Kenya

Nairobi, Kenya – On June 7, Albert Ojwang was visiting his parents in his home village of Kakoth in Kenya’s Homa Bay County. His mother had just served him ugali (maize meal) and sukuma wiki (kale) for lunch when police officers on motorbikes arrived at the family’s compound.

Before Ojwang could take a first bite, they arrested him, taking him to the local Mawego police station before transporting him 350km (200 miles) to the Central Police Station in the capital, Nairobi.

The officers told his parents he had committed an abuse against a senior government official and was being arrested for publishing “false information” about the man on social media.

Ojwang, a blogger and teacher, had no criminal record and was just a month shy of his 31st birthday. But it was a celebration he would not live to see because less than a day later he was dead.

Police said he died by suicide after “hitting his head” against the wall of a cell where he was being held alone. But after an uproar from the public and rights groups and further investigation, the claim did not hold up. Eventually, two police officers were arrested.

Still, the public anger that erupted after Ojwang’s death did not abate.

Kenyans have been on tenterhooks since mass antigovernment protests erupted across the country a year ago – first against tax increases in a finance bill and later for the resignation of President William Ruto.

In the time since, police have been accused of human rights abuses, including allegations of government critics and activists being abducted and tortured.

Ojwang was seen by many as yet another victim of a system trying to silence those attempting to hold the government to account.

And in the month since his death, angry protests have soared; state violence – and deaths – against civilians have continued; and young people seem determined not to give in.

‘False and malicious information’

Ojwang was the only child of Eucabeth Ojwang and Meshack Opiyo, a retired quarry worker who had endured hard labour for 20 years in Kilifi County to send his son to school.

Opiyo left the back-breaking job after Albert Ojwang had secured a job as a teacher, hoping his son would help take care of the family after earning a degree in education.

“I had only one child. There’s no daughter. There’s no other son after him,” he told Al Jazeera. “I have suffered … while [working] in a quarry in Timbo for 20 years so that my child could go through school and earn a degree,” he added, saying Ojwang left behind a three-year-old son.

Ojwang was a promising teacher at Kituma Boys’ Secondary School in the coastal Taita Taveta County, about 700km (435 miles) southeast of his childhood home, his family said.

Media reports said he was linked to an account on X that several people used to publish news about Kenya’s government and politics. That’s what drew the attention of the authorities who came to his father’s house that June afternoon.

That day, the arresting officers assured Opiyo his son would be safe when they took him into custody. Overnight, the father left for Nairobi – taking his land title deed with him to use as a surety to bail his son out because he had no other money. But the news he received was of his son’s death.

“I thought we would come and solve this issue. I even have a title deed here in my pocket that I had armed myself with, so that if there were going to be need for bail, we would talk with a lawyer to bail him,” Opiyo told journalists the Sunday morning after his son’s death, having just learned what had happened to him.

Despite police claims that Ojwang died from self-inflicted injuries, his family and the public were sceptical. Human rights advocates and social media users alleged foul play and an official cover-up by police.

As public pressure mounted on the police to offer clarity, Inspector General of Police Douglas Kanja confirmed that his deputy, Eliud Lagat, was the senior official who had made a “formal complaint” that led to Ojwang’s arrest.

“The complaint alleged that false and malicious information had been published against him [Lagat] in the X – that is, formerly Twitter – social media platform. The post claimed that he was involved in corruption within the National Police Service,” Kanja said before Kenya’s Senate and the media on June 11.

At first, Kanja repeated to the media that Ojwang had hit his head on the wall, killing himself in the process. But when questioned by lawmakers in the Senate, he admitted that was incorrect.

“Going by the report that we have gotten from IPOA [Independent Policing Oversight Authority], it is not true; he did not hit his head against the wall,” Kanja said. “I tender my apology on behalf of the National Police Service because of that information.”

A team of five government pathologists also released a report that revealed severe head injuries, neck compression and multiple soft tissue traumas. The cause of Ojwang’s death, they determined, was a result of the injuries, not a self-inflicted incident.

Meanwhile, Ann Wanjiku, the IPOA vice chairperson, told senators that preliminary findings showed Ojwang was alone in the cell but two witnesses who were in the next cell said they heard loud screams from where Ojwang was held.

The IPOA report also suggested there was foul play at the Nairobi Police Station because CCTV cameras had been tampered with on Sunday morning after Ojwang’s death.

Subsequently, several people were arrested and investigated, including two police officers who have been charged.

Police Constable James Mukhwana, an officer arrested and arraigned in court over Ojwang’s death, told IPOA investigators that he had acted on orders of his boss.

“It is an order from the boss. You cannot decline an order from your superior. If you refuse, something may happen to you,” he said in a statement to the IPOA. He added that his superior told him: “I want you to go to the cell and look at those who have been in remand for long. Tell them there is work I want them to do. There is a prisoner being brought in. Take care of him.”

Mukhwana pleaded not guilty in court but said he was sorry about the death in his statement, adding: “Ojwang was not meant to be killed but to be disciplined as per instruction.”

Who is ‘sanctioning’ these killings?

Since Ojwang’s death, Kenyan rights organisations have condemned what they say is his “murder”, calling the failure by authorities to hold accountable those responsible for police brutality as disrespect for human rights.

“The savage beating to death of Albert Ojwang and the subsequent attempts to cover this up shatter once more the reputation of the leadership of the Kenyan Police Service,” Irungu Houghton, the executive director at Amnesty International Kenya, told Al Jazeera.

“Amnesty International Kenya believes the failure to hold officers and their commanders accountable for two successive years of police brutality has bred the current impunity and disrespect for human rights,” he said.

Houghton also called for all those implicated to step aside and allow for investigations to take place.

“To restore public confidence and trust, all officers implicated must be arrested. … Investigations must be fair, thorough and swift. This moment demands no less.”

Amnesty has previously called out police abuses, including “excessive force and violence during protests”, and reported abductions of civilians by security forces. Rights groups said more than 90 people have been forcibly disappeared since June 2024.

“Albert Ojwang’s killing in a police station comes after persistent repeated police denials that the normal chain of police command is not responsible for the 65 deaths and 90-plus enforced disappearances seen in 2024,” Houghton said.

“Who are the officers abducting and killing those who criticise the state? Who is sanctioning or instructing these officers? Why has the government found it so difficult to trigger deep reforms to protect rather than stifle Kenyans’ constitutional freedom of speech and assembly as well as act on public policy opinion?” he asked.

Speaking in an interview with Kenya’s TV47 on June 24, the National Police Service Spokesperson Michael Muchiri acknowledged police brutality within the service, saying it was wrong.

“We accept and we acknowledge that within our ranks, we’ve gotten it wrong multiple times,” he said. But he added: “An act by one of us, and there have been a couple of them many times over, should not in any way be a reflection of the whole organisation.”

Al Jazeera reached out to Deputy Inspector General of Police Lagat to comment on the allegations against him, but he did not respond.

Shot at protests

Many of the Kenyans reportedly targeted by police and other “state agents” were young, vocal participants in the antigovernment protests that engulfed the capital and other cities last year.

After Ojwang’s death, the Gen Z protesters once again erupted in anger.

