Latin

President Laura Fernandez says mega-prison is part of ‘tough-on-crime model’ embraced by her government.

Costa Rica has announced the opening of a new mega-prison amid near-record homicide levels and growing organised crime, as countries across the region embrace police crackdowns that have proven popular but often weaken key civil liberties.

President Laura Fernandez opened the High-Containment Centre Against Organised Crime, or CACCO, on Wednesday. The prison will have capacity for 5,100 people, equivalent to about 20 percent of the country’s current prison population.

“The CACCO will force criminals to face a new model – a tough-on-crime model. Costa Rica will become a global benchmark for prison security,” Fernandez said during an inauguration ceremony.

Candidates across Latin America have embraced mega-prisons, seeking to replicate the policies of Nayib Bukele, the president of El Salvador, who has won widespread popularity through a campaign of mass arrests and the suspension of basic rights in the name of combating crime.

Costa Rica, long spared from high levels of violent crime compared with its neighbours, saw a record-setting 905 homicides in 2023, followed by 876 in 2024 and 873 in 2025.

Analysts say that is partly due to increased fighting between criminal groups over lucrative drug routes.

The first transfers to Costa Rica’s new mega-prison will take place at the end of October, with Justice Minister Gabriel Aguilar saying the facility will help the government reassert control over the prison system and diminish infiltration by organised crime.

Right-wing leaders in other Latin American countries have also sought to replicate the mega-prison model.

Peruvian President Keiko Fujimori, inaugurated in July, has announced plans to tour El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Centre (CECOT), in anticipation of creating a similar facility in her country. CECOT can hold about 40,000 people.

In Colombia, meanwhile, newly elected leader Abelardo de la Espriella campaigned for the presidency, in part, on a pledge to build 10 mega-prisons. He took office in August.

Brazil, the largest country in Latin America, is currently in the midst of its own presidential election, and right-wing Senator Flavio Bolsonaro has advanced to the final round of the vote. His platform also includes building five mega-prisons, citing the Salvadoran model.

El Salvador first imposed a “state of exception” under Bukele in 2022, expanding police and military powers.

That emergency declaration has been credited with a sharp drop in that country’s homicides, but rights groups say it has led to severe rights abuses and has been weaponised against critics of the government.

The “state of exception” has also resulted in mass arrests and mass trials, with rulings delivered against hundreds of defendants at a time. Some defendants have been detained without charge.

While the Bukele administration frequently touts its success in dismantling the gangs, the government has continuously extended the state of exception since it was first imposed.

Critics have warned that conditions inside mega-prisons are often poor, with imprisoned people facing overcrowding, due process violations and alleged torture in facilities like CECOT.

Oct. 12, 2026 6 AM PT

One word that could describe Aria Vega’s whirlwind 2026? Chévere.

The Colombian expression for “awesome” is also the name of the fast-rising star’s global smash hit. Released in January, the breezy tropical swing of “Chévere” — and the rest of her sun-kissed singles — embodies the spirit of Colombia’s Caribbean coast where she hails from.

Ahead of the Latin Grammys on Nov. 12, where Vega will be in the running for the best new artist award, Vega is taking what she calls her “Costeñita Core” pop movement on the road, with her first-ever U.S. tour.

“Looking back at all the dreams I’ve accomplished and made come true, it’s all blessings,” a wide-grinning Vega says over Zoom from Miami.

“I’ve been crying tears of joy with my family, my friends and my combo chévere, as I like to call my fandom. Every artist wishes and dreams of a Latin Grammy, and for me, just to be one of the nominees is like, ‘Yo, I’m a winner!’”

Vega was born Mariana Padilla Pérez in Barranquilla, where she lived the lifestyle of the costeños — or the people of Colombia’s Caribbean coastal region. She has been steadily chasing her dreams of superstardom since competing on “Idol Colombia” in 2014; but Vega finally started making waves last year when she integrated more costeño culture, rhythms and slang into her mellowed, Spanglish pop flow.

