we could see a Mexican on that list.”

After being left out of some recent call-ups with the Mexican national team and facing doubts about his future beyond the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, the veteran goalkeeper found a second soccer life in Europe.

First came the opportunity to play in Italy’s Serie A with US Salernitana 1919 and later he continued his career in Cyprus with AEL Limassol, staying physically sharp and keeping alive the possibility of reaching another World Cup.

“After the World Cup in Qatar, I thought to myself, ‘Let’s see what happens.’ Then the chance to play in Italy’s Serie A came up and I thought, ‘I’m not that far off anymore; I’m very close to the next World Cup,’” said Ochoa, who previously played for Club América.

“That’s when my mind said, ‘I can make it, I feel good, I’m in good shape, let’s go for it.’ But this is going to be my last one. Now there’s no turning back.”

Mexican goalkeeper Guillermo Ochoa directs his teammates during a corner kick against Australia at the Rose Bowl on May 30.

(Ronaldo Bolanos/Los Angeles Times)

Ochoa spoke about the announcement without a solemn tone. His history with Mexico spans practically an entire generation of fans. He made his professional debut with Club América in 2004 and appeared in his first World Cup two years later in Germany. Since then, he has gone from a young backup to an absolute icon for El Tri on the World Cup stage.

During the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, he delivered perhaps the most iconic performance of his career, becoming a hero against the host nation and stopping everything Neymar and company threw at him in Fortaleza. Four years later, in Russia, he delivered another memorable night in Mexico’s victory over Germany, stopping the reigning world champions. And in Qatar, he added another iconic moment by stopping Polish star Robert Lewandowski’s penalty kick.

Now, as Ochoa prepares for what could be his final World Cup on home soil, he insists that the goal is to maintain that level of excellence.

“That’s the standard, that’s the bar,” he said of his historic performances. “The intention is to be at that level. If I’m on the field, I have to do it. I have to be ready to perform at that level. And if I’m not called upon to do so, I’ll help and support.”

Because although his name remains one of the most important in the recent history of Mexican soccer, the starting spot no longer belongs to him. Mexican coach Javier Aguirre has publicly insisted that Ochoa will have to compete for minutes like any other player.

“I have to earn it,” Ochoa recently told reporters.

Meanwhile, the veteran goalkeeper also enjoys the chance to look back and laugh at all the stories from his nearly two decades of World Cup training camps.

Because behind the serious figure who stands between the posts lies a player who has experienced practically everything at the World Cups.

“We’ve been through it all,” he recalled with a laugh.

He spoke of animals climbing through the windows at training camps and impromptu matches on Brazilian beaches.

“In South Africa, we had to use golf carts. You have no idea the races we had in those carts that people didn’t see. We ended up with the carts overturned all over the training camp,” he recalled. “In Brazil, we’d have friendly matches on the beach after some games. It’s been so many years that it’s not hard to remember so many things — good, bad, silly — but it’s been a lot of fun.”

The combination of longevity, outgoing personality and historic performances made Ochoa one of the most recognizable Mexican soccer players of the last two decades. For many fans outside Mexico, the surname Ochoa is synonymous with the World Cup.

Mexican goalkeeper Guillermo Ochoa plays a ball during a training session on March 26.

(Marco Ugarte / Associated Press)

Even among international fans, there is special recognition of the Mexican goalkeeper due to his ability to rise to the occasion on the biggest stages.

But far from getting caught up in nostalgia, Ochoa is beginning to envision what comes after retirement.

While he admits it will be practically impossible to completely detach himself from soccer, he said there are important things to accomplish off the field.

“Stepping away from soccer is difficult. My name and my image are associated with soccer,” he acknowledged.

“There are many projects ahead. I’m someone who likes to make long-term agreements and plans. When you share values and goals, it’s easier to work together.”

For now, however, he said his full focus is solely on the World Cup.

“We can’t get distracted by other things,” he said. “The least the national team and the upcoming tournament deserve is for us to be 100% focused on that.”

Mexico arrives at the World Cup with enormous expectations and a lot of pressure as one of the tournament’s hosts. And although the spotlight will naturally fall on a new generation of players, Ochoa represents a bridge between different eras of Mexican soccer.

From the young, long-haired goalkeeper who appeared in Germany 2006 to the veteran leader who now seeks to cap his career at home, Ochoa has built a career that would be difficult for any Mexican soccer player to replicate.

An imperfect career, yes, but also one of profound resilience.

It is fitting that his farewell comes with one more World Cup — the stage where he became a legend.

Hamas says it will not hand over its weapons right now, resisting ongoing disarmament demands and stating that the ultimate fate of its military arsenal will be decided following comprehensive discussions with other Palestinian factions.

In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera, Husam Badran, a member of the Hamas political bureau, offered an inside look into the group’s proposed solutions to the stalled negotiations, introducing the concept of a long-term hudna (truce).

