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While Elizabeth Alexander ‘s career trajectory has taken her from scholar and author to educator, cultural advocate and most recently philanthropy, she considers herself first and foremost a poet. “Day job by day, writer by night,” she quips about her two very different and separate identities.

On the creative side, Alexander’s bona fides as a writer of poetry and prose are impressive: six volumes of poetry, including the 2009 poem for Barack Obama’s presidential inauguration, “Praise Song for the Day,” three essay collections and, most recently, “The Light of the World,” a moving memoir of love, grief and meaning in the wake of loss. On the business front, she’s the president of the Mellon Foundation, the largest private funder of the arts culture and the humanities in the United States. How does she bring such seemingly disparate parts of her life together in service of her work?

It starts with presence.

Over our Zoom call, Alexander is engaging, calm but focused on the things that matter in her life: poetry, family, community, justice and connection. She quotes freely from poetry in conversation, and says she keeps the poems that inspire her in an “internal Rolodex,” as offerings to colleagues and students. And now, readers in “Signals Across Vast Distances,” a collection of transformational essays and stories, 10 years in the making, about life’s challenges and how poetry, art and the humanities can connect and sustain us through difficult times.

A Rolodex of poetic resistance

The book’s title is taken from a 1967 Muriel Rukeyser poem in which she writes of “news pouring out of various devices/Interrupted by attempts to sell products to the unseen” and of people trying to connect to each other through the confusion “to construct peace, to make love, to reconcile…ourselves with each other,/Ourselves with ourselves.”Rukeyser’s poem had been in Alexander’s Rolodex for some time. Its resonance is more profound in a period that she describes as beginning “with the global pandemic and moving into the protests in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder, the increased nihilistic despair over climate change, and the second coming of authoritarianism.”

Her succinct conclusion: “We are navigating through some very challenging times.”

Poetry like Rukeyser’s and others by Gwendolyn Brooks, Robert Hayden or the essays by James Baldwin that Alexander parses in the book, provide sustenance for the journey. Prescient in its reference to the news reaching people through various “devices,” Rukeyser’s poem also resonates for Alexander, “because as I consider being from a generation that lived through the civil rights movement, women’s movement and gay liberation movements, I felt we were always moving forward. But Rukeyser’s poem reminded me in 1967 the United States [which brought escalation of the Vietnam War, war protests and race riots] had not come to an agreement about what it believed, or how it would move forward. So, I kept hearing that poem in my head, which became not only instructive to me but an offering I could give to others… as encouragement that, even when we are separated from each other, we are still connected.”

Alexander knows that need for connection and a sense of being able to reconcile ourselves with our most essential human values is more urgent that ever. What encourages her, and she offers to readers, is poetry and other literature, which “gives us the encouragement to stay grounded.”

In addition to writing about Gwendolyn Brooks’ “The Second Sermon on the Warpland,” whose line “Conduct your blooming in the noise and the whip of the whirlwind” serves as a Alexander’s mantra to stand and fight for justice, she includes stories from her own life, including anecdotes about her late husband, the artist Ficre Ghebreyesus, and others whose journeys to and lives in America as refugees and citizens spark an essential question: “Will we build homes with open sides that welcome wayfarers into our lives?”

As evidence of Alexander’s deep connection to the humanities, the book includes a dozen beautiful color reproductions of fine art by Rashid Johnson, Elizabeth Catlett, Lorna Simpson and Amy Sherald, among others, including a self-portrait by Ghebreyesus. The art was selected as counterpoint to the essays, another means to draw the reader into reflection and contemplation.

Reshaping who — and what — we choose to remember

Alexander’s expansive consideration of the importance of the art to expand our understanding of ourselves and inspire connection includes “Notes on the Nation,” an essay that reflects on Simon Rodia’s Watts Tower— which Alexander admires for their “inspirational power and seeming impossibility” — and the monuments she’d like to see “that do not teach us to memorialize war or to commemorate fighting against others because their beliefs are different….I’d like to see those monuments.”