“Chévere” exploded in popularity after fellow Colombian singer Ryan Castro jumped on the remix in February. Since then, Vega has pushed “Costeñita Core” further into the mainstream with songs like the alluring “Cule Poco (Sirena_Besarico_Costeña),” and the sultry “Compa Coleto (Uy_Como),” offering unhurried takes on champeta and other Afro-Caribbean rhythms.

Vega just kicked off her U.S. Cariavales Tour, which includes a stop at the Roxy in Los Angeles on Oct. 13. Just a week before, she was handpicked by her pop foremother and icon from Barranquilla — Shakira — to perform as part of her 12-show residency in Madrid.

In an interview with The Times, Aria Vega opened up about her Latin Grammy nomination, representing costeños and getting a co-sign from Shakira.

How did the success of the song “Chévere” change your life?
I didn’t expect to be on [so many] airplanes and flights. Right now, I’m starting to feel the weight of that. I’ve seen what it’s like to live on the road. The remix happened after Ryan [Castro] sent me a DM on Instagram saying, “‘Chévere’ is a banger!’” I was really excited to even get that message from him, because I’m a fan of his music. That was a really cool moment.

What can you tell us about your upcoming debut album?
It’s Afro-Caribbean-inspired music. Right now, the album is really long. I have recorded more than 30 songs for it. I’m working on cutting it down to hopefully 15 songs that will touch your heart and soul … I want to make people vibe with my songs, feel cool, and feel chévere. That’s my goal with this album [I call] “Costeñita Core.”

What does “Costeñita Core” mean to you?
It’s an energy that you either vibe with or you don’t. It’s like our food, our slang and experimental fashion. Caribbean maximalism and shifting [mainstream] culture. Overall, it’s about making bold choices and being rebellious.

How do you feel about representing costeño culture through your music and visuals?
It’s a big responsibility. I feel really happy and excited when I see comments that say things like, “It’s an honor for you to represent us, and we love what you’re doing.” I get emotional because I don’t always get that response … There’s also people that say, “I feel that I’m not represented by her in any way.” It’s a mixture of feelings. What can I say? I’m doing this with a lot of love for Barranquilla, Colombia and Colombia’s Caribbean coast. I want to be a voice of the Caribbean coast.

What did it mean for you when Shakira selected you to perform for her residency in Madrid?
As soon as my team told me about this opportunity with Shakira, I was going crazy because she’s so inspiring. She’s also from Barranquilla. Her music has been a part of [my] life. It has been like a companion for me. Since I was like 5 years old, there’s always been a Shakira song that I was vibing with. I’m really excited even about the possibility of meeting her.

How do you feel about performing in L.A. for the first time on your U.S. tour?
I’ve been to Los Angeles before in meetings with my agents and stuff like that, and it felt like a movie. It’s Hollywood vibes and I’ve never felt that energy in my life. It’s really special getting to perform all my songs that are not just in Spanish, but in Costeñol [the costeño dialect of Spanish] at the Roxy. I’m going to wear outfits with cultural designs and perform traditional dances that have been part of my life, ever since I was literally in my mom’s belly. Los Angeles is a coastal city too, so there’s something that connects us.

What are your thoughts about being nominated in the category of best new artist at this year’s Latin Grammys?
Everyone says it’s a really important category, because you can’t be nominated twice. You can only be nominated once in your career. Hopefully I’ll go to Las Vegas for that Latin Grammy and I’ll take it over to la costa.

What will you do if you win the award?
Maybe I’ll do a concert at home. I want to do something that feels honest and authentic, because that’s what led me to being nominated. I dream of becoming a bearer of my culture. What better way to do it than being recognized in the eyes of the Latin Recording Academy?

What was the inspiration for your latest single “Compa Coleto (Uy_Como)”?
My muse is always my tiburón, my shark. It’s no secret that I’m in love. It just makes sense to talk about him in these really loving and cool songs. It’s a song with flirtatious vibes. When you understand the song’s lyrics, it just makes sense to flirt that way and have fun with it.