“When this Palestinian committee [the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG)] comes to take over the Gaza Strip, there will be no visible weapons in the streets and alleys of Gaza except the official weapons belonging to this committee, which is the official Palestinian police, ” Badran told Al Jazeera. “There will be no armed manifestations like the ones we were accustomed to in the Gaza Strip.”

But he clarified that this did not mean a formal surrender of arms.

“We are not talking about handing them over; we are talking about, at least, weapons not being visible except for the official weapons of the Palestinian police,” he said. “The details of this matter will be discussed within a national framework.”

The Hamas stance comes as an informed source told Al Jazeera that the group is preparing to send its delegation to Cairo for renewed talks, which are set to begin this weekend. Hamas had briefly delayed its participation to demand a halt to ongoing Israeli assassinations—such as the recent killings of military commanders Izz al-Din al-Haddad and Mohammed Odeh—to ensure a more favourable negotiating environment.

The disarmament of Hamas and the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza remain the biggest sticking points in the United States-brokered October 2025 ceasefire plan.

Factional consensus in Cairo

The upcoming Cairo meetings will gather eight key Palestinian factions to form a unified national stance. Badran confirmed the attendance of representatives from Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), the PFLP-GC, the National Initiative, the Popular Resistance Committees (PRC), and the Democratic Reform Current affiliated with the Fatah movement.

These talks aim to salvage the ceasefire originally proposed by United States President Donald Trump. However, Badran noted that Israel has failed to implement even 30 percent of its phase one obligations, making any transition to subsequent phases impossible.

“We are talking about humanitarian aid … the Rafah crossing mechanism, the infrastructure, and the assassinations,” Badran explained. “The idea was a comprehensive ceasefire, but around 1,000 people have been killed. Saying Israel implemented even 30 percent is an overstatement.”

Only 150 to 250 aid trucks are entering the Gaza Strip daily instead of the agreed-upon 600, while the critical infrastructure for electricity, hospitals and fuel remains completely decimated.

The ‘disarmament’ deadlock

While Palestinian factions demand the fulfilment of these phase one survival metrics, Israeli officials and Nickolay Mladenov, the high representative for Gaza on Trump’s “Board of Peace”, are conditioning the transition to phase two on the disarmament of armed groups.

To break the deadlock, Mladenov recently presented a 15-point “roadmap” built by the ceasefire guarantors. In a May 2026 briefing to the United Nations Security Council, Mladenov defended the plan, emphasising that its architecture rests on a strict principle of reciprocity and verification. Addressing Palestinian concerns, Mladenov clarified that the roadmap explicitly dictates that “no Palestinian armed group will be required to transfer its weapons to Israel”. Instead, the decommissioning of weapons would be gradual, sequenced, and Palestinian-led, with all arms transferred to the NCAG.

Mladenov outlined that this disarmament process is tied directly to an Israeli military pullback. The plan commits Israel to a phased withdrawal of its forces to Gaza’s perimeter on an agreed timetable, conditional upon verified progress on decommissioning and the deployment of an International Stabilization Force (ISF) to act as a buffer.

Mladenov warned the UNSC of the severe consequences of rejecting the roadmap. With 85 percent of Gaza’s buildings damaged or destroyed, he stressed that “reconstruction financing will not follow where weapons have not been laid down”. Without an agreement, he cautioned, Gaza will remain divided, with Hamas holding administrative control over less than half the territory.

‘Negotiation time’ and Israeli expansion

However, Palestinians view this 15-point framework as a stalling tactic designed to extract concessions while Israel deepens its occupation. Palestinian political analyst Wissam Afifa told Al Jazeera that Israel is exploiting “negotiation time” to exhaust the population through continuous escalation.

“They shifted from Trump’s 20 points to a new square, the 15-point square, which revolves entirely around one single clause: disarmament,” Afifa explained. He noted that the Palestinian resistance has been cornered and asked to make major concessions without real guarantees, while the Israeli government uses the talks to advance its territorial goals.

According to Afifa, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is weaponising the negotiations for domestic electoral gains, expanding Israel’s control from 60 percent of Gaza to 70 percent or more. This expansion is happening while oversight mechanisms, such as the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC), have completely failed and paralysed the monitoring process.

“We are facing a scenario where the occupation has reshaped the ceasefire on its own terms,” Afifa said, adding that Mladenov has in effect adopted the Israeli and American vision by demanding disarmament without offering a clear political horizon for “the day after”.

The National Committee hurdle

This ongoing expansion complicates the transition of power. Amid accusations that Hamas is clinging to power, the group’s spokesperson, Hazem Qassem, reiterated that Hamas is fully prepared to hand over all governance and security responsibilities to the Cairo-based National Committee. Badran confirmed that Hamas has prepared all necessary administrative and security files for the transfer.

However, the NCAG itself faces massive operational barriers and has become, as Afifa described, a “hostage” to Israeli pressure.

A member of the committee, speaking to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, firmly denied reports that the body would enter Gaza soon, outlining strict conditions for assuming power. The committee categorically refuses to operate behind the Israeli-controlled “Yellow Line” or to cooperate with Israeli-backed armed militias currently operating in the Strip, the source said.

