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WASHINGTON — Colombian presidential candidate Abelardo de la Espriella has vowed to crush criminal groups and slash government programs. He promises to bomb “narco-terrorist” camps and build sprawling mega prisons if he wins Sunday’s runoff election.

De la Espriella’s views have earned him the vociferous backing of President Trump, who has broken with White House tradition by publicly seeking to tip the scales in foreign elections — particularly in Latin America.

After Trump gave his “complete and total endorsement” to De la Espriella, whom he referred to by his nickname, “El Tigre,” the candidate posted an AI-generated image of a bald eagle and a tiger, with American and Colombian flags waving side by side.

“You have paved the way for the people to defeat the entrenched powers that have long held sway,” he wrote to Trump. “In Colombia, we have now begun to follow the same path.”

De la Espriella, a political newcomer who built his campaign around gym workout videos and vows to “disembowel” the left, is part of a new wave of far-right, MAGA-aligned politicians in Latin America openly borrowing from Trump’s playbook, presenting themselves as outsiders who will trim the government, curtail immigration and militarize law enforcement.

In a region that remains plagued by high crime and inequality after a decades-long period of leftist domination known as the “Pink Tide,” the playbook appears working.

More Latin Americans now identify with the right than at any time over the last two decades, according to polling firm Latinobarómetro. A series of conservatives have won presidential elections in recent years, giving Trump a slate of willing partners as he seeks to expand U.S. power in the region, combat drug cartels and counter growing Chinese influence.

President Trump meets with El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, in the Oval Office of the White House on April 14, 2025.

(Brendan Smialowski / AFP via Getty Images)

Among Trump’s many allies are Argentina’s Javier Milei, a libertarian firebrand whose dramatic cuts to state services were a blueprint for Elon Musk’s so-called Department of Government Efficiency, known as DOGE; and El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele, a mano dura autocrat who housed U.S. deportees in his notorious prisons to assist Trump’s immigration crackdown.

Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa has welcomed U.S. Special Forces, who are attacking drug traffickers in his country, and Chile’s José Antonio Kast has pledged a border wall along his country’s frontier with Peru and Bolivia in his quest to “make Chile great again.”

Trump might soon gain another ideological bedfellow in Peru with the election of Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of late autocrat Alberto Fujimori. With ballots still being counted, Fujimori was on track for a narrow victory

In a sea of nations led by conservatives, the left now retains power in just three key countries: Mexico, Colombia and Brazil.

It faces serious challenges in two of them.

Ahead of October’s presidential election in Brazil, incumbent Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a leftist stalwart and one of the last vestiges of the Pink Tide, has been polling even with Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, a Trump ally convicted of convening a Jan. 6-style insurrection.

Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, right, with President Trump during a dinner at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Fla., on March 7, 2020.

(Alan Santos / Associated Press)

And then there’s Colombia, where De la Espriella, a criminal defense attorney, surged ahead in the first round of voting and this weekend faces off against Sen. Iván Cepeda, an ally of leftist President Gustavo Petro.

Petro drew Trump’s ire by denouncing the U.S. military campaign to oust leftist President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela and a spate of lethal U.S. attacks on alleged drug boats.

Petro slammed Trump’s endorsement of De la Espriella, calling on Colombians to “vote freely and not allow ourselves to become either slaves or anyone’s colony.”

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum also accused Trump of electoral interference after the U.S. announced drug trafficking charges against several members of her ruling Morena party and The Times revealed that two more sitting governors are under investigation.

“Is it truly a legitimate interest to combat organized crime?” Sheinbaum asked of the U.S. investigations. “Or are we perhaps witnessing how sectors of the American far right … intend to influence the 2027 election in our country?”

President Trump meets with Argentine President Javier Milei during the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 23, 2025, in New York.

(Evan Vucci / Associated Press)

The White House has declined to comment on Sheinbaum’s criticism. But Trump earlier this month warned Mexico that his administration is “focused on coming in by land” to deter drug trafficking.

“President Trump has been clear that Mexico must do more to combat the drug cartels running rampant in their country,” a White House official told The Times when asked whether Trump is planning a military operation there.

Trump, who publicly backed Kast and President Nasry Asfura of Honduras, as well as Milei’s political party ahead of Argentina’s midterm elections last fall, has openly mused that he should charge money for endorsement of leaders in foreign countries.

Guillaume Long, who served as foreign minister in Ecuador under leftist President Rafael Correa and who is now a fellow at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, criticized Trump’s “unprecedented, unabashed interventionism in Latin American politics.”

“There are a number of taboos that have been broken,” he said.

Long added that Latin America is mirroring the United States in its political divisions. “I think we’re likely to see in the coming decades a very polarized politics,” he said. “And that doesn’t bode very well for political stability.”