Who do you want to collaborate with in the future?
I would love to collaborate with Shakira and Beéle. I feel they do a lot for Barranquilla as well. I would love to collaborate with Bomba Estéreo from Santa Marta. Maybe I’ll do vallenato music with Silvestre Dangond. That would be really cool. Felipe Peláez has an amazing voice. It would be cool to bring these sounds of our own to the world.

Strictly Come Dancing contestant Graeme Hall has been forced to defend his prior dance background on It Takes Two, after it emerged that he took part in ballroom and latin competitions

Strictly Come Dancing star Graeme Hall has addressed his dance background on It Takes Two. He was the subject of online speculation after it emerged that he had entered ballroom and latin competitions in the past.

Graeme, 60, made his live Strictly debut on Saturday 26 September, when he and Lauren Oakley danced a Cha Cha Cha and surprised fans with how rhythmical he was. Soon after, fans took to the internet to share that the celebrity dog trainer did, in fact, have dance experience.

An online record was put on social media of Graeme’s dance scores from competitions, dating back to 2013 when he competed in an Over 35s Intermediate Latin contest. His most recent competition was was in 2019, when he took part in the ballroom section of the Champions of Tomorrow competition.

Graeme was asked about his dance experience on Strictly spin off show It Takes Two. Host Ellie Taylor said: “A lot of people online have been talking about the fact that you have had sort of some dance experience – do you think that’s helping you, do you think it’s something to be considered?”

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Graeme answered: “It does and it doesn’t. You’re right as a hobby I did a bit of ballroom and latin and I entered a few competitions. The problem with that is, I wasn’t very good then and that was quite a few years ago.”

He added that his dance partner Lauren had to “undo all the bad things that I was doing” and put it right and indicated with his hands that their training was very up and down.

Graeme and Lauren’s first dance was to Elvis Presley’s Hound Dog and they received 24 out 40 for their routine. Fans complimented the pair on their dancing, with one writing: “I already loved Graeme and we all know Lauren is a superstar but nothing could’ve prepared me for this! What a fabulous pairing and what a great first dance. Think I’ve found my winners already.”

Another added: “This is the only dance all night that had me smiling from beginning to end! Graeme has such an ease and quiet elegance when he dances and he’s so light on his feet! He also looks like he’s genuinely enjoying himself which translates to the viewer.

“I feel so relaxed and chill watching him and so uplifted! I can’t wait to see what him and Lauren do next. I think they will be fan favourites.”

Graeme has previously coughed up to the dance experience, saying: “I have danced it before, but I’ve had a real mental block over one particular step and my leg just keeps doing something in the opposite direction to the way it’s meant to go.

“I’m convinced it’s a bit of muscle memory from 10 years ago. So it’s as much a hindrance as a help.”

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Lisandro Brusco is an Argentine political scientist and Palestine solidarity activist with a track record in geopolitical analysis and journalism focused on Global South struggles. He has contributed as a columnist to international media outlets such as Hispan TV, El Salto, Alma Plus TV, and Huellas del Sur, and is a prominent organizer at Masar Badil. In this exclusive interview, Brusco shares his perspective on the genocide in Palestine, analyzes the expansion of Zionism in Latin America, and outlines the challenges facing anti-imperialist internationalism.

Venezuela recently announced the establishment of consular relations and “technical cooperation” with Israel. The rapprochement began with the arrival of a military-humanitarian contingent days after the June 24 earthquake. How can we explain that an army that destroys hospitals and schools and murders people in Gaza would travel to other countries to portray itself as a lifesaver?

What we saw in Venezuela after the double earthquakes, and in Colombia as well, is part of the Israeli colonial regime’s “humanitarian washing” policy. This involves sending humanitarian contingents to aid the civilian population following a natural disaster. The genocidal state of Israel seeks to restore the image it has lost, especially since October 7. On a global scale, its mask has slipped. People began to see, especially in the West, what the State of Israel was doing to the Palestinian people, even before October 7. After October 7, what we call a “televised genocide” became even more evident. Much credit goes to the press and grassroots journalists, many of whom have been killed, especially in the Gaza Strip.

