Ordered

Swedish defense firm Saab announced today that it had signed a contract to provide 16 Gripen E fighters to Ukraine. Once they arrive in the country, the jets will likely provide Ukraine with its most capable combat aircraft, and the development comes after Stockholm agreed to donate up to 16 of the previous-generation Gripen C/Ds to Ukraine. Handover of the Gripen C/Ds in Ukraine is slated to take place in early 2027, while the Gripen Es are scheduled for delivery starting in 2029.

The deal was signed between Saab and the Swedish Defense Materiel Administration (FMV), the governmental procurement agency acting under the Swedish Ministry of Defense. The order is valued at around SEK 24.6 billion (approximately $2.5 billion) and will be booked in the third quarter of this year.

Saab is scheduled to deliver the new jets to the FMV between 2029 and 2030, after which they will be transferred to Ukraine.

In addition to the 16 Gripen E fighters, the contract also includes spare parts and associated items and equipment.

“I am deeply proud that Sweden and Saab can now enable the provision of Gripen E to Ukraine, bringing a world-class fighter that will transform the Ukrainian Air Force’s capability. This will significantly strengthen Ukraine’s air defense and help ensure the nation can protect its people and safeguard its future,” said Micael Johansson, President and CEO of Saab, in a statement from the company.

The same statement also outlined particular features of the Gripen series that it says make it ideal for operations with the Ukrainian Air Force:

“Gripen is designed to address advanced threats in demanding environments. Operational flexibility and resilience enable operations from short stretches, temporary runways or roads, supporting dispersed operations and high availability. The software-based architecture facilitates continuous upgrades and adaptation to evolving operational requirements. With low maintenance requirements and fast turnaround, Gripen provides an advanced and cost-effective fighter capability that is easy to operate and maintain.”

These qualities, not restricted to, but notably baked into the Gripen design philosophy, are something we have explored as long ago as 2022, in the context of potential deliveries to Ukraine. In our previous coverage, we noted:

Designed during the Cold War to meet the Soviet threat, the Gripen was engineered for efficiency, durability, and ease of operation under wartime conditions. It was specifically designed to be serviced and rearmed by small teams — often including conscript personnel — while operating from dispersed locations such as roads and improvised airstrips instead of traditional air bases. The aircraft’s entire concept centers on maintaining combat operations in demanding environments, including prolonged cold-weather conditions.

Gripen – Always combat ready

Even with its existing fighters, the Ukrainian Air Force has developed tactics and equipment to operate these jets from dispersed locations around the country. Prior to the current conflict, Ukrainian fighters were training to make use of highways as alternatives to traditional runways.

Already, the Gripen C/D represents a significant advance, but, as noted, these are previous-generation jets, and they are secondhand aircraft drawn from Swedish stocks to expedite delivery.

Compared to the Gripen C/D, the Gripen E, as you can read about here, is a very different proposition, despite its superficially similar appearance.

In contrast to the older jet, the Gripen E has a bigger fuselage that accommodates approximately 30 percent more fuel and has a more powerful General Electric F414 engine, plus a total of 10 hardpoints for weapons and other stores. The cockpit is entirely revised, and the pilot is provided with a single Wide Area Display (WAD), replacing the three separate displays in the Gripen C/D.

The Gripen E can carry up to seven MBDA Meteor beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles, weapons also compatible with the Gripen C/D, although in the new aircraft these are integrated with the Leonardo ES-05 Raven active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar, and the Leonardo Skyward G infrared search and track (IRST) sensor.

The ES-05 Raven is set to be the first AESA fighter radar for Ukraine. Arrays of this kind bring a significant boost to modern combat aircraft. In comparison with traditional mechanically scanned array technology, an AESA can find and track a target at a much greater range, more quickly, and with a greater degree of accuracy. This also applies to smaller threats, including those with limited radar signatures, or flying at very low levels, which older radars find much harder to detect. This makes it especially relevant to hunting drones and cruise missiles, which are small targets often encountered by Ukraine en masse.

One particular feature of the ES-05 Raven on the Gripen E is the fact that the radar is mounted on a rotating repositioner, also known as a swashplate. As you can read about here, this enables the electronically scanned antenna, which is normally fixed in a forward position on fighter aircraft, to be slewed to the left and to the right in order to increase its field of view.

As we have discussed in the past, the Meteor would provide Ukraine with a class of air-to-air weapon that it badly needs to redress the balance against Russian fighter jets.

