payment

California Prop. 37: $25 billion down payment assistance explained

Buying a home in California requires a colossal amount of money — and coming up with a 20% cash down payment of $180,000 for a median price home is a staggering hurdle for many would-be buyers.

That down payment amount is based on the statewide median $900,000 price tag for a house, according to recent data from the California Assn. of Realtors. In Los Angeles County, the median price for a single-family home is $935,000. In Orange County, it’s $1.5 million.

Proposition 37 on the Nov. 3 ballot would allow the state to amass a $25 billion down payment assistance program for middle-class households. For perspective on the enormity of the measure before voters, one of the state’s existing down payment programs, California Dream For All, launched several years ago with $500 million, just 2% of the funding involved in Proposition 37.

The ballot measure would allow qualified prospective homebuyers to borrow up to 17% of the sales price of a new home, contributing 3% of the down payment from their own funds.

The program would not be funded by taxpayers, but instead by the interest charged to borrowers on their down payment loans, also referred to as second mortgages. The measure has garnered widespread support, including from Gov. Gavin Newsom, statewide unions and mayors from Santa Monica to San José.

“Prop. 37 is a historic opportunity to expand homeownership opportunities for generations of working families — at zero cost or risk to taxpayers,” Newsom said in a statement.

But Proposition 37 carries a significant caveat: Any home purchased through the program must be new construction, which could limit its potential reach because of the high cost of building, some critics said.

Also, the proposition does not spell out the terms or interest rates on the loans, which would be worked out if the measure is approved. And some have questioned whether there will be sufficiently robust interest from investors to buy the state-issued bonds that will be used to fund the down payment loans.

The concept of down payment assistance is not new. Cities and states, including California, have long offered such programs to low- and middle-income homeowners, either in the form of loans or grants, and there are reportedly more than 2,700 such programs across the country.

Nevada, Connecticut, Massachusetts and New York all have programs to help homebuyers afford a down payment. Since 2021, New York has dispersed $70 million in down payment assistance. In Massachusetts, more than $146 million has been doled out in down payment help to homebuyers since 2020.

How the program would work

Under Proposition 37, down payment loans would work like any other, and would carry an interest rate and payback period — all of which would be determined by the California Housing Finance Agency.

To qualify, borrowers would need to have lived in the state for at least a year and earn no more than 200% of the local median income; in Los Angeles County, for example, that equates to a family of four earning no more than $216,200 a year.

Borrowers don’t have to be first-time homebuyers, which is often a requirement of down payment aid programs. But they would need to live in the home.

The program would restrict the price of qualifying homes, depending on the county where someone is trying to buy. A general estimate, though, is that would-be homebuyers would be limited to houses costing between $1 million and $1.5 million and the homes, more importantly, would need to be new construction.

While Proposition 37 has little opposition, and is supported by unions, chambers of commerce and organizations representing builders, the League of Women Voters opposes the ballot measure, concerned it would saddle residents with too much debt and that the terms of these loans are opaque, the details worked out only after the vote.

New homes only

Only buyers of newly-built homes would be eligible for these loans. That could include existing commercial buildings that had been converted into homes, such as condos or townhomes.

This provision is uncommon as many existing down payment assistance programs don’t strictly limit the type of home someone can buy — only the sale price. Bob Hertzberg, former Senate Majority Leader and the architect of the proposal, said he wanted Proposition 37 to spur new construction.

“The problem is we have to increase supply,” Hertzberg said. The shortage of homes in the state is estimated to range anywhere from 840,000 to upwards of 3 million.

By creating more demand for new homes, he said, the hope is that builders will respond en masse.

But some groups are wary of this logic. One analysis, funded by the Proposition 37 campaign, estimated that this program could result in the building of 190,000 homes in the state, although the report’s author said it was “impossible to know” the true number given the various factors that impact housing.

Matthew Lewis, director of communications for California YIMBY, an organization that advocates making it easier and cheaper to build homes, said high prices make it clear that the demand for homes already exists and that Proposition 37 does little to address a bigger issue: the cost of building.

“In concept, [Proposition 37 is] a great idea,” Lewis said. “The thing we’re concerned about is, California is still way behind on its housing production goals, so there’s the risk of an unintended consequence of instead of having 10 people bidding on a house, now you’ve given a couple folks down payment assistance, and so there’s now 12 people bidding on the same house.”

To drive builders to construct eligible homes, the measure would allow them to opt into a “qualified builder” option. As long as they adhere to price caps, agree to certain labor requirements and fix repairs that arise, they’re protected from lawsuits from buyers concerning defects 10 years after construction of the home.