On June 17, they staged a demonstration in Nairobi to demand justice for their fallen comrade. Things soon got out of hand as the police used force, resulting in fatalities among the young people.

Boniface Kariuki, a mask vendor in Nairobi, was caught between the police and protesters, and the police fired a rubber bullet at his head at close range, sending him to an intensive care unit at the Kenyatta National Hospital. He was declared brain dead after a few days and died on June 30.

An autopsy report released on Thursday said Kariuki “died from severe head injuries caused by a single close-range gunshot”. It further revealed that four bullet fragments remained lodged in his brain.

Two officers who had been caught on camera firing the deadly bullet have been charged.

This came about the time Kenyan youth also marked a year since the antigovernment protests began on June 25, 2024.

In line with the anniversary, many young people across the country took to the streets to express their anger against the government.

Those protests also became violent. Many businesses were destroyed in Nairobi, and some police stations in other places were set ablaze.

That same day, three 17-year-olds, among others, were shot dead in different parts of the country. While the police have not commented on the deaths, the victims’ families and rights groups say all three were killed in crossfire during the protests.

Dennis Njuguna, a student in his final year of secondary school, was shot in Molo, Nakuru County, as he headed home from school for his mid-term break.

In Nairobi’s Roysambu area on the Thika Superhighway, police reportedly also shot dead Elijah Muthoka, whose mother said he had gone to a tailor but did not come back. That evening, she would receive the news that he was hospitalised at the nearby Uhai Neema Hospital. He was then transferred to the Kenyatta National Hospital and pronounced dead the next morning.

Outside Nairobi in Olkalou, Nyandarua County, Brian Ndung’u was shot twice in the head, according to an autopsy report released by pathologists at the JM Kariuki County Referral Hospital. Margaret Gichuki, Ndung’u’s sister, said her brother had just completed his secondary school education and learned photography so he could help raise his college fees together with their mother, who is a daily wage labourer.

“He had gone out to do street photography, which was his passion, and that is where he got shot. I was home and learned about his shooting through Facebook images that were shared by friends,” Gichuki told Al Jazeera.

Gichuki described her brother as a hardworking young man who had a lot of dreams, but which were cut short by the bullet. “After the autopsy, we could not get further information about the identity of the bullet that was removed from his head, as the police took it,” she said, explaining that one bullet was fragmented in his brain while another was removed by doctors and handed to the police during autopsy.

Together with their cousin Margaret Wanjiku, Gichuki then called to inform their mother that Ndung’u was missing – not wanting to immediately shock her with the news that her son had died.

“Ndung’u had been pronounced dead on arrival at the hospital, but this was news that carried weight for [our mother], and we wanted to have her come home before we could break it other than tell her over the phone,” Wanjiku said.

‘Surge’ in harassment

Less than two weeks after that, Kenyans again took to the streets in demonstrations that once again turned deadly.

On Monday, they rallied for “Saba Saba” meaning “Seven Seven” in Kiswahili to mark the date on July 7, 1990, when people demanded a return to multiparty democracy after years of rule by then-President Daniel arap Moi.

This year, the protest turned into a wider call for Ruto to resign and also a moment to remember Ojwang.

Four days earlier, Ojwang’s body had arrived at his home in Homa Bay for a nighttime vigil before his burial the next day.

When it arrived, angry youth took hold of the coffin and marched with it to the Mawego police station, where he was last seen alive before he was taken to Nairobi.

At the station, the youth set the station ablaze before making their way back to Ojwang’s home with his body.

The next day at the funeral, Anna Ngumi, a friend of Ojwang’s, told mourners: “We are not going to rest. We are not going to rest until justice is done. Remember we are still celebrating Seven Seven here. We will do Seven Seven for Albert Ojwang.”

But at the rallies, police were once again heavy-handed. In Nairobi, they fired live rounds and water cannon at the protesters. Eleven people were killed.

The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights said people were also abducted and arrested, adding that it was “deeply concerned by the recent surge in harassment and persecution of Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) accused of organizing the ongoing protests”.

‘Why did you kill my child?’

Within his circles, Ojwang is said to have been a humble person who never quarrelled with anyone and instead sought peace whenever there was a conflict.

His university friend Daniel Mushwahili said Ojwang was modest and sociable.

“I knew this person as a very cool and outgoing person. He had many friends. … He was not an arrogant person, not a bully, and did not even participate in harassing anybody,” Mushwahili said. He was “a person who seeks peace”.

Ojwang’s mother Eucabeth, speaking at a reception by comedian Eric Omondi, lamented her son’s killing, saying she had lost her only child and did not know how the family would cope without him.

“I had hope this child would assist me in building a house. He even had a project to plant vegetables, so we could sell and make money. Now I don’t know where to start without him,” she said.

“I feel a lot of pain because there are people who came home and took my son. … I feel a lot of pain because he is dead.”

Meanwhile, as the investigation into Ojwang’s death continues, his father says he misses his “trustworthy” son, who he relied on to take care of the family’s most valuable things, even with the little they had.

Opiyo said that when the officers came to their house to arrest his son, they saw how little the family had and knew they would not fight back. In his grief, he said he now wants answers from the police and in particular Deputy Inspector General Lagat, who made the complaint against Ojwang.

“Today, my son is dead from injuries inflicted through beating. I need you to explain to me why you killed my child,” Opiyo said.

“My son did not die in an accident or in war. He died in silence in the hands of those who were supposed to protect him.”

Human rights office calls for accountability after 31 people are killed, and 107 others wounded in nationwide ‘Saba Saba’ marches.

The death toll from antigovernment protests in Kenya has surged to at least 31 people, the country’s human rights commission said, with at least 107 others wounded during the nationwide marches.

In a statement on Tuesday, the National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR) also reported two forced disappearances in the wake of Monday’s marches, which commemorated a 1990 uprising against undemocratic governance in the East African nation.

The commission, which initially gave a toll of 10 dead and 29 wounded, said it has also counted at least 532 arrests.

The marches saw clashes erupt between protesters and police in the capital,  Nairobi, as well as the city of Eldoret, with the KNCHR accusing the police of cooperating with armed gangs, who were armed with machetes and spears, in the wake of the violence.

There was widespread destruction of property, too, including supermarkets.

The KNCHR said it “strongly condemns all human rights violations and urges accountability from all responsible parties including police, civilians and all other stakeholders”.

Monday’s marches marked Saba Saba Day, meaning Seven Seven, which celebrates the date when Kenyans rose up to demand a return to multi-party democracy on July 7, 1990, after years of rule by then-President Daniel arap Moi.

They came amid more than a year of mostly youth-led protests that have swept across Kenya since June 2024, when proposed tax rises triggered anger about wider issues, including the state of the economy, corruption and police brutality.

Protesters have also been calling on President William Ruto to resign.

Their actions have been met with harsh repression from the police.

The Law Society of Kenya and Police Reforms Working Group said that “heavily armed police with military grade weapons were deployed in violation of court orders, using masks and unmarked vehicles to conceal their identities”.

Overall, the Police Reforms Working Group said that the protests on Monday took place in 20 of Kenya’s 47 counties on Monday, including Nairobi, Kajiado, Nyeri, Mombasa, Kisii, Embu, Kisumu, Kiambu, Meru, Nakuru, Nyandarua, Vihiga, Narok, Kirinyaga, Uasin Gishu, Tharaka Nithi, Makueni, Laikipia and Kakamega.