The Meteor is among the most capable air-to-air missiles in operational service anywhere in the world. Thanks to its ramjet propulsion, which can be throttled during different phases of flight, the Meteor is generally considered to be effective against certain types of targets out to around 130 miles.

The Meteor also features an active radar seeker for the terminal phase and a two-way datalink that feeds it with in-flight updates as it flies out to its target and provides information to the pilot in the launch aircraft.

Meteor

All Gripens can also be armed with the AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) that arms Ukraine’s F-16 fighters as well as several of its ground-based air defense systems.

The jet also includes a new Saab Electronic Warfare System (EWS), featuring a 360-degree spherical Missile Approach Warning System (MAWS).

Less obvious is the Gripen E’s avionics architecture, which is designed to enable the rapid insertion of new hardware and updated software applications to take on new missions. Customers are also able to design and develop their own software to introduce new technologies and systems to keep pace with ever-evolving threats.

Furthermore, Ukraine will be able to maximize the potential of its Gripens by operating them in conjunction with its two Saab 340 airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) aircraft equipped with Erieye radar that have been donated by Sweden.

The Saab 340 AEW&C can serve as an airborne fighter control platform by detecting and tracking Russian targets, prioritizing threats, and directing friendly fighters to intercept them. Using its datalink system, the aircraft can also provide mid-course guidance updates to missiles after launch. This allows fighter pilots to engage targets without necessarily activating their own radar. Instead, a missile can be assigned a target before launch, fired, and then receive continuous guidance updates from the AEW&C aircraft until it reaches the target. The Erieye radar is also notably effective when tracking ground and maritime targets.

Brazil was the first export customer for the Gripen E (also taking the two-seat Gripen F version), with its decision to buy the fighter influenced to a significant degree by the opportunity to establish a domestic production line. It was followed by Thailand, which secured a small batch of Gripen E/Fs to bolster its existing Gripen C/D fleet, and Colombia, which is also buying Gripen E/Fs. Meanwhile, Sweden has ordered 60 Gripen Es, the first of which was delivered to an operational unit last year.

Otherwise, the commonality between the aircraft will ensure that the Gripen E is easier for the Ukrainians to introduce.

According to Swedish officials, the training of Ukrainian pilots and technicians on the Gripen C/D is already underway and will be expanded this fall.

These Gripen Es could be just the start of a much bigger program.

The long-term ambition remains 100-150 Gripen aircraft. However, this transfer only exists as a statement of intent for now, as we have previously reported.

A similar letter of intent covers a plan for Kyiv to buy up to 100 Dassault Rafale F4 fighters from France over the next 10 years. These Rafales are at least as advanced as the Gripen Es, and superior in some respects, but there remain glaring questions about whether they can both be procured, especially in such numbers.

The Gripen E is an even bigger deal for Ukraine than the Gripen C/D. The Ukrainian Air Force has already received Western-supplied F-16s and a smaller number of Mirage 2000s, but still relies heavily on its Soviet-era fighters. The MiG-29 Fulcrum, in particular, has been continually adapted to carry new weaponry, both Western-supplied and locally developed, but these are all aging jets and the fleet overall has been steadily reduced by attrition.

Taken together, the Gripen C/D and Gripen E will provide Ukraine with a modern, networked fighter force unlike anything it has operated before. Combined with long-range Meteor missiles and Erieye AEW&C support, the aircraft will significantly enhance Ukraine’s ability to challenge Russian airpower and defend its airspace, and it will also be able to deliver precise attacks against surface targets.

Perhaps more importantly, these Swedish-made jets will bring the Ukrainian Air Force into a new era in which it is spearheaded by advanced, Western-made combat aircraft.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

A federal judge has ordered the Trump administration to restore signs related to topics such as climate change, slavery and Indigenous and LGBTQ+ history that were removed under an executive order to purge language at national parks that allegedly cast America in a negative light.

The order has prompted the removal of mentions of President Washington’s slaves at Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, signs regarding climate threats at Fort Sumter in South Carolina and a pride flag at the Stonewall National Monument in New York City, according to the lawsuit challenging the action.

In California, language related to the internment of Japanese Americans at the Manzanar National Historic Site, as well as the history of Indigenous people in Death Valley and Muir Woods came under scrutiny.