Homebuilders say even given some relief from litigation, they aren’t sure Proposition 37 would push construction into overdrive.

“There are so many more things the state, city and county could do to help add more supply [of homes],” said Paul Schon, a developer who builds apartments in L.A. County. He said tackling permitting times and red tape involved in building would have a greater impact. “This is minor,” he said.

Interest rates could be a tough sell

Many down payment assistance programs offer interest-free loans to homebuyers, including an existing program run by CalHFA.

But in order to be self-funding, the fixed-rate loans offered through Proposition 37 would carry interest. If passed, the state would issue revenue bonds, selling them to investors and using that money to issue loans to homebuyers. The investors are repaid with the interest paid on the loans.

According to the Legislative Analyst’s Office, CalHFA would decide the total amount of bonds to issue and over what period of time.

Revenue bonds are generally viewed as riskier than other types of government bonds, in part because they’re backed by the promise of revenue from a specific project — in this case, payment by individual borrowers. That means interest rates on these loans could be higher than borrowers might like or be able to afford.

Hertzberg said he’s talked to investors who may be willing to buy these bonds at cheaper rates, given the crushing issue the funding is trying to solve. This would keep interest rates down for borrowers. He said he’s appealing to foundations and socially-minded tech leaders.

One of the biggest financial backers of the measure is the political nonprofit Building a Better California, which has been fighting the billionaire’s tax with help from wealthy donors, including Google co-founder Sergey Brin.

Hertzberg, for his part, refused to name any organization or person who may be interested in buying the bonds that would fund this program.

This article is part of The Times’ equity reporting initiative, funded by the James Irvine Foundation, exploring the challenges facing low-income workers and the efforts being made to address California’s economic divide.

Source link

Gimmick or giveback? Even some Trump supporters don’t expect to get $5,000 checks after midterms

President Trump is hoping that $5,000 checks can juice Republican turnout in November’s midterm elections — but even some of his devoted fans are doubting that government payouts would arrive.

“I mean, I guess it’s good for some people. I really don’t care,” said Jamie Alvarez, who attended Trump’s recent Alaska rally in a red, white and blue outfit. “I don’t feel like your vote should be bought. I feel like you should vote for who you feel is going to do the best job.”

Joseph Eatherton was attending that same rally and said he was “not sure if it’s necessary.” When asked whether Trump could deliver on the promised money, he said, “I don’t know, and I hate being an armchair quarterback.”

The offering of government checks has become a go-to tactic for Trump when he faces a political jam. He’s previously endorsed $2,000 in dividends from tariff revenues and large refunds from spending cuts achieved by the Department of Government Efficiency, neither of which materialized. The latest example could reveal how much voters still trust Trump as they decide control of Congress in the midterm elections on Nov. 3.

Staunch supporters such as Lucy Martinez, the president of a Republican women’s club who attended a recent Trump rally in Texas, said there’s no doubt in their minds.

“I think that I will get the $5,000,” she said. Out of all the presidents, Trump is someone “who kept his promises to his people and all the United States.”

Trump has dished out payments as elections approach

However, many voters are already embittered by his economic leadership. His critics see a president who failed to tame inflation and keep America out of overseas conflicts, and whose agenda has fueled higher prices as the war with Iran appears to be at a stalemate.

“The trust on this is already gone for most people,” said Amy Frederiksen, a former Republican Minnesota Senate majority leader who now runs a public affairs firm.

“I just don’t see the energy around that line,” she added. “Most people know that’s a blatant over-the-top promise like several he’s made in the last couple of years, and they’re not buying it.”

As the midterms approach, Trump has also pledged a $90 payment to 20 million Medicare enrollees and $500 “rebates” for people the administration says were overcharged for their Obamacare plans. He has automatically enrolled every U.S. child in “Trump accounts” to invest in stocks.

The $5,000 payouts would only occur, Trump says, if Republicans keep their majorities in the House and Senate. Trump acknowledges that the cost would exceed $1 trillion, but it’s not clear that the White House is seriously engaging with the proposal’s ramifications, from the increased deficit to the likely boost to inflation.

The White House said the payments are possible because of Trump’s trade deals, investment commitments by foreign countries, government stakes in private companies and deals for oil and minerals.

The administration’s position is that the payments will help people recover from the inflation that began in 2021 under then-President Joe Biden, though Republicans, at the time, attributed that inflation to excessive government checks tied to pandemic relief.

When The Associated Press asked several weeks ago if the administration was modeling the economic impact from the checks, Christopher Phelan, chairman of the White House Council of Economic Advisers, said he would “refrain” from answering.