Furthermore, the source stressed that the committee will not enter Gaza until the International Stabilization Force is deployed in the buffer zones separating Israeli forces from Palestinian areas.

While the political deadlock continues, the human toll mounts. Mladenov acknowledged in his UN briefing that ceasefire violations continue to kill civilians and obstruct humanitarian access.

Since the ceasefire took effect, ongoing Israeli military actions have killed 933 Palestinians and injured 2,868, raising the total death toll since October 2023 to 72,942, with 172,967 people injured.

Qatar’s Deputy Prime Minister Sheikh Saoud bin Abdulrahman bin Hassan bin Ali Al Thani has told the Shangri-La Dialogue that his country would oppose a permanent toll for passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

He added that Qatar would find a temporary fee negotiable, if it was to be used to help reopen the waterway, by removing sea mines, for example.

Republic of Ireland midfielder Jamie McGrath says he expects the controversy surrounding the side’s upcoming Israel fixtures to “heat up” after Thursday’s friendly win over Qatar was disrupted.

The Aviva Stadium game – which the Republic of Ireland won 1-0 thanks to Nathan Collins’ early header – was twice briefly interrupted in the first half when home fans threw tennis balls featuring the Palestine flag on to the pitch.

After the game, RTE reported that protesters were ejected from the ground, and McGrath expects more backlash before the Republic of Ireland face Israel in a neutral venue on 27 September and 4 October in Dublin in the Nations League.

Earlier this week, Republic of Ireland stalwart Seamus Coleman said the situation “should have been dealt with above us”.

“I obviously listened to Seamus’ interview and I think he was spot on,” McGrath told BBC Sport NI.

“It’s obviously a unique scenario. The people [protesters], we have to listen to them, they have the right to do what they do, as long as it’s done in a peaceful way, that’s all that matters.

“I’m sure it’s going to heat up over the next few months. Like I said, we don’t want to be put into a position. Hopefully the powers above us can work something out or use it for the greater good, I’m not sure what the process will be as it heats up.

“At the end of the day, we’re footballers and we don’t want to be caught in this, but sometimes we might have to.”

Coach Ouahbi drew heavily on the country’s diaspora in Europe where majority of the 26 players he selected were born.

Paris Saint-Germain defender Achraf Hakimi was among nine players from Morocco’s history-making 2022 World Cup squad named for the 2026 tournament in North America.

Morocco coach Mohamed Ouahbi, who was only hired in March, drew heavily on the country’s diaspora in Europe, where the majority of the 26 players he selected were born.

Ouahbi was himself born in Belgium, while Hakimi and Real Madrid forward Brahim Diaz are among five players in the squad born in Spain and whose family ties make them eligible for Morocco.

Three of Morocco’s squad – Fulham defender Issa Diop, PSV Eindhoven defender Anass Salah-Eddine and 18-year-old Lille midfielder Ayyoub Bouaddi – had their change of national eligibility approved by FIFA in the past nine months. Diaz has played for Morocco since 2024 after previously representing Spain.

Morocco will be based in New Jersey where it opens against Brazil on June 13 in East Rutherford. The Atlas Lions then play Scotland in Massachusetts and finish Group C against Haiti on June 24, in Atlanta. The top two in the standings go directly to the round of 16, and the third-place team also could advance.

At the 2022 World Cup, when it was coached by Walid Regragui, Morocco made history as the first semifinalist at the tournament from Africa.

Morocco topped its group ahead of Croatia and Belgium, then shocked Spain and Portugal in the knockout rounds before an injury-hit team lost to France.

Goalkeeper Yassine Bounou, who impressed in Qatar, returns for his third World Cup at age 35.

Morocco will go to the United States as the African champion – for now. That title, awarded in a legal case, could be lost within months at the Court of Arbitration for Sport, where Senegal has appealed to regain its victory won on the field in January in Morocco.

After losing the final to Senegal four months ago, Regragui stepped down and was replaced by Ouahbi, who guided Morocco to the Under-20 World Cup title last year. That team that beat Argentina in the final included Strasbourg forward Gessime Yassine, whom Ouhabi picked again on Tuesday.

Morocco will play at the 2030 World Cup as a cohost with Spain and Portugal. South American neighbours Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay – the original tournament host in 1930 – get one game each to host at that edition as part of a commemorative recognition for their contributions to World Cup history.