Israel has lost the legitimacy it once enjoyed in global Western opinion as a democratic state, as a state constantly under attack by neighboring nations, by Arab countries. All those myths are crumbling.

“Humanitarian washing” is an attempt to say, “Here are the good guys coming to show solidarity with this population.”

How is it possible that a regime – which has destroyed more than 70% of the infrastructure in the Gaza Strip,  which blows up hospitals, schools, and mosques, which has destroyed the agricultural production capacity, the very little the Gaza Strip had, which blocks the entry of humanitarian aid, could turn around and send so-called humanitarian contingents to other regions?

Some of these contingents include soldiers who have even been accused of genocide and are wanted for arrest.

How can this happen? Because governments complicit in this genocide allow these troops to enter their territories. Unfortunately, this is happening in Latin America.

This entire whitewashing mechanism is also applied on social media. In 2025, Israel invested $1 billion in PR firms, influencers, digital diplomacy, artificial intelligence, and so on. The settler-colonial regime needs to control search engines to steer information in its favor and create a permanent stranglehold on social media, so that the public consumes fake news it produces.

Israel’s influence in Latin America has been linked to the sale of surveillance technology and “combat-tested” weaponry used against the Palestinian people and on other fronts. As Venezuela normalizes its relationship with Israel, what are the main risks you see?

The Zionist lobby in Latin America operates in tandem with imperialist interests in the region. It is very important to highlight this premise in order to analyze the situation correctly and implement sound political strategies.

This is not a recent development: that organic link already existed between the Israeli colonial entity and the ecclesiastical-civil-military dictatorships that were imposed by blood and fire across Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s.

They were not individual Zionist links with each dictatorship, but with the imperial project being imposed on the region: Operation Condor, the US policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean aimed at quelling the revolutionary movements that were taking shape. Israel sold weapons and provided military training to those dictatorships.

The process continued with the so-called democratic transitions of the 1980s and gained new momentum following the US “War on Terror” offensive beginning in 2001. Today we also see this expressed in a clear strengthening of the ties between the Zionist movement, the State of Israel, and US imperialism.

This is not about particular interests, nor is there any intention to create a situation in Latin America similar to that in Palestine. Israel has no plan to build settlements in the region. Here, Zionism continues to support the capitalist imperialist interests of the United States.

We see this in the trade agreements that various governments have signed with Israeli surveillance, arms, and extractive companies.

For example, the Israeli state-owned water company Mekorot advises various provincial governments in Argentina on water management. Similarly, the Israeli company XtraLit is involved in the extraction of lithium, a strategic mineral for contemporary capitalism. Another example is Navitas Petroleum, an oil company that also extracts resources in Argentina.

The focus of these Israeli companies is the same as that of global capitalism: resources. And to ensure the extraction of resources, they need repression; that is why they have military companies, surveillance software, and so on.

Because what Israel has historically sold to the world is repressive technology tested on the ground. Who can better vouch for military tools than the genocidal regime par excellence?

Obviously, there is a political landscape in the region that facilitates all of this: governments like we have in Argentina, Colombia, Chile, and Ecuador. These are governments subservient to imperialist interests, which even create regional and global political structures such as the Isaac Agreements – signed by the Milei administration – that are set to expand to other nations. All of this goes hand in hand with military initiatives such as the Shield of the Americas.

The presence of Zionism in Latin America is a political concern for anti-imperialist activists: there is a hegemonic bloc that is coming for our resources, our territories, to plunder, pollute, and destroy our land. We must fight this bloc.

Having been on the ground in the West Bank, you describe how the machinery of home demolitions, checkpoints, and the violent expansion of settlements operates on a daily basis. How is the settler-colonial project sustained economically and militarily, and what role does the complicity of the international community play?

Israel is sustained, to a great extent, by the United States, international banks, and European powers such as Germany. Without US support, Israel would not have lasted a week in the recent war against Iran. The US Congress, driven by the Zionist lobby, had to approve emergency funds to support Israel’s military defense.

On the other hand, the settlements in the West Bank are sustained economically by state support from the Israeli regime, through subsidies – largely contributions from multinational corporations, ranging from investment funds to Zionist foundations such as the Jewish National Fund.