Tuesday’s toll takes the number of people dead in the protests since they began last year to more than 100.

This includes at least 16 people killed in nationwide rallies against police brutality and government corruption in Kenya, on June 25, less than two weeks ago.

Kenyan Cabinet Secretary for the Interior Kipchumba Murkomen last week told police to “shoot on sight” anyone who approaches police stations during protests after several were burned.

The Kenya National Cohesion and Integration Commission, a government body whose commissioners are appointed by the president, on Tuesday urged politicians not to heighten ethnic tensions and criticised police for using excessive force towards protesters.

In a statement issued before the revised death toll, the United Nations human rights office, OHCHR, expressed deep concern over the killings of protesters in Kenya on Monday.

It said the deaths occurred “amid reports that police and security forces used lethal force to quell violent demonstrations in Nairobi and across the country”.

Anti-government protests in Kenya again turned deadly with police opening fire and several people killed, as nationwide rallies marked the 35th anniversary of the pro-democracy uprising known as “Saba Saba.”

Deadly anti-government protests have been taking place in Kenya for more than a year, but a key event from over 30 years ago is providing crucial inspiration. Al Jazeera’s Malcolm Webb explains from on the ground in Nairobi.

A year after a deadly crackdown, Kenya’s streets are alive with protests again, this time after a blogger died in police custody and officers shot a demonstrator at close range. As outrage grows, so do calls for accountability. Why does police brutality persist in Kenya, and how do officers continue to evade justice?

enya’s Interior Minister Kipchumba Murkomen has been caught on video appearing to authorise police to shoot protesters. Murkomen made the comments after at least 16 people were killed during protests over police brutality on Wednesday.

Protests in Kenya to mark the anniversary of deadly 2024 anti-tax protests turned deadly themselves. Rights group Amnesty Kenya said at least 16 people were killed, and 400 others were injured in Wednesday’s demonstrations. A government minister accused the protesters of attempting a coup.

Several protesters were killed and at least 400 others were wounded on Wednesday when antigovernment protests in the capital, Nairobi turned deadly.

Kenyan officials have not disclosed the number of casualties. Reports from media and rights groups varied, placing the number of dead between eight and 16.

This is the latest outbreak of violence in the East African country where young demonstrators have frequently taken to the streets in recent months to protest myriad issues including police brutality, government corruption and high taxes.

The demonstrations on Wednesday were held to mark the bloody June 25, 2024, protests against tax rises when police opened fire on large numbers of protesters, killing at least 60, according to rights groups.

Here’s what we know:

What happened during the protests?

Thousands took to the streets in Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisii and several other major Kenyan cities in the early hours of Wednesday to mark the anniversary of the violent 2024 anti-tax protests, particularly the killing of 60 protesters, on June 25 last year.

Bearing Kenyan flags, the protesters chanted slogans like “Ruto Must Go” and “Occupy Statehouse” in opposition to President William Ruto’s government and referring to his official residence.

Banks and schools in Nairobi’s central business district were shut in anticipation of the protests, and police had cordoned off the State House, as well as the parliament building, with layers of barbed wire. Last year, protesters broke into the parliament block, chasing out politicians and setting parts of the building on fire.

Wednesday’s march was largely peaceful at first – and much smaller compared with last year’s protests. Scenes in Nairobi, however, turned violent later on, after “goons” or men believed to be undercover security officials and armed with whips and clubs attacked the protesters. Police also used live fire, rubber bullets, water cannon and tear gas to disperse the demonstrators.

Shops and businesses in central Nairobi were also attacked, looted and burned by unidentified groups among the demonstrators. Some protesters also burned security barricades in the city and physically attacked suspected plain-clothed officers.

In Kikuyu town, about 20km (12.5 miles) from Nairobi, protesters stormed and torched local government buildings, including a police station and courtroom. Some were arrested by the police but have not been identified. In other cities, including Mombasa, marches remained peaceful.

Clashes were also reported in the towns of Matuu and Mlolongo in the eastern Machakos County, approximately 100km (62 miles) from the capital. Violence was also reported in Karatina, Nyeri County.

How many people have been killed?

Figures vary and the Kenyan authorities have not confirmed the number of dead.

According to a joint statement issued on Wednesday evening by the Kenya Medical Association, Law Society of Kenya, and the Police Reforms Working Group, eight people were killed, most of them in Nairobi. The group said 400 others were being treated for injuries, including three police officers. Of those, 83 people sustained serious injuries, including at least eight protesters treated for gunshot wounds.

However, Irungu Houghton, the head of Amnesty Kenya, told Reuters that 16 people had died, adding that this figure had been verified by the global rights watchdog and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR).

Security guard Fred Wamale Wanyonyi, who was on duty guarding a mall in central Nairobi, was one of those confirmed killed, according to rights groups.

What were the protests about?

Protesters had gathered to mark the anniversary of last year’s anti-tax protests, in which some 60 people were killed by police, although no officials have been punished.

Activists said it was important for Kenyans to remember the bloody protests of 2024.

“It is extremely important that the young people mark June 25th because they lost people who look like them, who speak like them … who are fighting for good governance,” Angel Mbuthia, chair of the youth league for the opposition Jubilee Party, told the AFP news agency.

On Wednesday, demonstrators were also demanding the overthrow of Ruto’s government and called for an end to police brutality, corruption and general economic hardship in the country.

Protester Osman Mohamed told Al Jazeera at the scene of the protests that he was there to demand better from the country’s leaders.

“The government is taking us as a joke. They don’t want to listen to us … they don’t listen to us as citizens. We are the people, and they’re supposed to listen because of the power of the people,” he said.

Tensions had risen in recent weeks after 31-year-old blogger and teacher Albert Ojwang died in police custody between June 7 and 8. He had been arrested for allegedly insulting deputy police chief Eliud Lagat, and the police initially told his family he had died from self-inflicted wounds.

Ojwang’s killing prompted outrage and protests across the country, with people calling for the officers involved to be punished. Lagat, who denies any wrongdoing, stepped down from his post last week pending the outcome of an investigation. Three officers were charged with Ojwang’s murder this week.

How have the authorities responded to these protests?

The protests were anticipated, and authorities had been informed of them, rights activists said. Elijah Rottok of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights told Al Jazeera that protest organisers had received assurances from government officials that they would be allowed the space to protest peacefully. Despite this, he said, there was clear evidence of excessive force in the police response.

“We’ve seen a deliberate use of force to suppress (protests),” he said. “We are condemning the excessive use of force … They need to abide by the rule of law and ensure that human rights are upheld at all times.”

Authorities shut down live coverage of the protests on Wednesday afternoon, but that directive was later overturned by Nairobi’s High Court, which ordered the Communications Authority of Kenya to restore signals to three independent television stations.

Ruto, who was attending a burial in the coastal town of Kilifi on Wednesday, called for the demonstrations to remain peaceful in a statement.

“Protests should not be to destroy peace in Kenya. We do not have another country to go to when things go wrong. It is our responsibility to keep our country safe,” he said.

What were the June 2024 protests about?