Alexander’s sentiment was shared by the Mellon Foundation’s leaders, who commissioned a study on the nation’s commemorative works that found, among other things, that 50% of monuments were in honor of people who owned other people. That inspired the funding of the Monuments Project, a $500-million, multiyear commitment (the largest in the foundation’s history), which seeks to answer a fundamental question posed on the foundation’s website: “How can we transform our commemorative landscape so that it accurately conveys complexity of our history and the inspiration that is possible in public spaces?”

While perhaps its best known project has been the MONUMENTS exhibit, co-sponsored by the Brick and the Museum of Contemporary Art, which explores the removal and reinterpretation of decommissioned Confederate statues, Alexander also expressed enthusiasm for Kootéeyaa Deiyí, a totem trail on Juneau, Alaska’s waterfront that commemorates the region’s Indigenous communities and Lauren Halsey’s sister dreamer, an ode to the history and vibrancy of South Los Angeles. “I’ve visited that monument several times,” Alexander admits of the monument that sits at the corner of 76th Street and Western Avenue, “and I am awed by the way people have taken to it and claim it as their own.”

The purpose of the project, as is Alexander’s work as a poet and scholar, is to create a more complete picture of our country. “We limit our greatness as a nation,” she argues, “if we think a sanitized history is of any use to anyone!”

Weaving poetry into the margins of everyday life

As important as discussions of language and art can be in connecting us to each other and providing inspiration to seek justice, Alexander is acutely aware that readers live in the real world, where exhortations to speak truth to power are noted side-by-side with reminders to pick up the dry cleaning. So she closes “Signals” with her personal “To Do List,” an idea which came from another notable poet and friend, Rita Dove, who Alexander reveals includes lines of poetry amid her personal to-do list as a way to remind herself of what’s most important.

Alexander’s list reflects her own particularly hard-won wisdom, like “There should always be salad with dinner.” “Speak up, even when you are afraid.” Or “Give something away every day. Pass along a book when you have finished it. Think about the ecosystem of your actions—what you take in, send out,” the latter of which she includes in a more expansive concept of tithing, of contributing to a common pot for greater good.

There are other thoughts in this essential collection that readers may use to construct their own “to do” lists, which Alexander jokingly says could be “the next great literary genre.” It may be lines of poetry or prose she quotes in the book, or passages from others’ or her own essays that will resonate with readers seeking reconnection with what’s most important in their lives. “As a poet, I know that language is what connects us as human beings,” she asserts. “And I still believe that books are powerful tools to bring us together in a common experience. I want the signals this book sends out across the vast distances of this country to be a conversation starter… and a journey.”

See the author live Nov. 9, 7 p.m. at ALOUD Presents: Elizabeth Alexander in conversation with Jacqueline Stewart at the Mark Taper Auditorium in Central Library. 630 W. Fifth St., L.A.

Woods is a regular contributor to The Times, a member of the National Book Critics Circle and the editor of several anthologies and four novels in the “Charlotte Justice” mystery series.

“L.A. is a city of conflicting realities,” says gallerist Jeni Abramson, and she likes it that way. Evolving directly from Don’t Look Projects — the residency and project space Abramson ran alongside Omar Yousif from 2024 through early 2026 — her eponymous gallery establishes a rigorous, intellectually charged platform dedicated to contemporary photography, multimedia and conceptual art. “I’m drawn to artists whose work examines how political, economic and technological systems operate through images, whether that’s an artist working with archives, surveillance, AI, or the accumulated weight of decades spent looking at the world through a lens,” she says. “My own formation, moving between very different political and economic systems, shapes how I read that work.”

The gallery inaugurated this vision with “Remains of the Day,” presenting more than 50 years of work by Michel Auder — capturing unvarnished, intimate fragments of Andy Warhol’s Factory, his marriages to Viva and Cindy Sherman, and decades of well-chronicled and timelessly sensual bohemian life — organized with support from Hamza Walker, Abramson’s neighbor at the nearby kunsthalle the Brick, and an exceptionally talented archive-wrangler.