Much of Trump’s activity in the region, including the deposing of Maduro, has been presented as part of a war on drug cartels, which the White House has formally declared terrorist organizations. Long described that rationale as a “pretext” for expanding U.S. political and economic influence in the region.

Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, are escorted by federal agents as they make their way to an armored car for a trip to a federal courthouse in Manhattan on Jan. 5.

(XNY/Star Max/GC Images)

He said he believed that focus on cartels had pushed some Latin American politicians to the right “because they think being security hawks will make them popular with the Trump administration.”

But James Bosworth, the founder of Hxagon, a company that provides political risk analysis in Latin America, said many leaders in the region have come to tough-on-crime policies on their own.

“I think that some of the hemisphere is willing to play along with it because the hemisphere has issues, including security issues, where the U.S. can be of assistance,” Bosworth said. “Many Latin Americans do want a greater military focus, so there’s certain alignment that’s occurred.”

Conversely, Mexican journalist Alex González Ormerod said he believes Trump has been influenced by Latin American leaders, including Bukele, who suspended civil liberties and began locking up alleged gang members en masse in 2021.

“I think there’s a lot of cross-pollination going on,” he said, crediting groups like the Conservative Political Action Conference, a gathering of right-wing activists and elected officials that has hosted events in Brazil and Argentina.

Many analysts cautioned that Latin America operates on a pendulum, swinging every few years between right and left.

“There’s a lot of evidence that voters are just unhappy and voting for the opposition, and then losing patience very quickly with whoever is in office,” said Benjamin Gedan, director of the Latin America Program at the Stimson Center.

Voters dissatisfied with the status quo so often vote out incumbents there is a phrase for it: voto castigo, or “the punishment vote.”

Ceballos reported from Washington and Linthicum from Mexico City.

Mayor Karen Bass ran the table in South Los Angeles, Spencer Pratt found strong support from his Westside base, and Nithya Raman racked up votes in Echo Park and other neighborhoods with a concentration of renters, according to a Times analysis of partial precinct-level results from this week’s primary election.

The Times analysis, based on an estimated 62% of the ballots counted so far, found that Pratt was favored in many of the same neighborhoods that voted for mayoral candidate Rick Caruso in 2022, while Raman made inroads in progressive areas dominated by Bass four years ago.

Bass found support in neighborhoods along much of the Harbor and Santa Monica freeway corridors, along with central San Fernando Valley communities from Van Nuys to Arleta.

With much of the vote left to be counted, a map prepared by The Times showing how neighborhoods voted represents a snapshot of an election still very much underway. Bass garnered enough votes on election night to qualify for a Nov. 3 runoff, the Associated Press determined, but votes are still being tallied and it’s not yet clear if she will face Pratt or Raman.

Early returns show Pratt with a significant lead over Raman, but some analysts expect the remaining ballots to lean Democratic, as many left-of-center voters held onto their mail-in ballots until the last minute as they waited to choose between Democratic gubernatorial candidates.

Not surprisingly, Pratt did well in the Pacific Palisades, where his home burned down in the 2025 fire, garnering 60% in one precinct. The next closest candidate there was Adam Miller at 14%.

A registered Republican, Pratt also led in many of the more conservative neighborhoods that were dominated in the 2022 mayoral primary by Caruso, a former Republican who switched to being a Democrat before running for mayor. Pratt was ahead in much of the Westside and the West Valley, the analysis found, including much of Woodland Hills, Encino, West Hills and Chatsworth — just like Caruso four years ago.

“The Pratt vote mirrors a tremendous amount of the Rick Caruso vote: geographically, demographically and ideologically,” said Dave Jacobson, a Democratic consultant and co-founder of J&Z Strategies.

Certain Valley neighborhoods that supported Caruso didn’t go to Pratt, though, as Bass made inroads in areas including Northridge and North Hills, extending her support farther west into the Valley than she did in her last primary.

At the same time, Pratt appeared poised to win some neighborhoods that Bass carried in 2022. He was leading in Studio City and Hancock Park, according to the preliminary returns in areas where Bass led Caruso after the primary.

Bass’ stronghold in South L.A.

Bass’ support eroded to some extent since 2022, when she secured 43% of the vote in the primary against Caruso, then-Councilmember Kevin de Leon and leftist Gina Viola, the analysis based on partial returns shows. Even so, Bass outperformed her 2022 primary results in many areas south of the Santa Monica Freeway, though the precincts are slightly different than they were four years ago, making direct comparisons difficult.

In one precinct in Gramercy Park, Bass picked up 82% of the vote so far — up from a similar precinct where she won about 75% of the vote in 2022. Part of Bass’ dominance in the area could have to do with the fact that Pratt and Raman didn’t perform as well as Caruso did in many of these South L.A. neighborhoods.