Violent protests shook the country starting on June 18, 2024, after Ruto announced a controversial Finance Bill, a tax law that many said would make essential commodities costlier, as the country was gripped by an economic crisis that had seen the value of the Kenyan shilling drop by 22 percent.

Young people largely led the protests, which went on for more than a week, but older Kenyans also filled the streets in anger. Although lawmakers removed certain clauses from the bill before passing it into law, the protests continued, with demonstrators calling for Ruto to step down. Officials insisted higher taxes were needed for the government to fulfil loan agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

On June 25, protesters broke into the Kenyan parliament, where lawmakers were convening. The demonstrators ransacked the building and set its entrance on fire. In response, the police opened fire, killing at least 60 people and abducting several others, including some journalists.

Ruto withdrew the bill on June 26, but the violence continued. Human Rights Watch has reported that following the protests, the bodies of some of those missing have turned up in rivers, forests and mortuaries, and showed signs of torture and mutilation. Some abductees told the rights group they were taken by officials who forced them to reveal the names of protest leaders.

What will happen next?

Calm returned to Nairobi on Thursday morning, although devastation was evident.

Smoke was still rising from at least 10 torched buildings in downtown Nairobi as business owners returned to ransacked and looted stores in the central business district.

In parliament, Ruto assented to the new Finance Bill 2025, from which tax rises had been removed. However, a controversial proposal which will see the Kenya Revenue Authority provided with access to taxpayers’ personal and financial data was included.

It’s unclear yet if or how lawmakers plan to address the protesters’ demands.

Thousands have taken to the streets in Kenya to mark a year since antigovernment protests culminated in the storming of Parliament, despite fears they would be confronted by state-backed gangs and police violence.

According to rights groups, at least 60 people were killed last year by security forces during weeks of protests over tax increases and the dire economic situation facing young Kenyans, reaching a climax when thousands stormed Parliament on June 25.

Activists and families of victims had called for peaceful anniversary marches, but some instead urged people to “occupy State House” – a reference to the official residence of President William Ruto – and many schools and businesses were closed amid fears of unrest.

Police blocked main roads leading to the capital’s business district, and government buildings were barricaded with razor wire.

The marches were largely peaceful early on Wednesday, with protesters – mostly young men – waving Kenyan flags, roses, and placards bearing pictures of those killed last year, while chanting “Ruto must go”.

In Nairobi, there were signs of violence, with some protesters throwing stones and police firing tear gas.

Protests were also reported in Mombasa and several other counties.

Anger has intensified over police brutality, especially after a teacher was killed in custody earlier this month.

A group of peaceful protesters was also attacked last week by a gang of motorbike-riding “goons”, as they are known in Kenya, armed with whips and clubs and acting in tandem with the police.

Kenyan police fired tear gas to disperse protesters marking one year since the deadly 2024 anti-government protests, when at least 60 people were killed and demonstrators stormed parliament over tax hikes and alleged state corruption.

Rights groups say at least 60 people were killed last year by security forces in weeks of youth-led protests against planned tax rises.

Thousands of people have taken to the streets in Kenya to mark a year since people stormed parliament at the peak of antigovernment demonstrations, despite fears that they would be met by state-backed gangs and police violence.

At least 60 people were killed last year by security forces in weeks of protests over tax rises and the dire economic situation for young Kenyans, rights groups say. On Wednesday, activists and families of victims called for peaceful demonstrations to mark the anniversary of the deadliest day of unrest.

Police blocked main roads leading into the capital’s central business district, while government buildings were barricaded with razor wire.

Thousands of protesters, mostly young men, waved Kenyan flags and placards with pictures of demonstrators killed last year and chanted “Ruto must go”, referring to President William Ruto, whose proposed tax hikes triggered last year’s youth-led protests.

“I’ve come here as a Kenyan youth to protest, it is our right for the sake of our fellow Kenyans who were killed last year. The police are here … they are supposed to protect us, but they kill us,” Eve, a 24-year-old woman, told the AFP news agency.

“It is extremely important that the young people mark June 25th because they lost people who look like them, who speak like them… who are fighting for good governance,” Angel Mbuthia, chair of the youth league for the opposition Jubilee Party, added.

Police brutality

The anniversary comes amid soaring anger over police brutality, particularly after 31-year-old blogger and teacher, Albert Ojwang, was killed in custody earlier this month following his arrest for criticising a senior officer.

Six people, including three police officers, were charged with murder on Tuesday over Ojwang’s killing. They have all pleaded not guilty.

Police have said protests are permitted as long as they are “peaceful and unarmed”.

But a group of peaceful protesters were attacked last week by a large gang of motorbike-riding “goons”, as they are known in Kenya, armed with whips and clubs and working in tandem with the police.

On Tuesday, the embassies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and other Western nations released a joint statement on X urging all involved to “facilitate peaceful demonstrations and to refrain from violence”.

“The use of plain clothed officers in unmarked vehicles erodes public trust,” the statement said. Rights campaigners condemned the presence of unidentified police officers at protests last year.

Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement late on Tuesday that any policing violations would be addressed through government institutions, including the parliament and the judiciary.

“The ministry reminds all that diplomatic partnerships flourish best in mutual respect, open channels and a recognition of each other’s unique governance contexts,” it said.

There is also growing resentment among young people towards Ruto, who came to power in 2022 promising rapid economic progress.

Many have been disillusioned by continued stagnation, corruption and high taxes, even after last year’s protests forced Ruto to cancel an unpopular finance bill. His government has been at pains to avoid direct tax rises this year.

But the frequent disappearances of government critics – rights groups have counted more than 80 since last year’s protests, with dozens still missing – have led many to accuse Ruto of returning Kenya to the dark days of its dictatorship in the 1980s and 90s.

Ruto previously promised an end to abductions but was unapologetic in a speech on Tuesday, pledging to “stand by” the police.

“You cannot use force against the police or insult, or threaten the police. You are threatening our nation,” he warned protesters.

On May 25, Olorato Mongale, a 30-year-old woman from South Africa, went on a date with a man she had recently met.

Less than two hours later, she was dead.

Her half-naked body was found by the roadside in Lombardy West, a suburb north of Johannesburg. It showed signs of severe trauma and bruising. Investigators concluded that she had been murdered elsewhere and dumped at the scene.

Her brutal and senseless killing led to a wave of grief and outrage on social media. Days later, a family spokesperson revealed that Mongale – a master’s student at the University of the Witwatersrand – had once worked as a journalist. She left the profession seven years ago due to the emotional toll of reporting on gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF).

Her family said Mongale had grown increasingly anxious about her own vulnerability to male violence. In particular, the 2017 murder of 22-year-old Karabo Mokoena haunted her. Mokoena was stabbed to death by her ex-boyfriend, Sandile Mantsoe, who then burned her body beyond recognition and buried the remains in open grassland in Lyndhurst – a suburb just kilometres from where Mongale’s body was found.

Despite her conscious efforts to avoid Mokoena’s fate, Mongale ultimately became what she had feared most: another name added to the long and growing list of South African women murdered by men.

At her funeral on June 1, her mother, Keabetswe Mongale, said her daughter had tried desperately to fight off her attacker.