The gallery’s November-December presentation is “Meat Ghost,” a solo exhibition of new work by research-based multidisciplinary artist Jen Liu.

Shaped by coming of age in post-Soviet Eastern Europe, where underground electronic music offered a vital bridge between fractured systems, Abramson approaches visual culture with a sharp, systems-aware lens. That critical framework finds a natural home in Los Angeles, particularly when it comes to the city’s complex legacy of CalArts conceptualism, the entertainment industry’s image machinery and the city’s enduring subterranean countercultures. Operating outside the speculative frenzy of the ultra-high-end marketplace, Abramson says, “The collectors I work with don’t approach art as an asset class. They collect for deeply personal reasons.”

When NBC’s production team came to meet with Lincoln Riley, ahead of a broadcast earlier this month, the USC football coach greeted the group like old friends.

“Look,” Riley joked, “the Trojan Network is back.”

He certainly should be familiar with the group by now, given that this week’s matchup with No. 2 Ohio State marks the sixth time in nine games that USC will be featured on NBC. That’s already tied for the most any one network has aired a Big Ten team since 2024, when the conference expanded to 18 teams.

“We certainly feel like we’re the voice of the Trojans at the moment,” Noah Eagle, NBC’s lead play-by-play announcer, told The Times prior to USC’s loss to Wisconsin last week.

It’s certainly an ironic match, considering NBC’s longtime affiliation with the Trojans’ bitter rival, Notre Dame. But going all-in on the Cardinal and Gold wasn’t necessarily the network’s plan going into the season, according to Justin Byczek, NBC’s executive vice president of programming and rights management. It just worked out that way.

“It’s effectively a draft, and we’re trying to look at different weeks and prioritize,” Byczek said. “One of the first things that jumped out at us was how important that Oregon game is going to be. So that was something that we had in our back pocket going into the draft.”

When the three networks divided up the Big Ten’s TV games last spring, Byczek said NBC also zeroed in on that game, as well as USC’s matchups with Ohio State and Penn State, knowing both would fit well featured in prime time.

Just by virtue of its geography and its brand, USC makes for a natural fit in NBC’s prime time slot (7:30/4:30 p.m. ET/PT), similar to how FOX’s Big Noon Saturday regularly features Ohio State in its early window.

Those prime-time matchups featuring the Trojans, though, have lagged a bit behind other top teams from the Big Ten and SEC. USC’s matchup with Oregon drew the largest audience of its season to date, with 5 million viewers on NBC and Peacock. That’s the only time this season that a USC game has finished in the top five of the week’s most viewed games, according to Nielsen data.

That’s a conference-wide issue. The Big Ten has only had the week’s most-watched game twice this season, once on CBS (Ohio State-Iowa in Week 5) and another time on Fox (Ohio State-Indiana, Week 7). Otherwise, ABC has dominated, with upwards of 10 million tuning in most weeks to the network’s prime-time game.

So, in order to compete with ABC in prime time, NBC is betting on Lincoln Riley and the Trojans as its West Coast anchor.

“Because they’re intriguing — not only in Los Angeles, but nationally,” Eagle said. “College football fans want to see if they can get over the hump. Can Lincoln Riley get them there?”

That question will no doubt come up on the broadcast this week. And with three Big Ten games still left after that, you can bet it won’t be the last time we hear it asked on NBC.

From judicial reform to conscription and the Palestinians, here’s where candidates stand on the key issues dominating the campaign.

For an election often billed as the most consequential in Israel’s history, many issues that outsiders might expect to divide the candidates are, in fact, points of consensus among the frontrunners.

None of the leading contenders in Tuesday’s election has questioned the case for unleashing a genocide on Gaza in response to the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023, or the wars that have followed, including the one on Iran. Nor have most candidates for the premiership offered a clear path towards implementing a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict that was envisaged in the 1990s, or towards an equitable settlement with the Palestinians whose territory Israel occupies.