Still, in some parts of the neighborhood, Bass underperformed 2022, though she still won more than half the vote.

In a Baldwin Hills neighborhood precinct where she won 77% of the vote last time, Bass was down to about 64% this year so far, as Raman took 20% of the precinct and Pratt had 9%. In 2022, Caruso won less than 13% of the area.

Bill Carrick, a longtime Democratic consultant, said it was unsurprising to see Bass’ support continue to be strong in South L.A.

“She’s been in the community there, lived there a long time and represented them in various capacities,” he said. “She’s a pretty well-known figure. She’s tied into all the networks.”

The Raman factor

The partial election returns show Raman leading the pack in precincts known for their progressive politics, particularly those with younger people in renter-heavy neighborhoods stretching from Hollywood to Highland Park.

Every neighborhood that Raman won was taken by Bass during the primary in 2022, though Viola, a leftist candidate that year, also did well in these precincts compared with other parts of the city.

On the Westside, Raman found few spots to lead, taking Sawtelle and Palms by fairly narrow margins, although those margins could possibly increase as more votes are counted.

She also dominated the Westwood precinct that includes UCLA, winning 56% of the vote in one precinct, compared with Bass’ 19% and Pratt’s 10%. And in a Los Feliz precinct in her council district, Raman so far has 58% of the vote, far ahead of Bass and Pratt.

Still, as of Wednesday, Raman was trailing in 54 of the 66 precincts in her own council district.

Zachary Donnini, a data expert with the nonpartisan group VoteHub, said he expects to see Raman’s numbers rise as the county continues to count late-arriving mail-in ballots, which he says tend to skew younger and more Democratic — which is Raman’s base.

“All the areas that are good for Pratt are going to become less good for him, and all areas that look less good for Raman are going to look better for her,” Donnini said.

Too close to call

Across the city, certain battleground precincts were so tight that no single candidate had a lead as of Wednesday’s count, on which The Times’ analysis was based.

In two adjacent Koreatown precincts, Bass and Raman were tied, with 117 votes in one and 187 votes in another, with Pratt trailing not far behind in both.

Bass and Raman also split a downtown Los Angeles precinct with 199 votes each, though Raman carried much of the rest of downtown, which Bass won in 2022.

In the Valley, it was Bass and Pratt who split precincts. In one Sun Valley precinct, the two each took 151 votes compared with Raman’s 80. They also tied in an Encino precinct.

When it comes to jetting away after long months of hard work and parenting, the idea of flopping down on a sunlounger in between trips to the all-inclusive buffet or bar is undeniably tempting

All-inclusive hotels and resorts are slowly killing one of the best parts about going away on holiday.

When it comes to jetting away after long months of hard work and parenting, the idea of flopping down on a sunlounger in between trips to the all-inclusive buffet or bar is undeniably tempting.

However, it’s this very action that is threatening something we all love. Food.

A recent poll of 2,000 holidaymakers found that cuisine is the main reason for choosing a holiday destination for 19 percent, with 25 percent even returning to the same place because of it. Nearly four in 10 always research restaurants and dining experiences, and 17 per cent will put together a wish list of foods they want to try.

But according to the responsible travel firm Intrepid, local delicacies, bars and restaurants are under threat because holidaymakers are increasingly staying in all-inclusive resorts run by large multinational companies, rather than exploring and spreading their cash around.

A survey of 2,000 Brits conducted on behalf of Intrepid by Censuswide found:

• 51% won’t travel beyond their accommodation to find authentic food
• 25% eat at a global fast-food chain within 48 hours of arrival
• 55% of Gen Z say they find comfort in familiar brands like McDonald’s and Starbucks when travelling
• Over two-thirds of Brits (67%) admit to packing food from home, with tea bags (32%), the most commonly packed item

Award-winning author, food and travel writer, Yasmin Khan, who collaborated on the research, told the Mirror what we risk losing if we stick to the hotel buffet.

“When a traditional dish disappears, we don’t just lose a recipe; we lose a piece of history and heritage,” she said.

Yamin believes that travellers have a responsibility to support the food cultures that make places distinctive and that “when we choose the safety of the familiar over food rooted in local tradition, we can inadvertently contribute to the loss of irreplaceable flavours, techniques and ingredients.”

“As someone who is a tired mum of a toddler, all-inclusives have their place. But I would push back on this idea that they’re the most affordable way to experience a holiday. While some have good food, the majority of the time you’re divorced from where you’re visiting. It could be anywhere. You feel disconnected,” she continued.