“When I saw her at the government mortuary, I could see that my daughter fought. She fought until her nails broke,” she said.

Her devastating death serves as a stark reminder that women and girls across South Africa continue to face an existential threat from gender-based violence, despite years of government promises and reforms.

On May 24, 2024, President Cyril Ramaphosa signed into law a bill establishing the National Council on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide. The body is mandated to provide leadership and coordination in the fight against GBVF. While it appeared to be a step forward, it did not represent a transformative policy shift.

This is not the first such initiative. In 2012, then-Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe launched the National Council Against Gender-Based Violence, with a similar mandate to coordinate national anti-GBV efforts.

More than a decade later, with yet another council in place, GBVF crimes continue.

In November 2023, the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) of South Africa released the country’s first national study on GBVF. It found that the persistence of gender-based violence is rooted in “deeply ingrained societal norms and structures that perpetuate male dominance and reinforce gender hierarchies … leading to female subordination, systemic inequalities, and violence against women”.

The destructive effect of entrenched patriarchy is undeniable. In South Africa, a woman is murdered every three hours. That is approximately 8 women a day. One study estimates that around 7.8 million women in the country have experienced physical or sexual violence.

While women of all races and backgrounds are affected, Black women face higher rates of GBVF – an enduring legacy of apartheid and its structural inequalities.

This crisis is not unique to South Africa. The terror faced by women and girls is a continent-wide phenomenon.

In November 2024, the United Nations published its report Femicides in 2023: Global Estimates of Intimate Partner/Family Member Femicides, revealing that Africa had the world’s highest rate of partner-related femicide that year.

Kenya stands out for its staggering figures.

Between September 2023 and December 2024, the country recorded more than 7,100 cases of sexual and gender-based violence. These included the murders of at least 100 women by male acquaintances, relatives, or intimate partners in just four months.

Among the victims was Rebecca Cheptegei, a Ugandan Olympian and mother of two, who competed in the marathon at the 2024 Paris Games. On September 5, 2024, she died in Eldoret, Kenya, from severe burns after her former partner doused her in petrol and set her alight during a domestic dispute. He himself later died in a hospital from his injuries.

The Kenyan government later recognised GBVF as the most pressing security challenge facing the country — a belated but crucial move.

On May 26, Kenya’s National Gender and Equality Commission noted that the surge in GBVF crimes was driven by “a complex interplay of cultural, social, economic, and legal factors”. Patriarchal traditions continue to fuel inequality and legitimise violence, while harmful practices such as forced marriage, female genital mutilation (FGM), and dowry-related violence further endanger women’s lives. Economic hardship and women’s financial dependence only deepen their vulnerability.

Across the continent, we are witnessing a dangerous resurgence of archaic patriarchal norms.

The COVID-19 lockdowns in 2020 further exposed the scale of the crisis. Since then, countless behavioural change campaigns have been launched, but they have largely failed.

This is no surprise.

According to Afrobarometer data from November 2023, nearly 48 percent of all Africans believe domestic violence is a private matter, not a criminal offence.

The uncomfortable truth is that many African men, regardless of education or economic status, do not prioritise the safety or rights of women and girls.

On International Women’s Day last year, South African rugby captain Siya Kolisi said it plainly: “Men are not doing enough.”

Indeed, many continue to uphold harmful customs such as child marriage and remain disengaged from efforts to protect women. Years of empty rhetoric have led to a growing body count.

It is time for African men to take full ownership of this crisis and commit to radical change.

They must reject cultural practices and ideals of manhood that dehumanise women. African cultures are not unchangeable, and patriarchy is not destiny. A new, egalitarian model of African masculinity must be nurtured — one based on dignity, equality, and nonviolence.

This cultural reorientation must begin in families and be sustained through schools, religious and traditional forums, and community life.

It must happen for Olarato Mongale. For Rebecca Cheptegei. For the thousands of others whose lives were stolen.

And most urgently, it must happen for the women and girls across Africa who live each day knowing that their greatest threat may come from the men closest to them.

There can be no just African future unless African manhood is transformed.

The men provided financial assistance to al-Shabab fighters who attacked the DusitD2 complex in Nairobi, killing 21 people.

A Kenyan court has sentenced two men to 30 years in prison for aiding al-Shabab fighters who were behind a deadly attack in Nairobi that left 21 people dead in 2019.

On Thursday, Judge Diana Kavedza Mochache ruled that Hussein Mohammed Abdile and Mohamed Abdi Ali played a critical role by helping two of the attackers escape from a refugee camp using fake identity cards. The pair also provided financial assistance to the group.

“Without financiers, facilitators and sympathisers, terrorists cannot actualise their activities,” the judge said during sentencing, stressing that their support made the attack possible.

“The convicts may not have physically wielded the weapons that caused harm to the victims, but their facilitation directly enabled attackers who were heavily armed with guns, grenades and suicide vests,” Kavedza said.

“This was not a crime with isolated harm; 21 lives were lost,” she added, acknowledging statements from survivors about their ongoing psychological struggles.

“The emotional scars of the attack run deep,” she said.

Abdile and Ali were convicted last month for facilitating and conspiring to commit a “terrorist” act. Both men denied the charges and now have 14 days to appeal.

Background to attacks

The assault on the upmarket DusitD2 complex in the Kenyan capital began on January 15, 2019, when gunmen stormed the compound and opened fire.

Security forces launched an operation that lasted more than 12 hours. The government later announced that all the attackers had been killed.

Al-Shabab, an armed group linked to al-Qaeda, claimed responsibility, saying the assault was in retaliation for then-United States President Donald Trump’s decision to recognise Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

The siege was the first major attack in Nairobi since the 2013 Westgate mall massacre, which killed 67. In 2015, al-Shabab also attacked Garissa University, killing 148 people.

Since Westgate, high-end venues in the capital have ramped up security, including vehicle and pedestrian checks.

The DusitD2 complex, like Westgate, catered to wealthy Kenyans and foreign nationals, groups often targeted by al-Shabab.

The Somalia-based group has repeatedly struck inside Kenya, aiming to force the withdrawal of Kenyan troops from Somalia, where they are part of a regional force battling the rebellion.

Abstract: Amidst the challenges of digital transformation in developing countries, M-Pesa emerges as a local innovation that successfully empowers communities through mobile phone-based financial services. Launched in Kenya in 2007, M-Pesa expands access to financial services, drives regional economic integration, and opens up new opportunities for small businesses. While offering great potential to expand global financial inclusion, M-Pesa faces challenges such as global fintech competition, digital security risks, and regulatory misalignment between countries. To maintain its relevance, M-Pesa must continue to innovate while remaining rooted in local needs and the principle of inclusivity.

In the midst of global digital transformation, many developing countries face major challenges in accessing and utilizing technology to drive economic growth. Limited infrastructure, low levels of digital literacy, and unequal access to financial services are major obstacles in this process. Despite these challenges, local innovations have emerged that address the specific needs of their communities. One example is M-Pesa, a mobile phone-based financial service introduced in Kenya in 2007. From a simple need for a safe and fast money transfer system in areas with limited access to banks, M-Pesa has grown into a global phenomenon that is changing the face of local and regional economies.