Morocco World Cup roster

Goalkeepers: Yassine Bounou (Al-Hilal), Munir El Kajoui (RS Berkane), Ahmed Reda Tagnaouti (AS FAR)

Defenders: Noussair Mazraoui (Manchester United), Anass Salah-Eddine (PSV Eindhoven), Youssef Belammari (Al Ahly), Achraf Hakimi (Paris Saint-Germain), Zakaria El Ouahdi (Genk), Nayef Aguerd (Marseille), Chadi Riad (Crystal Palace), Redouane Halhal (Mechelen), Issa Diop (Fulham)

Midfielders: Samir El Mourabet (Strasbourg), Ayyoub Bouaddi (Lille), Neil El Aynaoui (Roma), Sofyan Amrabat (Real Betis), Azzedine Ounahi (Girona), Bilal El Khannouss (Stuttgart), Ismael Saibari (PSV Eindhoven)

Forwards: Abdessamad Ezzalzouli (Real Betis), Chemsdine Talbi (Sunderland), Soufiane Rahimi (Al Ain), Ayoub El Kaabi (Olympiakos), Brahim Diaz (Real Madrid), Gessime Yassine (Strasbourg), Ayoube Amaimouni-Echghouyabe (Eintracht Frankfurt)

Mauricio Pochettino knows the joy of making a World Cup roster. But he also knows the misery of being left off one.

In the first case, you want to celebrate; in the second, you want to be left alone.

The U.S. coach said he kept both emotions in mind when informing players they had — or had not — made the roster for next month’s tournament, a roster that was formally announced Tuesday during a sun-splashed, made-for-TV rally in the shadow of the Brooklyn Bridge, about 13 miles from where July’s World Cup final will be played.

“The most important event is to be in any single roster,” said Pochettino, who made Argentina’s team for the 2002 World Cup after being passed over four years earlier.

So when Pochettino decided which 26 men would be on his team this summer, each of them got a WhatsApp message, followed by a video, sent out at 1 p.m. Eastern Time Friday. Defender Tim Ream said he received the message as he walked to his car after training with his club team in Charlotte, N.C.

“It made me stop in my tracks and immediately call my wife to let her know,” he said. “We both had been anxious and excited for the announcement.

“I’m not overly emotional, but it was definitely a relief and there was a little bit of bit of quivering, for sure, with my family when I found out.”

Christian Pulisic was alone in Milan, where he plays in Italy’s Serie A, when his phone lit up.

“I was just relaxing. Then I saw the message pop up and got excited,” he said.

The 29 players from the provisional roster who didn’t make the cut? They each got a simple email. And no explanation.

“I know it is so painful. It was so painful for me,” Pochettino said.

“When I didn’t make the roster, I didn’t want my coach to call me,” he added. “Because we care a lot, we don’t want to say nothing to confuse the player. A player who didn’t make the roster, they don’t want to hear me say, ‘Oh [too bad].’”

Christian Pulisic holds up his U.S. jersey during a rally Tuesday in New York.

(Adam Hunger / Getty Images)

Ream and Pulisic are two of 13 players who are returning to the World Cup after making the team in Qatar four years ago, part of a list that includes midfielders Tyler Adams, Gio Reyna and Weston McKennie and defenders Sergiño Dest and Antonee Robinson. They will be joined by defenders Miles Robinson and Chris Richards, both of who missed the last World Cup because of injury, and forward Ricardo Pepi, one of the final cuts in 2022.

Richards was chosen despite tearing two ligaments in his left ankle playing for Crystal Palace earlier this month. Pochettino had no new information on the injury Tuesday but said the final World Cup roster doesn’t need to be filed with FIFA until Sunday; after that, teams can replace players up to 24 hours before their opening match in the event of injury or illness.

Reyna’s inclusion was also a minor surprise since he has played just one full 90-minute game for club or country in the last four years. In the last World Cup in Qatar, he was nearly sent home for a perceived lack of effort in training after he learned he wouldn’t be a starter in the tournament.

But Pochettino said picking him was an easy decision.

“I really trust in him,” Pochettino said. “He’s a different player. A different talent. The roster needs to have a player like him.”

There were also notable omissions, among them midfielders Diego Luna and Tanner Tessmann. Luna, who plays in MLS for Real Salt Lake, has been a regular under Pochettino, playing in 17 of the U.S. team’s 18 games in 2025. But he missed time earlier this season with a knee injury and sat out of his club team’s last two games with a muscle problem

Tessmann had been called into six training camps under Pochettino and was seen as a potential starter for the U.S. before being shut down by his French club, Lyon, at the end of the season, leaving his fitness for the World Cup in question.

Pochettino declined to talk about either player — or anyone else left off the team.

“We are not going to talk about the players that are not on the roster,” he said. “That’s disrespectful to the players who are on the roster.”

Raising questions about who should have been included, the coach said, necessarily leads to questions about who should have been left off.

“That was my decision to pick that 26,” he said

Pochettino said he didn’t settle on a roster until the day before players got the WhatsApp videos — or the simple email.

“We wanted the right balance with the right players,” he said.

Among the first-time World Cup selections are midfielder Malik Tillman, the German-born brother of LAFC midfielder Timothy Tillman; Mexican-born attacker Alejandro Zendejas, who plays for Club América in the Liga MX; and Vancouver Whitecaps midfielder Sebastian Berhalter, son of Gregg Berhalter, the U.S. coach in the last World Cup.

Berhalter said he was in Qatar four years ago, cheering on his dad’s team. This year, his dad will be cheering for him.

“If you believe in your dream and put in the work, you never know what might happen,” he said from the stage after being introduced to the crowd at Tuesday’s rally.