A preliminary injunction was issued Friday by U.S. District Judge Angel Kelley in Boston, who sided with a coalition of conservation and historical groups and ordered all language removed under the order to be reinstated before the Fourth of July. Earlier this year, another federal judge ordered the signage related to Washington’s slaves restored.

In Friday’s injunction, Kelley accused the Trump administration of seeking “to rewrite the Nation’s history with a white-out pen,” and said that national parks play an important role in telling the multifaceted history of America, including “the good, the bad, and the ugly.”

“Because Defendants deemed it important to strip the parks of these undeniable truths in anticipation of the 250th Anniversary of our great Nation,” she wrote, “it is equally important that our shared history be honestly told and fully restored by the 250th Anniversary to properly honor the remarkable achievements of the United States.”

A spokesperson for the U.S. Department of the Interior dismissed the ruling as the work of a “liberal activist judge.”

“The Department will look at our appeal options while we celebrate UFC Freedom 250 on the South Lawn of the White House this weekend in honor of our nation’s 250th with the greatest president in the history of our country — President Donald J. Trump,” the spokesperson said in a statement.

Trump initially signed the executive order in March 2025, arguing that a revisionist movement is seeking to undermine American history by replacing objective fact with a distorted, ideologically driven narrative.

“Under this historical revision, our Nation’s unparalleled legacy of advancing liberty, individual rights, and human happiness is reconstructed as inherently racist, sexist, oppressive, or otherwise irredeemably flawed,” the order stated.

Under the order, more than 430 sites under the purview of the National Park Service were told to review language on monuments, memorials, statues and markers to ensure they didn’t disparage Americans past or present, with a close eye on language added during former President Biden’s administration. QR codes were also added at sites encouraging visitors to report any signs they believed violated the order.

In February, a coalition including the National Parks Conservation Assn., American Assn. for State and Local History, Assn. of National Park Rangers and Union of Concerned Scientists filed a lawsuit in federal court in Boston alleging that the order was erasing American history and science.

“National parks serve as living classrooms for our country, where science and history come to life for visitors,” Alan Spears, senior director of cultural resources at the parks conservation association, said in a February statement. “As Americans, we deserve national parks that tell stories of our country’s triumphs and heartbreaks alike. We can handle the truth.”

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

Judge Troy Nunley was fed up.

Federal immigration officials had once again flouted his authority by keeping a man locked up in a California City detention center after Nunley ordered him released. When he was finally set free, the man was booted onto the street with no passport, driver’s license or other personal effects. The judge’s demand that the items be returned were met with silence.

And so on Tuesday, Nunley, the chief judge of the Eastern District of California, slapped Department of Justice attorney Jonathan Yu with an official sanction and a $250 fine.

In a scathing order, Nunley laid out why he was compelled to take such a rare step. The fine may have been less than some traffic tickets, but it’s nearly unheard for a judge to formally admonish a government lawyer.

By Yu’s own admission, he was drowning in work. In his order, Nunley recounted the attorney’s claim he’d been assigned more than 300 nearly identical cases in the last three months, all of immigrants in detention who argued they were being held without cause.

Court filings show many California cases involve longtime U.S. residents unexpectedly hauled off to jail after routine check-ins with immigration officials. One was an Afghan who’d helped the American war effort. Another a Cambodian grandmother of eight who fled Pol Pot’s killing fields as a girl nearly 50 years ago.

Until last year, most would have fought deportation on bond after a brief hearing with an immigration judge. Now, their only hope of release is to file a petition for writ of habeas corpus — a legal maneuver once typically reserved for death row inmates and suspected terrorists — inundating the country’s busiest federal courts with thousands of emergency suits.

The Trump administration attorney said he was trying to “triage” the situation, but Nunley found he repeatedly failed to comply, leaving people with the right to walk free stuck behind bars.

“The Court is not persuaded,” he wrote, issuing the sanctions.

The order came days after Nunley took the unusual step of announcing a “judicial emergency” in the district, which covers nearly half of California, stretching from the Oregon border to the Mojave Desert in the inland part of the state, including Fresno, Bakersfield and Sacramento.

In the last year, the Eastern District has received more petitions from immigration detainees than almost any other jurisdiction in the United States: More than 2,700 since January, compared to fewer than 500 last year and just 18 in 2024. Similar crises are playing out elsewhere, with federal courts in Minnesota briefly paralyzed amid the Trump administration’s enforcement blitz there last winter.

People detained are seen behind fences at an ICE detention facility in Adelanto, California on July 10, 2025.