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Instead, the points of division centre almost exclusively on Israel’s internal politics and how voters see the future character of their country. The choice is between the hard-right government of incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, unconstrained by the judicial oversight he has railed against, and the future outlined by the disparate coalition of his opponents, which promises a broadly similar policy agenda but within the confines of the law and without the more extreme elements of the current governing coalition.

So, what have the leading candidates said about the main issues?

The two-state solution

Despite having committed to working towards a two-state solution in the 1990s’ Oslo Accords, with many of their allies adjusting their policies towards Israel to reflect that commitment, few of the contenders in Tuesday’s election appear ready to honour it. Instead, their government stands widely accused of abetting the settler pogroms now raging across the West Bank, while supporting continued construction in the occupied territory in defiance of international law. This includes the E1 settlement plan, which ministers openly boast will bury the two-state solution.

Here’s what some of the contenders have said:

• Likud party leader, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: “We are going to fulfill our promise that there will be no Palestinian state; this place belongs to us.”
• Yashar party Gadi Eisenkot: “My position on the Palestinian issue has remained consistent: The principle of two states for two peoples is a mistake.”

• Religious Zionist party leader, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich: The next government should “destroy the idea of an Arab terror state; finally, formally and practically cancel the cursed Oslo Accords and get on the path of sovereignty, while encouraging migration both from Gaza and from Judea and Samaria [occupied West Bank]. There is no other long-term solution.”
• The Democrats leader Yair Golan: “We need to understand that Israeli society is still in trauma from October 7. To make the galactic leap from the current situation to a two-state solution is impossible. It’s not enough to return to old formulas, we need to adjust our plans, our ideas, our perceptions. My concept is about civil separation and security responsibility.”

Haredi draft

The conscription of Israel’s growing ultra-Orthodox, or Haredi, population into the army is an issue largely unique to Israel, and one whose prominence has grown as the human and economic costs of the wars in which many refuse to take part have mounted.

Netanyahu has continued to rely on the two main Haredi parties, Shas and United Torah Judaism (UTJ), for support in the Knesset. They have in turn insisted that he pass legislation overturning the Supreme Court ruling of June 25, 2024 and offering ultra-Orthodox youth a legislative shield against conscription.

Here is what leaders have said:

• Netanyahu after the arrest this month of about 40 Haredim – plural for Haredi – for avoiding the draft: “We must preserve the world of Torah because it preserved us. These arrests are a deliberate attempt to harm the process of drafting Haredim without coercion.”
• Shas leader Aryeh Deri: “There will be no government in Israel with Shas’s support or participation unless the status of yeshiva [seminary] students is regulated.”
• Eisenkot: “That is what the upcoming election is about: Netanyahu’s draft-dodging government, or a government of conscription led by me.”
• Yisrael Beiteinu party leader Avigdor Liberman: “Netanyahu is issuing an impassioned call against the arrest of draft evaders, once again proving that he is a hostage to the draft evaders – without them, he has no government.”

Judicial overhaul

Days after taking office in 2022, Netanyahu’s government unveiled a plan to curb the powers of Israel’s courts, which triggered months of mass protests in 2023 before the war on Gaza paused the fight.

The coalition has passed measures reshaping how judges are appointed, while in July a law stripped Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara of many of her powers, allowing the government to reject her legal advice and choose its own lawyers in court. Both are due to take effect after the election and most of the opposition has promised to reverse them.

The government has also boycotted Chief Justice Isaac Amit. Critics call it a deliberate assault on democracy by a prime minister embroiled in a long-running corruption trial of his own, while Justice Minister Yariv Levin says the election is a historic chance to finish the job.

Here are some of the contenders’ statements:

• Netanyahu: “Democracy is the rule of the people. It’s ‘we the people,’ not ‘we the judges … In Israel, [judicial reform] was completely derailed, and we have to bring it back. We don’t have to crush the judiciary, but we have to make sure it doesn’t crush the legislative branch, the Knesset or the executive branch of government.”
• Together alliance co-leader, former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett: “I want to be clear. We will cancel all the legal revolution laws immediately upon the convening of the Knesset.”