The team will open training camp in Atlanta on Wednesday ahead of friendlies with Senegal in Charlotte, N.C., on Sunday and against Germany on June 6 in Chicago. The team will then move to the Orange County Great Park in Irvine for final preparations for its World Cup opener against Paraguay at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood on June 12.

ROSTER

Goalkeepers: Chris Brady (Chicago Fire), Matt Freese (New York City), Matt Turner (New England Revolution)

Defenders: Max Arfsten (Columbus Crew), Sergiño Dest (PSV), Alex Freeman (Villarreal), Mark McKenzie (Toulouse) Tim Ream (Charlotte FC), Chris Richards (Crystal Palace), Antonee Robinson (Fulham), Miles Robinson (FC Cincinnati), Joe Scally (Borussia Mönchengladbach), Auston Trusty (Celtic)

Midfielders: Tyler Adams (AFC Bournemouth), Sebastian Berhalter (Vancouver Whitecaps), Weston McKennie (Juventus), Gio Reyna (Borussia Mönchengladbach), Cristian Roldan (Seattle Sounders), Malik Tillman (Bayer Leverkusen)

Forwards: Brenden Aaronson (Leeds United),Folarin Balogun (AS Monaco), Ricardo Pepi (PSV), Christian Pulisic (AC Milan), Tim Weah (Marseille), Haji Wright (Coventry City), Alejandro Zendejas (Club América)

The crisis caused by the US-Israel war on Iran has affected the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) at different levels.

Oman has barely felt any shock as its ports and terminals continue operating as usual. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have been able to reroute some oil exports through terminals in Yanbu and Fujairah, respectively, to bypass the Strait of Hormuz. Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar, on the other hand, have been practically cut off from the global market and are facing the prospect of economic contraction.

Under these circumstances, the GCC states more than ever need to demonstrate unity and address the crisis through collective action. The issue of solidarity is not about showing benevolence to neighbours. It is about setting up mechanisms now that can diminish the consequences and value of any future threat of closure. It is about the survival of the whole idea of GCC unity and the leverage it has on the global scene.

Collective action, common interest

Even if some sort of agreement is reached between the warring sides today, the GCC will continue to suffer under the shadow of the nearly three-month closure. States face the risk of losing clients due to the risk of not fulfilling their obligations or being perceived as a risky supplier. Only a joint effort can stop a free fall.

So far, self-interested approaches are winning over collective action. For instance, the UAE’s exit from OPEC was largely driven by the perception of the Emirati leadership that the Strait of Hormuz crisis was an opportunity to grab greater oil market share.

If this trend of unilateral crisis response continues, it would have grave economic consequences for the whole GCC and threaten its existence. With no burden-sharing mechanism, Gulf countries would end up competing against each other in a zero-sum game. This would reduce the influence the GCC has as a regional bloc and diminish its ability to sway energy markets.

Up until now, there have been some demonstrations of solidarity in rhetoric. During the GCC consultative meeting in Jeddah on April 28, Gulf leaders attempted to show unity and discuss possible ways out of the crisis. The meeting led to discussions about what the GCC states could do in practical terms, yet there are still no signs that these discussions have moved beyond the expert level.

Nevertheless, there are practical steps the GCC can take now that could help address the present crisis and ensure stability in the face of future risks. One of them could be the introduction of swap arrangements.

Swap as an instrument of solidarity

There are three relevant swap mechanisms that the GCC could consider: physical, contractual and quality swap deals. Physical and contractual swap deals allow one party to deliver an equivalent commodity to fulfil a contract on behalf of another.

A quality swap, on the other hand, exchanges one grade or product for another to align the feedstock needs of refineries or optimise transport costs.

Thus, instead of Kuwaiti, Qatari or Bahraini cargo physically passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a buyer can receive an acceptable substitute at Yanbu, Fujairah, Duqm, Ras Markaz, Sohar, Qalhat, Singapore, India, Korea, Japan or Europe, while the parties involved settle the accounts through future delivery, cash compensation, product exchange, or a retained-volume fee.

The swap does not require the trapped commodity to move immediately. It requires a transparent title, valuation and reconciliation, so that a substitute commodity can be delivered to the end user.

The strongest swap deals, therefore, resemble clearing systems. They are most reliable when they are established before the crisis, but they can also be assembled during a crisis if the parties already have pre-existing experience of trading, a trusted customer base or alternative physical infrastructure to be utilised.

In fact, the swap deals are not something completely unfamiliar to the GCC member states. In 2013, when Egypt failed to fulfil its contractual gas obligations, Qatar agreed to export its own liquefied natural gas (LNG) directly to the customers that Egypt otherwise could not serve while it channelled its gas for domestic needs.

In 2021, the UAE’s Emirates National Oil Company (ENOC) won a tender to swap 84,000 tonnes of Iraqi fuel oil for 30,000 tonnes of Grade B fuel oil and 33,000 tonnes of gas oil to supply to Lebanon. In 2024, the state-owned Oman LNG conducted about two swap tenders per month, with Atlantic cargoes originating from the United States delivered to Spain, while the company delivered its LNG to clients in Asia.