M-Pesa not only offers easy financial transactions for individuals but also opens access to microcredit, insurance, and business payment services (Kagan, 2023). Thus, M-Pesa shows how innovation based on local needs can be a catalyst for inclusive digital transformation. The presence of M-Pesa contributes to economic integration, both at the national level and between countries in the East African region. This service proves that digital solutions designed with local context in mind can address structural challenges, accelerate economic growth, and improve social stability. Through the design of M-Pesa, it can be understood that empowering local innovation is essential in driving sustainable digital transformation for local needs while strengthening economic connectivity in an increasingly digitized world.

M-Pesa: Local Innovation in the Digital Age

In the discourse of digital transformation in developing countries, M-Pesa has become a hot topic of discussion as one of the successful models of innovation based on local needs. Understanding the significance of M-Pesa needs to be seen through the process of formation, development dynamics, and the implications of this innovation on socio-economic structures. M-Pesa emerged in 2007 in Kenya, developed by Safaricom—a subsidiary of Vodafone—as an answer to the lack of access to formal banking services (Wachira & Njuguna, 2023). At the time, the majority of Kenyans, especially in rural areas, did not have bank accounts. This created a need for a simple, cheap, and widely accessible financial system. Herein lies the main strength of M-Pesa, which does not seek to replicate Western banking systems but rather builds solutions that fit local realities. This shows that successful innovation in the digital age is not a mere transplant of global technology but rather a smart contextual adaptation.

The rapid development of M-Pesa brings features from an SMS-based money transfer service to a financial ecosystem that includes bill payments, goods purchases, savings, microloans, and insurance (Schachter, 2018). This transformation not only expands financial services but also disrupts the traditional role of banks, which has been exclusive to the upper middle class. Amidst the praise for M-Pesa’s financial inclusion, there is also criticism about the unequal access to technology. Although based on a relatively simple SMS, the service still requires ownership of a mobile phone and a stable telecommunications network, two things that are unevenly distributed across Kenya and East Africa. This shows that digital innovation, if not accompanied by investment in basic infrastructure, can deepen the gap between those who are connected and those who are left behind. M-Pesa is proof that local innovation can be a lever for structural change. In the current context of globalization, the challenge ahead is to ensure that digital transformation based on local innovation is not just a tool of market integration but also an instrument of sustainable social empowerment.

M-Pesa as an Instrument of Economic Integration

In the era of economic globalization, integration is no longer only determined by the relationship between large countries but also by the ability of lower society groups to connect directly through technology. In this context, M-Pesa emerges as an innovative instrument that accelerates economic integration, especially in the Global South, which has often been marginalized in global finance. M-Pesa accelerates cross-border transactions by providing a simple and fast money transfer solution, even without requiring access to a traditional bank. Services such as Mobile Money Transfer (MMT) enable migrant workers in the East African region to send money to their families at a much lower cost and in a much faster time than conventional financial institutions (Safaricom, 2023).

M-Pesa also opens up opportunities for small businesses to connect with a wider market. With easily accessible digital payment services, micro-merchants can conduct transactions across regions without having to rely on expensive banking infrastructure. This strengthens the position of small businesses as important actors in the global supply chain while encouraging more inclusive, people-based economic growth. Innovations in M-Pesa are able to overcome classic barriers, such as the inability to access credit. With M-Pesa, there is an increase in regional financial connectivity, particularly in East Africa. With widespread adoption in Kenya, Albania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ghana, India, Lesotho, Mozambique, Romania, and Tanzania, M-Pesa creates a kind of digitally connected regional financial ecosystem (Owigar, 2017). This reduces both domestic and cross-border transaction costs and ultimately increases the efficiency of the region’s economy. In the long term, M-Pesa shows potential to accelerate the formation of a more integrated and competitive regional market.

Opportunities and Challenges of M-Pesa in the Future

Given its multiple successes in revolutionizing financial services in East Africa, M-Pesa has a great opportunity to expand its role in the global digital economy. M-Pesa’s success cannot rely solely on the old model. Continuous innovation and adaptation to new technology trends are key to sustaining M-Pesa. Despite its success in Kenya and several other countries, many other regions in the Global South still face similar problems. By adapting its approach to local characteristics, M-Pesa has the potential to become an inclusive financial platform that transcends regional boundaries and becomes a global player in digital financial inclusion.

While M-Pesa offers great opportunities to expand financial inclusion and strengthen economic integration, it is undeniable that the platform also faces serious challenges that could hinder or even reverse its achievements. When M-Pesa is not managed properly, its success today can become a source of vulnerability in the future. One of the main challenges is the increasing competition from global financial technology companies. With the entry of big players like PayPal and various local fintech startups, the digital financial services market has become increasingly competitive. When M-Pesa fails to innovate or expand services according to the needs of the new digital generation, it will be very risky to be abandoned, especially by the younger generation, who are more sensitive to faster and more flexible technology options. In addition, digital security issues are a threat that cannot be ignored. The growing volume of transactions through M-Pesa makes the platform a potential target for cyberattacks, data theft, and digital fraud. In a context where many users do not yet have strong digital literacy, a security breach can destroy the trust that has been built over the years and worsen the stability of the service.

As M-Pesa expands, differences in legal frameworks and consumer protection between countries are a major obstacle. If there is no alignment in terms of policies, users in certain countries may become more vulnerable to data abuse. In facing the future, M-Pesa must stay true to its core principle of addressing the needs of the community through simple, affordable, and inclusive technology. Consideration of digital risk resilience, the courage to compete fairly, and a commitment to maintaining economic justice in the midst of an increasingly complex digital ecosystem need to be improved. Innovation created from local needs is the key for M-Pesa to survive, not only as a transaction tool but also as the foundation for a more equitable and sustainable digital economy.

Security forces and hundreds of men armed with whips and clubs clashed with protesters in Kenya, with a police officer’s shooting of an unarmed bystander triggering widespread anger.

Tensions were already high in the East African country as it marked a year since massive Gen Z-led protests over the state of the economy, and the latest demonstrations were sparked by the death of a man in police custody earlier this month.

In Nairobi’s business district, the epicentre of last year’s demonstrations, small groups of protesters gathered on Tuesday, initially peacefully, to call for an end to police brutality.

But they were quickly attacked by hundreds of men on motorbikes, known in Kenya as “goons”, armed with makeshift weapons.

As shop owners hastily closed their businesses, police actively protected the armed men and fired tear gas at protesters, who responded by throwing stones and burning at least two of their motorbikes.

There was outrage after videos circulated of a police officer shooting a bystander at point-blank range in the head.

The man, who had been selling face masks, was still alive despite the severe injury.

“We handed him over to Kenyatta National Hospital, and he was taken to the ICU. He was very critical. He was still breathing,” said Vincent Ochieng, a disaster recovery officer for the Kenya Red Cross.

While the police did not directly deny any cooperation with the armed “goons”, it said in a statement it “does not condone such unlawful groupings”.

It also said the officer who shot the man in the head “using an anti-riot shotgun” had been arrested.

The government had been eager to avoid unrest this year, with its latest finance bill avoiding the tax rises that led to weeks of protests in June and July 2024.

But people have taken to the streets over the death of 31-year-old teacher Albert Ojwang in police custody earlier this month.