And the international community, such as the United Nations, has historically legitimized and normalized this occupation, not only through the resolution that allowed for the establishment of the State of Israel, but also by failing to take action against Jewish settlements in the West Bank, despite declaring them illegal.

It is worth noting that when the Oslo Accords were signed in 1993, there were just over 150,000 settlers in the West Bank. Today there are approximately 700,000. There are entire cities that are illegal settlements, with industries, schools, police stations, and so on.

The UN member states are also doing nothing. They could sever trade and diplomatic ties with this genocidal entity, but even the powers that proclaim themselves anti-hegemonic fail to do so.

The only sovereign state that has no ties to the Israeli regime and whose political goal is the destruction of this colonial entity is the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is the only country that has advocated for the destruction of the Israeli occupation of Palestine since 1948.

In short, there is no political initiative by the international community to at least halt the advance of illegal settlements in Palestine. Recently, although the systematic aggression against Gaza continues, the Zionist entity is making much greater inroads in the West Bank through its settlers.

Settler civilians – the vast majority of whom are armed – set fire to Palestinian homes and fields, kill grazing animals, and prevent Palestinian children from going to school. All of this takes place under the protection of the Israeli occupation army. The situation is desperate, and often – with a few honorable exceptions – Palestinians feel that they are on their own.

In the West Bank, you spent time alongside local families. In the face of Israeli violence, how do the Palestinian people sustain their daily lives, their culture, and their resistance in the face of this ongoing occupation?

It is a question as important as it is difficult to answer, because from our perspective it is hard to understand how the Palestinian people sustain their daily lives, their culture, and their resistance in the face of such genocide and ongoing occupation.

As with all anti-colonial struggles, there is a fundamental factor that the colonizers fail to consider as a variable: the Palestinian people’s deep connection with their land. This goes far beyond a purely utilitarian view; it is an ancestral, cultural, social, and historical bond. That is why, despite the brutal attacks of the Zionist occupation, the Palestinian people have no intention of leaving their territory.

Getting them to leave is the primary objective of the Zionist movement: a project of ethnic cleansing that has failed to do so for over 100 years, despite Western support. As time goes on, the Israeli regime faces increasingly severe crises, while the Palestinian population remains steadfast on its land.

We must bear in mind that there is also a deliberate effort to destroy written historical records, civil registries, libraries, and universities. All of this is part of a very clear mission to erase the written history of the Palestinian people. In the face of this, memory is preserved and expressed through oral history – the stories that refugees pass down to new generations.

Therein lies the idea of return and liberation, symbolized by the key. This goes far beyond the material property that families once owned in what is now the State of Israel. The key embodies the history of a people, of a family, their tradition of struggle, their connection to the land, and their origins. It is not conceived in terms of private property, but rather from a social and historical perspective.

That is why, in every refugee camp – whether in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Jordan, or Syria – each family preserves not only the key but also its customs and identity. If we ask a third- or fourth-generation Palestinian refugee, born in Beirut, where they are from, they will immediately name the Palestinian village razed in 1948 from which their family hails. That identity remains extremely strong even several generations later. That is why there is such brutal repression against the refugee camps, because that is where the revolutionary spirit is preserved.

This tradition is sustained in large part by the daily efforts of families and, in a very special way, by the educational role of women. They are the ones who pass down oral history to children and take charge of their education, especially in contexts where children are prevented from attending school due to Israeli checkpoints or settler attacks.

Alongside this collective memory, Palestinian society draws on solidarity and community resilience. Facing daily policies of apartheid, displacement, torture, home demolitions, and mass incarceration, the community responds collectively. Committees of prisoners’ family members are organized, and when a home is slated for demolition, the community mobilizes to ensure that the family is not left homeless.

In the face of apartheid and ethnic cleansing, resistance is practiced in daily life.

In your writings, you address the essence of the Zionist colonial project and the imposition of permanent control structures in Gaza. What plans does the Israeli government have in store, together with Trump’s Board of Peace, for Gaza?