October 7 inquiry

While the killing of more than 74,000 people in Gaza has been entirely absent during the campaign of the two main alliances, questions over political accountability for security failures ahead of and during the Hamas-led attack in 2023 have dominated this election cycle.

Inquiries into failings by the security services ahead of and during the Hamas-led attack led to the resignation of Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi, announced in January 2025. They also fed a long, drawn-out and bitter fight with the prime minister that ended with the departure of Shin Bet head Ronen Bar in June last year.

However, despite recent news reports suggesting that Netanyahu was warned by both the UAE and Egypt ahead of the attack, and longstanding criticism of his policy of keeping Hamas in power in Gaza as a bulwark against the Palestinian Authority, no similar inquiry into his own alleged failings before October 7 has happened.

Here are some of the leaders’ statements:

• Eisenkot: “Netanyahu was warned and did not act. A State Commission of Inquiry that we will establish will investigate the disaster. The heads of the systems took responsibility and resigned long ago. We will not allow the master of evaders to escape the truth.”
• Netanyahu: The prime minister told the Knesset that his government “wants to establish a commission of inquiry with as broad public support as possible” and not one dismissed by what he claimed is “at least half the country”. The proposed government-led inquiry never reached its final reading and has been deferred to the next session.

RICHMOND, Va. — Virginia state Sen. L. Louise Lucas, one of the state’s most powerful Democrats, was charged Thursday with leading what authorities alleged was a wide-ranging criminal enterprise that acquired and distributed large quantities of marijuana and laundered the proceeds.

Lucas, who has been in elected office for decades, used her political power to insulate the operation from scrutiny, according to an indictment charging her and six other defendants, including several of her relatives. She “put her own financial interests before the people she was elected to serve,” said U.S. Atty. Gen. Todd Blanche, who spoke at a news conference with FBI Director Kash Patel.

Lucas surrendered, the Justice Department said. She made a brief appearance in federal court on Thursday afternoon, where she was released on her own recognizance, according to court records. She left the court without addressing media gathered outside and went straight into a waiting vehicle.

The charges, including drug trafficking and money laundering, came after the FBI searched Lucas’ hometown office and a cannabis shop in which she has a stake in May. At the time of the search, Lucas — who has been a vocal critic of Republican President Trump’s administration — characterized it as an attempt to intimidate her.

“This is the circus we always expected it to be,” said Brian Woolfolk, chief counsel for the L. Louise Lucas Legal Defense Fund.

Lucas says she won’t be bullied by the federal government

A statement attributed to Lucas posted on her social media account did not directly address the substance of the charges but said Thursday’s actions amounted to the federal government wielding its “full weight” against a great-grandmother.

“I will not be intimidated. I will not be bullied. And I will not back down,” Lucas said in the statement.

The brash 82-year-old lawmaker has spent decades ascending the ranks of Virginia politics and has served since 1992 in the state Senate, where she’s the president pro tempore, overseeing the chamber in the lieutenant governor’s absence. More significantly, she leads the powerful Senate finance committee, through which all legislation with any budget impact must flow. She’s used the position to kill legislation she opposes.

Justice Department denies politics played a role

The indictment comes as Trump’s Justice Department has faced intense scrutiny over investigations and prosecutions against foes of the president that critics have called politically motivated.

Blanche rejected any suggestion politics played a role in Lucas’ case, noting the investigation began well before the second Trump administration started in January 2025.

“We don’t do political paybacks,” Blanche told reporters.

A person familiar with the May search told the Associated Press at the time that the probe was opened during Democratic President Biden’s administration. The person spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a continuing criminal investigation.

FBI alleges a ‘criminal marijuana enterprise’

Patel said in a statement that “Lucas and a close-knit group of family members and associates orchestrated a multi-year scheme to enrich their own criminal marijuana enterprise, ‘the Lucas Enterprise’ — using Lucas’ position as Chairwoman of the Senate Finance and Appropriations Committee to insulate the enterprise from criminal scrutiny and influencing legislation to financially benefit themselves.”