Protesters are demanding the resignation of a senior officer they blame for the death.

Last year’s protests peaked when thousands stormed Parliament on 25 June, where MPs were debating the unpopular finance bill.

Rights groups say at least 60 people were killed during the protests in June and July 2024, and dozens more were illegally detained by security forces in the aftermath.

Hundreds of people have joined protests over the death in police custody of political blogger Albert Ojwang.

A Kenyan police officer has been arrested in connection with the death of Albert Ojwang, a political blogger who died in police custody, in a case that has reignited anger over police abuse and triggered street protests in Nairobi.

Police spokesperson Michael Muchiri said on Friday that a constable had been taken into custody, the AFP news agency reported.

He did not give further information, referring queries to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), which is leading the investigation. There was no immediate comment from the IPOA.

Ojwang, 31, was declared dead on Sunday, two days after his arrest in the town of Homa Bay in western Kenya for allegedly criticising the country’s deputy police chief Eliud Lagat.

The police initially claimed Ojwang fatally injured himself by banging his head against a cell wall, but an autopsy revealed injuries that pathologists said were “unlikely to be self-inflicted”.

The government’s own pathologist found signs of blunt force trauma, neck compression and soft tissue injuries, suggesting an assault. Independent pathologist Bernard Midia, who assisted with the post-mortem, also ruled out suicide.

Amid growing pressure, President William Ruto on Wednesday said Ojwang had died “at the hands of the police”, reversing earlier official accounts of his death.

The incident has added fuel to longstanding allegations of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Kenya, particularly following last year’s antigovernment demonstrations. Rights groups say dozens were unlawfully detained after the protests, with some still unaccounted for.

Earlier this week, five officers were suspended to allow for what the police described as a “transparent” inquiry.

On Thursday, protesters flooded the streets of the capital, waving Kenyan flags and chanting “Lagat must go”, demanding the resignation of the senior police official Ojwang had criticised.

Ruto on Friday pledged swift action and said that his administration would “protect citizens from rogue police officers”. While Ruto has repeatedly promised to end enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, human rights groups accuse his government of shielding security agencies from accountability.

According to IPOA, 20 people have died in police custody in just the past four months. The death of Ojwang, a vocal online critic, has become a symbol of growing public frustration with unchecked police power.

International pressure is mounting, with both the United States and European Union calling for a transparent and independent investigation into Ojwang’s death.

Protests take place almost a year after several killed and seized by Kenyan police in finance bill protests.

Protesters took to the streets of Kenya’s capital Nairobi to express their fury over the death of a blogger arrested by police last week, as the country’s police watchdog reported that 20 people had died in custody over the last four months.

Police used tear gas to disperse crowds gathered close to the capital’s parliamentary building on Thursday to protest against the death of Albert Ojwang, a 31-year-old blogger arrested in the western town of Homa Bay last week for criticising the country’s deputy police chief Eliud Lagat.

Police had initially said Ojwang died “after hitting his head against a cell wall”, but pathologist Bernard Midia, part of a team that conducted an autopsy, said the wounds – including a head injury, neck compression and soft tissue damage – pointed to assault as the cause of death.

On Wednesday, President William Ruto admitted Ojwang had died “at the hands of the police”, reversing earlier official accounts of his death, saying in a statement that it was “heartbreaking and unacceptable”.

Kenyan media outlets reported on Thursday that a police constable had been arrested over Ojwang’s death.

Reporting from the protests in Nairobi, Al Jazeera’s Malcolm Webb said that Ojwang, who wrote about political and social issues, had posted online about Lagat’s alleged role in a “bribery scandal”, in which the deputy police chief had already been implicated by a newspaper investigation.

“It’s angered people that he was detained for that, and then days later, dead in a police station,” said Webb, who added that people were calling for Lagat to be held to account, and “persisting in throwing stones at the police in spite of one volley of tear gas after the next being fired at them”.

Finance bill protests: one year on

The case has shone a light on the country’s security services, who have been accused of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances for years.

On Thursday, Independent Policing Oversight Authority chairperson Issak Hassan told lawmakers that there had been “20 deaths in police custody in the last four months”.

The authorities are now conducting an official investigation into Ojwang’s death.

On Wednesday, Inspector General Douglas Kanja apologised for police having previously implied that Ojwang died by suicide, telling a Senate hearing: “He did not hit his head against the wall.”

Ojwang’s death comes almost a year after several activists and protesters were killed and taken by police during finance bill protests – many are still missing.

The rallies led to calls for the removal of Ruto, who was criticised for the crackdown.

Amnesty International said Ojwang’s death in custody on Saturday “must be urgently, thoroughly and independently investigated”.

Bokeo province, Laos – Khobby was living in Dubai last year when he received an intriguing message about a well-paying job working online in a far-flung corner of Southeast Asia.

The salary was good, he was told. He would be working on computers in an office.

The company would even foot the bill for his relocation to join the firm in Laos – a country of 7.6 million people nestled between China, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam and Myanmar.

With the company paying for his flights, Khobby decided to take the plunge.

But his landing in Laos was anything but smooth.

Khobby discovered that the promised dream job was rapidly becoming a nightmare when his Ghanaian passport was taken on arrival by his new employers.

With his passport confiscated and threats of physical harm ever present, he endured months working inside a compound which he could not leave.

The 21-year-old had become the latest victim of booming online cyber-scam operations in Southeast Asia – an industry that is believed to have enslaved tens of thousands of workers lured with the promise of decently paid jobs in online sales and the information technology industry.

“When I got there, I saw a lot of Africans in the office, with a lot of phones,” Khobby told Al Jazeera, recounting his arrival in Laos.

“Each person had 10 phones, 15 phones. That was when I realised this was a scamming job,” he said.

The operation Khobby found himself working for was in a remote area in northwest Laos, where a casino city has been carved out of a patch of jungle in the infamous “Golden Triangle” region – the lawless border zone between Myanmar, Laos and Thailand that has long been a centre for global drug production and trafficking.

He said he was forced to work long days and sleep in a dormitory with five other African workers at night during the months he spent at the scam centre in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone.

Khobby recounted the original message he received from an acquaintance encouraging him to take the job in Laos.

“My company is hiring new staff”, he said, adding that he was told the salary was $1,200 per month.

“He told me it was data entry.”

Casino city

The Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone (GTSEZ) where Khobby was lured to for work operates as an autonomous territory within Laos.

Leased from Laotian authorities by Chinese national Zhao Wei, whom the US government has designated the leader of a transnational criminal organisation, life in the GTSEZ is monitored by a myriad of security cameras and protected by its own private security force.

Clocks are set to Beijing time. Signage is predominantly in Chinese, and China’s yuan is the dominant and preferred currency.

Central to the GTSEZ city-state is Zhao Wei’s Kings Romans casino, which the United States Treasury also described as a hub for criminal activity such as money laundering, narcotics and wildlife trafficking.

During a recent visit to the zone by Al Jazeera, Rolls Royce limousines ferried gamblers to some of the city’s casinos while workers toiled on the construction of an elaborate and expansive Venice-style waterway just a stone’s throw from the Mekong river.

While luxury construction projects – including the recently completed Bokeo International Airport – speak to the vast amounts of money flowing through this mini casino city, it is inside the grey, nondescript tower blocks dotted around the economic zone where the lucrative online scam trade occurs.