All of these examples show that Gulf countries and their national energy companies have the required expertise to carry out intra-GCC swaps.

The most practical way to implement such deals now would be to establish an energy swap facility through a coordinated clearing mechanism among national oil companies, major regional refiners, selected traders, insurers, banks and key Asian and European buyers.

Its function would be to match blocked obligations with delivery alternatives and to reconcile the value later.

Insurance for the future

The implementation of any swap arrangement would require substantive effort to operationalise, not to mention a high level of political will, trust and mutual determination. Moreover, at present, there are physical limitations before any arrangement, as the GCC infrastructure does not have the capacity to reroute export volumes that pass through the Strait of Hormuz completely.

In the immediate term, swap arrangements imply that one group of countries – Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UAE – would sacrifice a bit of income and market share to the advantage of the others, namely Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait, by allocating part of their current export, storage or transport capacities. But in the longer term, all would benefit.

The critical call is on Saudi Arabia, which has the largest options to bypass Hormuz and provide the largest pool of deliverable crude. Its command of customer credibility, global familiarity with Saudi oil grades, Red Sea export infrastructure and Aramco’s trading capacity make it the main pillar of any future swap system.

Complementing its role as market regulator within OPEC/OPEC+ with the leadership within the GCC, Riyadh can help stabilise the market by covering priority cargoes for strategic buyers.

The UAE can also play a major role by utilising its export capacity through Fujairah, and so can Oman, which has crude storage capacity at Ras Markaz, refining capacity at Duqm, LNG experience and ports that can receive and dispatch cargoes without having to cross the Strait of Hormuz.

If such swap deals are implemented, they can strengthen the GCC unity and help the members avoid internal economic rivalry in the future. More importantly, they can encourage the launch of a larger regional infrastructure drive that would lessen dependence on the Strait of Hormuz and diminish its value as a geopolitical tool to be used against the Gulf.

If there are a well-functioning swap mechanism and infrastructure in place that can be used whenever a threat of closure is made, then clients would feel more confident in continuing their relationships with all Gulf suppliers. In the longer term, this could serve as the GCC’s insurance against any new turbulence in the region.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Iran says it’s reviewing Washington’s latest response to a proposed ceasefire framework following Pakistani mediation. In a panel discussion, a former US State Department official and a Qatari academic discussed what options remain on the table.

United States President Donald Trump says he has decided to pause an attack on Iran at the behest of Gulf leaders after Tehran sent a new peace proposal to Washington through Pakistan.

On Monday, Trump said there is now a “very good chance” the US could reach an agreement with Iran to prevent Tehran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

An initial, temporary ceasefire commenced on April 8, six weeks into the war. Since then, armed hostilities have largely subsided, but a durable peace agreement remains elusive, with both the US and Iran dissatisfied with each other’s proposed terms.

Also on Monday, Saudi Arabia said it had intercepted three drones, one day after a drone attack hit the Barakah Nuclear Energy Plant in the United Arab Emirates. This has raised more concerns about the potential for renewed military escalation in the Gulf as peace negotiations drag on.

What has Trump said about a new attack on Iran?

Following the reported drone attacks on the UAE and Saudi Arabia on Sunday and Monday, Trump wrote in a Truth Social post: “For Iran, the Clock is Ticking, and they better get moving, FAST, or there won’t be anything left of them. TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE!”

Then, later on Monday, Trump wrote another post, saying he had been asked by the leaders of Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE to hold off on a planned attack on Iran scheduled for Tuesday since “serious negotiations are now taking place.”

He added that he had instructed Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, Chairman of The Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine and the US military not to carry out the scheduled attack. However, he said, he “further instructed them to be prepared to go forward with a full, large scale assault of Iran, on a moment’s notice, in the event that an acceptable Deal is not reached”.

What do we know about the latest peace plan Iran has submitted?

Iran has submitted a revised 14-point peace plan to end the war, the semi-official Tasnim news agency reported on Monday.

Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei told a news briefing on Monday that Tehran’s response to the previous US proposal had been “conveyed to the American side through mediator Pakistan”, according to Tasnim.

Washington and Tehran have exchanged multiple proposals in recent weeks amid a ceasefire that has mostly halted six weeks of fighting. However, the initial direct talks mediated by Pakistan in Islamabad in April stalled, and Trump said last week the ceasefire is “on life support”.

While the specific proposals in the latest plan from Iran have not been made public, Baghaei said demands include the release of its assets frozen abroad and the lifting of sanctions.

“The points raised are Iranian demands that have been firmly defended by the Iranian negotiating team in every round of negotiations,” he said.

Iran has also previously demanded compensation for damage inflicted by US-Israeli attacks, an end to the ongoing US naval blockade of Iranian ports and a halt to fighting on all fronts, including in Lebanon, where Israeli forces continue daily attacks and have mounted a ground invasion in the south of the country.