The Board of Peace is yet another of the many tools of the Israeli colonial regime. In this case, it was proposed by the United States, just as others came from the British Empire, just as the UN hatched a plan to create the State of Israel on Palestinian territory.

These are proposals imposed by the West to ensure the expansion of the State of Israel – as a Zionist project – across all Palestinian territory and beyond.

Thus, the Board of Peace is a strategic policy of the Zionist movement, a tool for administering this occupation, denying the genocide, and imposing a supposed stability built upon the total massacre of the Palestinian people.

We’ve seen this story before, even in Oslo in 1993. At that time, there was talk of building a Palestinian state, of economic growth, of foreign investment, of an economy integrated into the region, and of the creation of a so-called Palestinian Authority.

Far from that, the result was a territory that became even more controlled, more occupied, more fragmented, and more bombed. The Palestinian Authority, it is now undeniable, serves the occupation, collaborating in the repression of those who oppose normalization and the recognition of the State of Israel.

So, I’ll say it again: Trump’s Board of Peace has nothing to do with peace. It serves to uphold the policy of exterminating the Palestinian population and destroying homes, farmland, water supply systems, roads, hospitals, schools, markets, refugee camps, and so on. All the infrastructure that supported daily Palestinian life in the Gaza Strip has now been destroyed.

And this Board of Peace proposes the reconstruction of this territory. Reconstruction for what purpose and for whose benefit? Who will manage this reconstruction? Who will control food supplies and productive land? This Board of Peace goes hand in hand with a plan for the total colonization of the Gaza Strip and total control over its territory, with the possible establishment of a Palestinian governing body in the future.

But in reality, just like the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, what it will guarantee is the occupying power’s control over that territory, along with a supply of cheap labor.

For years, progressive governments in Latin America firmly condemned Israel, and in some cases even severed ties. In the current climate, where realpolitik prevails and the normalization of the Zionist regime is advancing, what challenges do solidarity movements face in sustaining support for the Palestinian cause?

From a communications perspective, the role of grassroots solidarity movements with Palestine is central. We saw this beginning on October 7, 2023, when Palestinian journalists and media workers in Gaza and Lebanon became military targets of the Israeli colonial regime, in response to the threat that was beginning to emerge in the battle of ideas, in the battle for the hearts and minds of the people.

Communication work is strategic when it comes to fostering critical thinking and a revolutionary, solidarity-based practice that breaks with the commodified conception of news to uphold the basic principles of informing the public.

On the other hand, the role of international movements – both in the West and in West Asia, as well as in the countries of the Global South – is fundamental. What the Al-Aqsa Flood operation did was precisely to mobilize and awaken many peoples who were dormant and to show that the enemy is not invincible.

We can launch our own political initiatives, including military ones, to create crises in these genocidal, criminal, and occupation projects that exist today in West Asia and throughout the world.

One key question to address from a solidarity perspective is: How do we bring these national liberation resistance movements together? We must approach this from an internationalist perspective. For example, any victory for the movements organized around the Axis of Resistance that directly confront imperialism – the United States and Israel – is a victory for the peoples of Latin America who face the same enemy. This is the Guevarist conception that any defeat of imperialism anywhere in the world is a victory for the peoples.

It seems to me that this solidarity bond must be organic and strategic when considering the building of international fronts that break the capitalist domination that prevails in much of the world.

If revolutionary governments came to power in Latin America and truly severed ties with the Israeli entity, that would weaken all those fronts involved in the sale of arms, technology, etc,. and set a precedent for other peoples around the world.

And that is the way to support the Palestinian cause, which is the cause of liberation and return. We, too, must instill in public opinion and in our discussions with all organizations the conviction that Palestine will be free from the river to the sea. Today, we cannot reconcile the liberation of the Palestinian people and their return with the existence of the State of Israel.

We need to build political, organic, and genuine solidarity that focuses on projects of national liberation and collective emancipation. And it seems to me that the Al-Aqsa Flood has, in a way, established precisely that: that the best way to change the status quo is by dealing real and tangible blows to colonialism and imperialism.