Roughly half of registered voters say Donald Trump does not keep his promises to Americans, according to an AP-NORC poll from September. About 3 in 10 say Trump tries to keep his promises but is unable to, while only about 2 in 10 say he keeps his promises.

Republican voters are more accommodating. About half say Trump tries to keep his promises but is unable to, and about 4 in 10 say he keeps his promises.

Republican candidates aren’t echoing Trump’s promise

Trump is talking about the payments as a sure thing.

“If the Republicans win, you’ll each have $5,000 in your pocket and economic success for our country like we have never seen before,” he said at a Saturday rally in Kentucky. “And remember, ’cause they like to say, ‘Oh, well, maybe he won’t do that.’ Uh, I always do it.”

Campaign spending tracked by AdImpact suggests that Republicans are not running advertisements either on television or online about the promise. The few advertisements that do exist are from pro-Democratic groups such as Rolling Sea Action Fund that conclude with the voiceover, “Come on, do you really think he’s sending you a check? Yeah, right, we won’t get fooled again.”

At a Friday rally in Georgia, Trump noted that he had previously delivered a $1,776 “Trump dividend” to troops in the military. But those payments came from a congressionally approved housing supplement.

Trump claims the nation could not afford the payments if Democrats hold a chamber in Congress because the nation would be “flat broke.” But he said that one caveat is that the money could only be spent in the U.S., rather than in China, Japan or France. He joked that people should spend the check at his luxury club in Palm Beach, Florida.

“Let’s have lunch at Mar-a-Lago, where for $5,000, you’ll get one hamburger and a small dessert,” he told the crowd in Georgia.

Some in the crowd took Trump at his word that he would fight to get them the money. But they added the caveat that if he didn’t come through, it would not be his fault.

“I could use $5,000,” said Mike Boatman, a 58-year-old from Evansville, Indiana, who travels the country attending the president’s rallies. “I mean, he’s done everything he’s said he’s going to do.”

Boak, Bohrer and Barrow write for the Associated Press. Bohrer reported from Wasilla, Alaska, and Barrow reported from Dalton, Georgia. AP reporters Aaron Kessler and Linley Sanders in Washington and Lekan Oyekanmi in San Antonio, Texas, contributed to this report.

Source link

Rwanda’s eKash Instant Payment System Sees Explosive Growth

Investments in instant and cross-border payment systems fuel adoption.

From the start of August to the end of September, the National Bank of Rwanda saw transactions on its eKash instant digital payment system jump from 140,000 to 1 million per month.

The value of transactions also rose sharply, from about $7 million per month to around $1.5 billion per month.

The Rwandan government considered payments a public good and invested in eKash as part of the digital public infrastructure, provided that the new platform ensured a level playing field between mobile money operators and banks, said Soraya Munyana Hakuziyaremye, the Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda, during a Governor Talk at the IMF and World Bank annual meetings in Bangkok. 

eKash Takes Flight

The central bank, taking a page from leading operators of instant payment systems like India’s UPI and Brazil’s PIX, decided to eliminate existing bilateral relationships that mobile money providers had with banks and microfinance institutions and mandated that all person-to-person transactions take place on eKash. It also capped transaction fees at a hundredth of what users might have previously paid.

“For transactions that were above a million [Rwandan] francs [about $679], you could pay up to the equivalent of a $2 fee for a transaction,” Hakuziyaremye said. “Today, the transfer fee is capped at 20 francs, or less than $0.02.”

Without the mandatory routing requirement, she added, the central bank could not have reduced transaction costs. 

To soften the blow the mandate had on the bottom lines of the affected banks, mobile money providers, and microfinance operators, the central bank showed them possible new revenue streams from offerings that leveraged the transaction data collected by eKash.

“They can negotiate with our national switch for the data they need at an aggregated level to offer more lending to their clients, since they have the history of their transactions, and use alternative credit scoring instead of asking for collateral for every single loan they give,” said Hakuziyaremye.

Access to credit remains a major concern for the National Bank of Rwanda, or NBR, as 92% of people have bank or mobile money accounts, but only 20% have access to credit or microcredit. 

“It is still a very huge gap,” she said. “So, tracking the financial health indicators will help us improve the financial well-being of citizens.”

Cross-Border Integration

The East African country is also experiencing rapid advancements in cross-border payment integration at the regional and continental levels.

The NRB is seeing the East African Payment Master Plan, adopted by the East Africa Community, or EAC, in 2025, begin to bear fruit. The central bank launched a pilot that integrates eKash with its eastern neighbor’s Tanzania Instant Payment System, or TIPS.

“We want to use this as a blueprint for a framework to integrate payment systems in the region,” said Hakuziyaremye.