Washington has urged Tehran to dismantle its nuclear programme and lift a blockade on the Strait of Hormuz, which, before the war, carried one-fifth of the world’s crude oil and liquefied natural gas ‌(LNG) supply.

What are the main sticking points between Iran and the US?

A major point of contention is Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium. During negotiations, Washington has urged Tehran to give away its enriched uranium, a demand Tehran has resisted.

Iran is believed to have about 440kg (970lb) of uranium enriched to 60 percent. A 90 percent threshold of enriched uranium is needed to produce a nuclear weapon. Iran has never officially declared an intention to build nuclear weapons. The US wants this stock to be handed over to it, but Iran is reportedly only willing to consider handing it to a third party – if at all.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told reporters on the sidelines of a meeting of foreign ministers from BRICS nations in New Delhi last week that Iran and the US have reached a “deadlock” on the question of Iran’s “enriched material”.

As a result, he said, the topic is being “postponed” until later stages in the talks. “For the time being, it is not under discussion, it’s not under negotiation, but we will come to that subject in later stages.”

Araghchi confirmed he had spoken to Russian officials about an offer from Moscow to store Iran’s enriched uranium. He said Iran may consider Russia’s proposal at an “appropriate time” and that he appreciates Moscow’s efforts.

“When we come to that stage, obviously we will have more consultations with Russia and see if the Russian offer can help or not,” he said.

The US and Iran are also arguing about whether Iran should be allowed to enrich uranium at all. Under the Obama-era Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, signed with several countries in 2015, Iran was able to continue enriching to 3.87 percent – enough for the development of a nuclear power programme. Trump withdrew the US from that agreement in 2018, despite consistent reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) that Iran had stuck to its terms. Now, the US wants a moratorium on all uranium enrichment for a period of up to 20 years, it says.

Another sticking point between the two countries is the Strait of Hormuz in the Gulf.

Since early March, Iran has restricted shipping through the strait, a narrow waterway linking Gulf oil producers to the open ocean and through which 20 percent of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies are shipped during peacetime. Iran has allowed passage by vessels from select countries, but they are required to negotiate transit with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

In its previous proposals to end the war, Iran has mentioned charging fees or tolls for vessels seeking to pass through the state. Washington has repeatedly rejected the prospect. In April, the US announced a naval blockade on ships entering or leaving Iranian ports, further adding to the disruption of global oil and gas supplies.

Iran’s state media reported, citing the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that technical teams from Iran and Oman met in Oman to negotiate a mechanism for safe transit in the Strait of Hormuz.

A third likely major point of friction – although one which may also be kicked into later discussions – is Iran’s support for a network of “proxy” armed groups around the Middle East which it calls its “axis of resistance”. These include the Houthis in Yemen, who have also caused disruption by launching attacks on Israel-linked ships in the Red Sea in the past, Hezbollah in Lebanon and multiple groups based in Iraq and Syria.

Al Jazeera’s correspondent in Tehran says Iranian leaders are ‘projecting defiance’ and rejecting ‘public pressure’ from the US.

Airlines have been forced to cancel and amend flight schedules due to the ongoing Middle East conflict and soaring jet fuel prices, with Qatar Airways also hit with suspended routes

Qatar Airways has become the latest airline to cancel flights this May.

Since the Middle East conflict erupted in late February, airlines have been forced to axe routes and amend flight schedules due to restricted airspace across the Gulf region. The situation was heightened by Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly 20 per cent of the world’s oil and gas passes, triggering a worldwide shortage and skyrocketing jet fuel prices.

With growing concerns over the long-term supply of jet fuel, a whopping 18 airlines have announced cancellations, and 13,000 flights worldwide have been taken from May schedules, according to figures from aviation analytics firm Cirium. Now, Qatar Airways is the latest airline to have routes axed, with flights to 22 cities suspended during May and beyond.

READ MORE: Full list of 18 airlines cancelling flights for May half-term as fuel crisis staggers onREAD MORE: EasyJet latest update for Brits heading to France, Spain and Portugal amid new travel rules

Qatar Airways has suspended flights from its Doha Hamad International Airport (DOH) to four European countries, Malta, Sarajevo, Sofia, and Venice, according to Simple Flying. As airlines prioritise their routes amid the jet fuel crisis, it is thought Qatar Airways will resume routes to Malta, Sofia and Venice in September.

Additionally, the Doha-based airline is not currently offering flights from its hub to Canberra, Cebu, Djibouti, Kano, Kigali, Mogadishu, Nagpur, or Zanzibar. Around half of these routes are expected to return in September, after one of the busiest travel periods, the summer holidays.

As a result of the Middle East conflict, drone and missile strikes caused major airspace closures, which severely impacted the Doha-based airline. Further routes suspended by Qatar Airways include flights to Aleppo, Gassim, Istanbul Sabiha Gökçen, Mashhad, Neom Bay, Shiraz, Tabuk, Taif, Tehran, and Yanbu. In addition to three cities in Iran, where the airspace remains closed.