The indictment describes Lucas as the “leader of the enterprise” who “approved and directed criminal activities,” including arranging for the acquisition and distribution of marijuana and supervising the laundering of the proceeds.

The indictment alleges Lucas worked this year with another of the defendants to use her political position to obtain a recreational marijuana license for him, with the understanding that the proceeds from sales under the license would be shared with her to support the “enterprise.”

Since 2021, marijuana has been legal to possess in Virginia, and many shops across the state have sold cannabis-derived products. But full recreational sales are not yet underway; legislation enacted earlier this year will allow them beginning in July 2027.

Law enforcement made multiple controlled purchases of marijuana from Lucas’ shop, which purported to sell hemp products, in 2024 and 2025, the indictment said.

In addition to drug and money laundering charges, Lucas faces a charge of racketeering conspiracy, conspiracy to commit honest services fraud and maintaining a drug-involved premises. An arraignment is scheduled for next month.

Among the other defendants who face a mix of those and other charges are two daughters of Lucas and a grandson. It was unclear if they had obtained legal representation. They were also scheduled to make an initial court appearance Thursday afternoon.

Virginia officials react

A forceful advocate of legalizing marijuana, Lucas partnered in opening the shop, The Cannabis Outlet, in 2021. She has publicly spoken about her ownership stake as recently as June, though her most recent financial disclosure forms do not list the business by name.

At the time of the search — when marijuana was recovered at The Cannabis Outlet, according to the indictment — many Democrats spoke up to defend Lucas.

On Thursday, Scott Surovell, the Democratic leader of the state Senate, said in a statement that the indictment contained “serious allegations” but emphasized that “Senator Lucas has the right to defend herself, and she has my full support as she does so.” Atty. Gen. Jay Jones, a Democrat who is close with Lucas, said the allegations against her must be tested in a “full and fair” legal process.

House Speaker Don Scott, Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi, and Gov. Abigail Spanberger, all Democrats, echoed those sentiments, with Spanberger adding that the timing of the indictment so close to the midterm election would “further erode” Americans’ trust in the Justice Department. Lucas herself is not on the ballot this year.

Ryan McDougle, the Senate Republican leader, said he would not comment while the court proceedings play out.

The senator draws comparisons to Trump

Lucas, who represents a district that includes her hometown of coastal Portsmouth, operates with a sometimes-profane, unapologetic style that’s drawn comparisons to Trump.

She amassed a six-figure following on X and national attention, using the social media platform to advocate forcefully for her priorities and to bash her critics, including former GOP Gov. Glenn Youngkin. She’s also occasionally blasted members of her own party, including Spanberger, with whom she’s had disagreements.

Earlier this year, Lucas helped lead Democrats’ ultimately unsuccessful plan to gerrymander the blue-leaning state’s congressional districts into a map intended to elect 10 Democrats and only one Republican. Along the way, she posted quips about four GOP members the intended map sought to oust, joking that they soon would be working at McDonald’s. She and other Democrats defended the maps as a reasonable response to Trump-backed efforts to boost the GOP’s midterm advantage in other states.

Lucas has been in politics for decades

Lucas has notched several historic firsts in her career. According to a biography from the state library, in 1971 she became the Norfolk Naval Shipyard’s first female shipfitter, a physically demanding job that involves working on metal assemblies for vessels.

She launched her political career in 1984, when, the biography said, she became the first Black woman elected to the Portsmouth City Council.

In the state Senate, Lucas has been a staunch advocate for abortion rights and increased public school funding and a leading voice on issues of racial justice and civil rights.

In 2019, after Democrats flipped control of the chamber, her peers elected her to serve as president pro tempore. And in 2024, she was tapped to lead the chamber’s budget committee, gaining enormous sway over any legislation tied to the state budget.

Richer and Rankin write for the Associated Press. Richer reported from Washington and Rankin reported from Richmond, Va. AP journalists Eric Tucker in Washington and Steve Helber in Norfolk, Va., contributed to this report.