At the same time, the country is part of the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), which has its own regional payment system, the COMESA Clearing House.

The NRB is actively integrating its payment systems with the African Continental Free Trade Area’s Pan-African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS), which seeks to deliver instant payments to beneficiaries in their local currency anywhere in Africa.

When faced with regional cross-border instant payment transactions, NRB agreed to route all of its intra-EAC payments through the regional EAC payment system and to route transactions outside the EAC through PAPSS.

“I believe that this is the approach to take,” she said. “It’s not duplicating the regional payment system, but allows cross-regional payments for regions that already had regional payment systems.”

Rob Daly covers fintech and the economy. Contact him at rdaly@gfmag.com.

Source link

The Caribbean’s Payment Rail Moves to Pilot

CAPSS has entered its pilot phase, bringing real-time local currency payments to 11 Caribbean nations.

This article appears in the October issue of Global Finance Magazine.

The long-awaited CARICOM Payment and Settlement System (CAPSS), designed to transform cross-border payment settlement across the Caribbean, has entered its pilot phase, putting the region’s vision for real-time payments in local currencies into practice across 11 jurisdictions.

Developed by the region’s central banks in partnership with the African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), CAPSS connects national payment systems to enable real-time cross-border payments in local currencies, allowing businesses and consumers to bypass the U.S. dollar as an intermediary.

“While background settlements will still involve U.S. dollars among central banks, day-to-day transactions will use local currencies — a key innovation with broad potential,” said Timothy Antoine, governor of the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank, which serves eight Caribbean countries and territories that share a common currency.

Cutting Costs

The project aims to boost intra-CARICOM trade, with goods exports to regional partners accounting for roughly 8% of the bloc’s total goods exports, according to the IMF.

Settling directly in local currencies cuts foreign exchange conversion costs and makes smaller cross-border transactions worthwhile, which matters most to small- and mid-sized businesses, who pay the highest relative costs for international payments.

“If for instance, I am in Barbados and I want to buy goods from Trinidad and I don’t have the U.S. dollars to make that payment, then it becomes simply wishful thinking. We think that stifles trade,” said Okechukwu Ihejirika, acting chief operating officer at Afreximbank’s Caribbean office.

CAPSS also offers a route around the region’s shrinking correspondent-banking network. Research by the Economist Intelligence Unit in 2024 found that about 40% of correspondent banks had withdrawn from the Caribbean over the previous 15 years.

An IMF working paper published in May, “Mind the Gaps: Caribbean Trade Patterns and the Connectivity Constraint,” found cross-border banking relationships lift CARICOM trade at less than half the global rate.

Modeled On African Payment Rail

The system is modeled on the Pan-African Payment and Settlement System, or PAPSS, launched by Afreximbank and the African Union in 2022. PAPSS provides a framework for real-time cross-border payments in local currencies and now connects banks and payment providers across 16 African countries.

The Caribbean push began in October 2023, when every CARICOM central bank adopted PAPSS as its preferred settlement system. 

A proof of concept took place in February 2025 at the Central Bank of The Bahamas, where a live payment between Barbados and The Bahamas settled in each country’s own currency, with no dollars passing between them. Afreximbank and PAPSS provided a design already running in Africa, while payments software firm Montran Corp. built the connection between the two national systems. Trinidad and Tobago’s central bank took part, and Suriname sent an observer.

Governors expanded the test last November. CARICOM’s central bankers meet again in November, the next point at which the timetable could firm up.

Beyond the pilot, central banks plan to link CAPSS to PAPSS, building a payment bridge between Caribbean and African markets.

Thomas Monteiro is a contributing writer based in Spain.

Source link

Mauritius Solves Africa’s Cross-Border Payment Friction

The island nation sets out to eliminate high fees and multi-day delays for African cross-border transactions.

This article appears in the October issue of Global Finance Magazine.

In a fragmented landscape, aggregation matters. This philosophy underpins Mauritius’s quest to become the epicenter of cross-border payments in Africa, where layers of friction and an inability to converge have impeded deeper economic integration.  

By building frictionless systems anchored in regulation, technology, and market dynamics, Mauritius, a small, upper-middle-income island nation of just 1.26 million people, is redefining payments in Africa and shifting the narrative for a continent long bound to Western capital in international payments.

“Through trust, Mauritius has become a hub for digital finance,” said Shane Mungur, senior associate at Mauritius-based law firm BLC Robert & Associates. 

The reality of cross-border payments in Africa is that businesses and entrepreneurs must route transactions through correspondent banks in Europe and the U.S., paying fees as high as 7.1%, compared with a global average of about 2.8%. Worse, transactions can take as long as seven days to complete.