Some of the suspended routes, excluding Aleppo and Iran, are expected to resume in September. In total, 22 routes have been suspended.

However, it’s not all bad news in the world of aviation this week. Qatar Airways announced that it is resuming some of its routes and that its Airbus A380s will return next month. The plane has been grounded. In a statement released on 13 May, the airline said: “Qatar Airways continues to restore its network across the Middle East, with the resumption of double-daily passenger flights to Abu Dhabi (AUH), the capital of the United Arab Emirates.”

This comes after the airline announced plans to expand its network further in time for the summer holidays. “Qatar Airways is expanding its international flight network, with services to over 150 destinations from 16 June 2026, connecting more passengers to more of the world this summer,” the statement read.

Airlines with cancelledflights in May

• Air Asia X
• Air Canada
• Air China
• Air Transat
• Air New Zealand
• Asiana Airlines
• Cathay Pacific
• Delta
• KLM
• Lufthansa
• Norse Atlantic
• Qantas
• Qatar Airways
• SAS
• Thai Airways
• Turkish Airlines
• United Airlines
• Vietjet
• Vietnam Airlines

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A fragile ceasefire in the US-Israel war on Iran is coming under growing strain as several Gulf countries have reported drone attacks.

Qatar said on Sunday that a drone struck a cargo ship in Qatari waters, sparking a fire, while Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates said they repelled drone attacks.

Though no Gulf country reported casualties in the latest attacks, they have put pressure on the fragile ceasefire, which took effect on April 8.

Qatar’s Ministry of Defence said the freighter had been arriving in the country’s waters from the UAE capital, Abu Dhabi, and was hit by a drone northeast of the port of Mesaieed.

“The vessel continued its journey toward Mesaieed Port after the fire was brought under control,” the ministry said.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) said a bulk carrier reported being struck by an “unknown projectile”, and a small fire had been extinguished, but there were no casualties from the incident. “There is no reported environmental impact,” it said.

Kuwait’s Defence Ministry said a “number of hostile drones” were detected in the country’s airspace at dawn. In a post on X, a spokesperson said the drones were dealt with “in accordance with established procedures”, but did not specify where the drones were launched from.

The UAE Defence Ministry said two Iranian drones were intercepted.

“UAE air defence systems successfully engaged two UAVs launched from Iran,” the ministry said in a statement on X.

Ceasefire tested

The Trump administration has said the truce is still in effect, but a naval battle has been taking place in the Gulf region, with Iran restricting traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic waterway through which a fifth of traded oil transited before the war, and the United States imposing a blockade of Iranian ports.

Several attacks have been reported on ships in the Gulf and the countries in the region over the past week.

On Friday, the US struck two Iranian oil tankers, saying they were trying to breach its blockade of Iran’s ports.

On Tuesday, the UAE said it came under attack from Iranian missiles and drones for the second day in a row. Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), however, denied the claim.

The IRGC Navy on Sunday reiterated its warning that any attack on Iranian oil tankers or commercial vessels would be met with a “heavy assault” on one of the bases in the region used by US forces and enemy ships.

The spokesperson for the Iranian parliament’s foreign policy and security committee, Ebrahim Rezaei, said Tehran’s “restraint is over”.

“Any aggression against our vessels will be met with a heavy and decisive Iranian response against American vessels and bases,” Rezaei wrote on X.

“The clock is ticking against the Americans’ interests; it is to their benefit not to act foolishly and sink themselves deeper into the quagmire they have fallen into. The best course is to surrender and concede concessions. You must get used to the new regional order,” he added.

Talks to end the war

While the truce remains in effect, President Donald Trump has repeatedly threatened to resume the US bombardment if Iran does not accept a deal which includes reopening the Strait of Hormuz and rolling back its nuclear programme.

Iran is still mulling its response to a 14-point proposal by Washington, with Iranian frozen assets and war reparations among other main sticking points.

In a meeting with US Secretary of State Marc Rubio on Saturday, Qatar’s Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani pushed for all parties to respond to the ongoing mediation efforts and to reach an agreement for lasting peace.

Qatar’s prime minister also held a phone call with Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, the Qatari foreign ministry reported on Sunday.

Sheikh Mohammed told Araghchi that Iran’s use of the Strait of Hormuz as a “pressure card” would only deepen the crisis in the Gulf, and said all parties in the conflict should respond to mediation efforts to end the war.

Reporting from Tehran, Al Jazeera’s Tohid Assadi said when it comes to diplomatic engagement, it seems that the US and Iran want the content of any negotiations to remain private.

Meanwhile, there is a mixture of different sentiments among Iranian citizens, he noted.

“Since the early days of the war, people have gathered to show their sense of nationalism and support for the political establishment,” he said.

“But we also know that there is a sense of frustration, especially when it comes to soaring prices and economic difficulties,” he added.

At a meeting on the reconstruction after damage caused by the war, President Masoud Pezeshkian said negotiations with the US on ending the war do not mean Iran is surrendering.

“The goal is to realise the rights of the Iranian people and defend national interests with authority,” he said.