“So many of the local bakeries, or the lovely cake shops, the lovely tapas bars, if people aren’t leaving the hotels, they’re under threat. Some of my favourite meals abroad have been some of the spontaneous ones, you’ve eaten something you’ve not heard of before. I also make a point of asking for local recommendations.”

Intrepid has also partnered with Time Out to launch a series of immersive cookery workshops in London, giving people the chance to cook and experience a selection of the ‘endangered dishes’ firsthand. Tickets are on sale now.

Dan Saladino, author of Eating to Extinction, is concerned that less well-known dishes are being wiped out, in part due to the habits of holidaymakers.

“The research identified three primary threats including environmental loss from climate change, cultural dilution due to overtourism, and the disappearance of traditional artisanal skills. We chose dishes like the New York bagel and sushi from Japan because they are, in culinary terms, global icons, yet most people don’t realise the authentic versions of these are actually on the brink of vanishing due to modern shortcuts and mass-market pressures,” he said.

“Food is the most profound link we have to our history, our land, and our identity, yet we are currently witnessing a global collapse of culinary diversity.”

Noel Josephides, the chairman of family‑owned tour operator Sunvil, believes that all-inclusive hotels don’t just threaten food culture, but the very foundations of the sunny destinations loved by Brits.

He refuses to work with all‑inclusives “on principle” and argues that they suck money out of local communities and funnel it towards large multi‑nationals. Local, independent business owners simply can’t compete with the buying power of the big chains, which encourage holidaymakers to stay on‑site rather than going out into the community to spend their cash.

This is not only a major cause of resentment among locals, but it keeps holidaymakers from truly experiencing the destination they’re in, Mr Josephides argues.

“It’s a product that doesn’t really encourage access to local facilities. We know in places like Cyprus and Greece, restaurants have shut down because of all‑inclusives,” he told the Mirror.

“It is not the way to see a country like Greece, but it is perfect for mass‑market tourism from the company’s perspective. In Corfu, there’s a village called Dassia, which has a big all‑inclusive. If you go to that village, it’s dead. Small hoteliers in Paphos have told me, hundreds of restaurants have closed. It is not the right way to do tourism.”

Brian Carrigan has been travelling to sunny destinations such as Menorca, Grand Canaria, and Marjoca each year for the past quarter of a century. In his mind, the biggest problem is the rise of all‑inclusives.

“They starve the local economy of holiday spending. We have never done all‑inclusive due to the fact that the food is substandard and not as good as a locally prepared meal in a nice restaurant,” Brian said.

When I visited Rhodes in 2023 to see how the island was recovering from wildfires that had evacuated thousands of holidaymakers, a number of independent hoteliers and restaurateurs told me how hard times had come in the past decade. While they cited numerous factors, the biggest one in their minds was the arrival of several large all‑inclusive hotels.

The history of the wrap‑around holiday type stretches back to the 1950s, when Belgian sportsman Gerard Blitz pioneered the concept by using army surplus tents to house visitors in Majorca. He was the founder of Club Med, now one of the biggest travel brands in Europe.

The all‑inclusives of today are much more complex and provide so much more to guests than Mr Blitz’s straw hut village that opened in 1952 in Corfu. When I visited Club Med Tignes, I was amazed by not just the ski‑in, ski‑out nature of the property, but the staff on hand to get kids dressed and ready for a day on the slopes, and the incredible buffet on offer three times a day. We’re not just talking chips and pizza, we’re in the world of raclette, fresh fish, and omelets made to order as you watch on.

While Club Med may no longer be a bargain option, many brands offer such good deals that it’d be financially mad not to go all‑inclusive. At least, from the holidaymaker’s perspective.

According to Responsible Travel, all‑inclusive resorts are “usually owned by an overseas company,” and they “sequester most of the tourists’ cash, leaving little behind in the local community, which is impacted by the presence of the resorts.”

“Holidaymakers also use vast quantities of energy and water (significantly more per person than local people) and create large amounts of waste, which some feel is a high price to pay for little commercial return.”

Harold Goodwin, professor of Responsible Tourism at Manchester Metropolitan University, believes all‑inclusives can be forces for good, so long as they work alongside independents, rather than against them. That means building a loyal and skilled local workforce, reducing energy costs and waste, sourcing fresh local produce, and offering an exciting range of sensitively planned excursions.

“An impressive all-inclusive resort can provide employment for local people with a genuine chance of progression – with the right support and training – into managerial roles that are better paid. Indeed, an all-inclusive resort in a developing country could employ far more people locally than several ecolodges ever could,” he told Responsible Travel.

“Notorious for not sourcing locally, there is no reason why a responsible, sustainable all‑inclusive resort cannot support an ‘adopt a farmer’ scheme, or similar – sourcing delicious, fresh, quality produce for its catering needs at a local level.”