Mauritius’s effort to demonstrate that seamless payments in Africa are feasible is part of the nation’s ambitious transition to what it terms a “future-ready economic” model. This includes shifting the economy from dependence on sugarcane production and textiles and apparel to a new framework with the financial sector as the heartbeat. It has also meant shifting the focus of its search for a competitive edge from regional and bilateral trade treaties, legal and regulatory reforms, tax incentives, and the speedy incorporation of companies to cutting-edge innovation. 

“Mauritius remains relevant and attractive as payment ecosystems evolve,” said Sharmilla Bhima, a partner at Mauritius-based law firm Appleby. Expanding its international financial center’s scope to cover cross-border payments is based on a conviction that Africa’s economy can only transform and become truly resilient if money can move across borders efficiently, securely, transparently, and affordably.

In recent years, more than $80 billion in Africa-bound investments have been structured through Mauritius. More than 450 private equity funds are now domiciled there, deploying capital across the continent. 

“Mauritius is a jurisdiction that serves as a gateway for businesses seeking to participate in Africa’s growing economic integration,” Bhima said.

Cross-Border Payments Boom

The timing appears to be right. 

Africa’s cross-border payments market is ballooning. Valued at $329 billion last year, it is projected to hit the $1 trillion mark in the next decade. Fragmentation nevertheless remains a barrier to unleashing the benefits of cross-border payments, cutting against the growth of trade, investment, entrepreneurship, financial inclusion, and economic integration.

Plans for a common currency to replace more than 40 local currencies remain a pipe dream while multiple regulatory regimes, limited interoperability, weak transparency, and dependence on intermediary currencies make friction a constant.  

The continent continues to depend on hard currencies that are in short supply, increase conversion costs, and tie up working capital. Yet, the success of the African Continental Free Trade Area, the continent’s most ambitious effort at market integration, stands or falls largely on the ability of the member states to settle transactions in local currencies. The same applies to e-commerce, which is impeded by strict domestic transfer restrictions and high fees. Only 55% of African governments permit electronic know-your-customer and remittance costs are the highest globally, averaging 8% to 8.5%. 

As Africa tries to tackle cross-border payments, some 36 instant payment systems, 33 country systems, and three regional systems are live, enabling some instant payments but also adding complexity. The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System remains the boldest initiative to counter these impediments. So far, 31 countries, 190 commercial banks and fintechs, and 16 payment switches are connected.  

Sticking to the Basics

Shane Mungur,
BLC Robert & Associates

Mauritius aims to provide its own answer by sticking to the basics of finance. Its regulatory focus is on creating a predictable environment that attracts investment and encourages transparent and secure capital flows: not just a safe haven or conduit for laundering.

Predictability has made Mauritius a hotspot for foreign direct investment. Last year, FDI inflows reached a record $1 billion, up from $705.7 million in 2024. Most of this — $400 million — was in the financial services sector, compared to just $20.8 million in 2024.

The Bank of Mauritius has assembled what it considers to be robust hardware and software infrastructure that can integrate with existing systems across multiple jurisdictions. The Mauritius Automated Clearing and Settlement System and the Mauritius Central Automated Switch (MauCAS), both administered by the central bank, were designed with interoperability in mind. The former settles transactions in major currencies as well as the local rupee. 

“This is one of the most effective competitive edges in payments,” Mungur said.

Mauritius is also exploiting its strategic location as a financial bridge between Africa and Asia. A partnership with China enables settlement of transactions with renminbi while linking MauCAS with India’s switch has significantly boosted digital payments.

While regulation and technology are fundamental to Mauritius’s positioning as a payments hub, so is its ability to adapt to changing market dynamics. By removing exchange controls, the rupee is fully convertible, while foreign currency accounts can be held locally and no approval is needed to repatriate profit or capital. This is critical for treasurers moving money across African borders. 

The central bank is also cognizant of the payments landscape’s fluidity, from electronic transfers to mobile wallets, QR-based payments, blockchain, tokenization, and many other channels, and has made encouraging financial innovation a priority. 

“Encouraging innovation has enabled Mauritius to adopt new technologies that improve speed, reduce costs, and enhance client experience,” said Bhima. Regulators have nevertheless been careful to safeguard financial integrity and prevent inherent risks associated with like money laundering, terrorist financing, fraud, cybercrime, and sanctions evasion. 

On this, Mauritius understands that trust is essential to establishing itself as a hub for cross-border payments.

Mauritius Infographic

(Source: State of Inclusive Instant Payment Systems in Africa 2025)

John Njiraini is a contributing writer based in Kenya.

Source link