(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)

In an interview with The Times, Nunley said dealing with the surge of activity since last summer has been “like being hit over the head with a bat.”

“We’re up all night doing these cases,” he said.

So far this year, the Eastern District’s six active judges have ordered almost people 2,000 freed.

“The majority of the cases that we see are cases where people should not be detained,” Nunley said. “They should be receiving hearings to determine whether or not they are to remain in this country, and until they receive those hearings, they should be free.”

Since last July, the Department of Homeland Security has ordered that all immigrants it arrests are subject to “mandatory detention” — a policy that had previously only applied to those caught at the border.

The change came four days after President Trump signed a spending bill that earmarked $45 billion to expand the federal network of immigrant lockups.

“This has been a sea change in the way the government has read the law,” said My Khanh Ngo, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU Immigrants’ Rights Project. “Almost every judge who has looked at this has agreed these people should get bond, and yet thousands of people are still sitting in detention.”

Elizabeth Vega, 15, right, and Darlene Rumualdo, 15, from Torres High School join labor organizers, clergy leaders and immigrant rights groups to protest immigration raids nationwide at La Placita Olvera in downtown Los Angeles on January 23, 2026.

(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

Longtime U.S. residents who might once have fought removal from home — where they can more easily gather evidence to support their case and confer with lawyers — are instead being held indefinitely.

Many have no criminal record. Some have been in the U.S. so long that the countries they came from no longer exist.

“People are locked up in the same facilities as people accused of crimes, people who’ve been convicted of crimes … and then you’re telling people, you have no shot of getting out,” Ngo said. “Detaining people and not giving them the chance to get out of detention is a way of coercing people to give up their claims.”

The habeas process can take weeks or months depending on the judge and the district.

“When the immigration cases dropped on our district, we got hit harder than any other outside West Texas,” Nunley said. “Initially we had more cases than anyone else.”

Today, data compiled by ProPublica and legal activist groups including the Immigration Justice Transparency Initiative show almost a quarter of the roughly 30,000 active habeas petitions in the United States are in California courts. Nunley’s own tabulations show half the California cases are in his district, where a perfect storm of stepped-up enforcement, a large population of immigrant workers and a concentration of detention centers produced a flash flood of habeas petitions.

The cases rely on the Constitution’s guarantee of due process before being deprived of life, liberty or property. But according to court filings, in some instances the government has argued “the Fifth Amendment does not apply” to detained immigrants.

DOJ lawyers responding to the bids for freedom now regularly complain they’re being crushed under paperwork.

Judges accustomed to having government lawyers comply with their orders have been left fuming.

In California’s Central District, which includes L.A. and surrounding areas, Judge Sunshine Sykes wrote a fiery decision earlier this year that said the Trump administration is inflicting “terror against noncitizens.”

Sykes is one of several federal judges across the country that have tried to compel the government to resume bond hearings. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals blocked that decision in March, leaving the habeas system in place for now. But with challenges or recent decisions across multiple circuits, experts say the fight is fated for the Supreme Court.

“ICE has the law and the facts on its side, and it adheres to all court decisions until it ultimately gets them shot down by the highest court in the land,” a Homeland Security spokesperson said in an email to The Times.

A woman holds a “ICE not welcome here!” sign at a vigil in San Pedro in January.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

The lawyers fighting to free those jailed under the Trump administration’s mandatory detention policy say they were not initially equipped for these legal battles because they used to be exceedingly rare.

Most federal judges had only seen a handful of habeas petitions before last summer — then suddenly they had hundreds of requests for urgent relief, according to Jean Reisz, co-director of the USC Immigration Clinic.

Reisz said there are efforts to get pro bono law groups trained on how to effectively argue habeas cases, “but it takes a while to get up to speed.”

A federal agent asks residents to move back after a shooting during an immigration enforcement operation in Willowbrook on January 21, 2026.

(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

At the same time, Reisz said, lawyers are pushing judges who oversee the cases to act swiftly, since interminable procedural delays ensure people remain incarcerated.

“Most of the habeas petitions include a motion for temporary restraining orders, and that requires emergency decisions from the courts, which requires the courts to act very fast,” Reisz said.

In California’s federal district courts, the backlog remains thousands deep. Nunley said the system is struggling to keep up with the crush of cases.

“There’s nothing that says that noncitizens should not be entitled to due process,” Nunley said. “These are our people, they reside in our district. They’re entitled to the same due process that you and I are entitled to.”