Within these tower blocks, thousands of trafficked workers from all over the world – just like Khobby – are reported to spend up to 17 hours a day working online to dupe unsuspecting “clients” into parting with their money.

The online swindles are as varied as investing money in fake business portfolios to paying false tax bills that appear very real and from trading phoney cryptocurrency to being caught in online romance traps.

Anti-trafficking experts say most of the workers are deceived into leaving their home countries – such are nearby China, Thailand and Indonesia or as far away as Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda and Ethiopia – with the promise of decent salaries.

Online ‘butchering’

Khobby told how his “data entry” job was, in fact, a scam known in the cybercrime underworld as “pig butchering”.

This is where victims are identified, cold-called or messaged directly by phone in a bid to establish a relationship. Trust is built up over time to the point where an initial investment is made by the intended victim. This can be, at first, a small amount of the victim’s money or emotions in the case of fake online relationships.

There are small rewards on the investments, Khobby explained, telling how those in the industry refer to their victims as pigs who are being “fattened” by trust built up with the scammers.

That fattening continues until a substantial monetary investment is made in whatever scam the victim has become part of. Then they are swiftly “butchered”, which is when the scammers get away with the ill-gotten gains taken from their victims.

Once the butchering is done, all communications are cut with the victims and the scammers disappear without leaving a digital trace.

According to experts, cyber-scamming inside the GTSEZ boomed during the 2019 and 2020 COVID lockdowns when restrictions on travel meant international visitors could not access the Kings Romans casino.

In the years since, the cyber-scam industry has burgeoned, physically transcended borders to become one of the dominant profit-making illicit activities in the region, not only in the GTSEZ in Laos but also in neighbouring Cambodia and in conflict-ridden Myanmar.

Though not as elaborate as the GTSEZ, purpose-built cyber-scam “compounds” have proliferated in Myanmar’s border areas with Thailand.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies estimates that cyber-scamming in Southeast Asia generates tens of billions annually, while the United States Institute of Peace equates the threat to that of the destructive fentanyl trade.

“Cyber-scam operations have significantly benefitted from developments in the fintech industry, including cryptocurrencies, with apps being directly developed for use at [cyber-scam] compounds to launder money,” said Kristina Amerhauser, of the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime.

“Victims and perpetrators are spread across different countries, money is laundered offshore, operations are global,” Amerhauser told Al Jazeera, explaining that the sophisticated technology used in cyber-scamming, along with its international reach, has made it extremely difficult to combat.

Complicit victims?

About 260 trafficked scam-centre workers were recently rescued in a cross-border operation between Thailand and Myanmar. Yet, even in rare instances such as this when trafficked workers are freed, they still face complications due to their visa status and their own potential complicity in criminal activity.

Khobby – who is now back in Dubai – told Al Jazeera that while he was coerced into working in the GTSEZ, he did actually receive the promised $1,200 monthly salary, and he had even signed a six-month “contract” with the Chinese bosses who ran the operation.

Richard Horsey, International Crisis Group’s senior adviser on Myanmar, said Khobby’s experience reflected a changing trend in recruitment by the criminal organisations running the scam centres.

“Some of the more sophisticated gangs are getting out of the human trafficking game and starting to trick workers to come,” Horsey said.

“People don’t like to answer an advert for criminal scamming, and it’s hard to advertise that. But once they’re there, it’s like – actually, we will pay you. We may have taken your passport, but there is a route to quite a lucrative opportunity here and we will give you a small part of that,” he said.

The issue of salaries paid to coerced and enslaved workers complicates efforts to repatriate trafficking victims, who may be considered complicit criminals due to their status as “paid” workers in the scam centres, said Eric Heintz, from the US-based anti-trafficking organisation International Justice Mission (IJM).

“We know of individuals being paid for the first few months they were inside, but then it tapers off to the point where they are making little – if any – money,” Heintz said, describing how victims become “trapped in this cycle of abuse unable to leave the compound”.

“This specific aspect was a challenge early on with the victim identity process – when an official would ask if an individual previously in the scam compound was paid, the victim would answer that initially he or she was. That was enough for some officials to not identify them as victims,” Heintz said.

Some workers have also been sold between criminal organisations and moved across borders to other scam centres, he said.

“We have heard of people being moved from a compound in one country to one in another – for example from Myawaddy to the GTSEZ or Cambodia and vice versa,” he said.

Khobby said many of the workers in his “office” had already had experience with scamming in other compounds and in other countries.

“Most of them had experience. They knew the job already,” he said.

“This job is going on in a lot of places – Thailand, Laos, Myanmar. They were OK because they got paid. They had experience and they knew what they were doing,” he added.

‘What are we here for? Money!’

High-school graduate Jojo said she was working as a maid in Kampala, Uganda, when she received a message on the Telegram messaging app about an opportunity in Asia that involved being sponsored to do computer studies as part of a job in IT.

“I was so excited,” Jojo recounted, “I told my mum about the offer.”

Jojo told how she was sent an airline ticket, and described how multiple people met her along the way as she journeyed from Kampala to Laos. Eventually Jojo arrived in the same scam operation as Khobby.

She described an atmosphere similar to a fast-paced sales centre, with Chinese bosses shouting encouragement when a victim had been ‘butchered’ and their money stolen, telling how she witnessed people scammed for as much as $200,000.

“They would shout a lot, in Chinese – ‘What are we here for? Money!’”

On top of adrenaline, the scam operation also ran on fear, Jojo said.

Workers were beaten if they did not meet targets for swindling money. Mostly locked inside the building where she worked and lived; Jojo said she was only able to leave the scam operation once in the four months she was in the GTSEZ, and that was to attend a local hospital after falling ill.

Fear of the Chinese bosses who ran the operation not only permeated their workstations but in the dormitory where they slept.

“They told us ‘Whatever happens in the room, we are listening’,” she said, also telling how her co-workers were beaten when they failed to meet targets.

“They stopped them from working. They stopped them from coming to get food. They were not getting results. They were not bringing in the money they wanted. So they saw them as useless,” she said.

“They were torturing them every day.”

Khobby and Jojo said they were moved to act in case it was their turn next.

When they organised a strike to demand better treatment, their bosses brought in Laotian police and several of the strikers – including Jojo and Khobby – were taken to a police station where they were told they were sacked.

They were also told they would not be paid what was owed in wages and their overseers refused to give their passports back.

Khobby said he was left stranded without a passport and the police refused to help.

“This is not about only the Chinese people,” Khobby said. “Even in Vientiane, they have immigration offices who are involved. They are the ones giving the visas. When I got to Laos, it was the immigration officer who was waiting for me. I didn’t even fill out any form,” he said.

With help from the Ghanaian embassy, Khobby and Jojo were eventually able to retrieve their passports, and with assistance from family and friends, they returned home.

The IJM’s Heintz, said that target countries for scammer recruitment – such as those in Africa – need better awareness of the dangers of trafficking.

“There needs to be better awareness at the source country level of the dangers associated with these jobs,” he said.

Reflecting on what led him to work up the courage to lead a strike in the scam centre, Khobby considered his childhood back in Ghana.

“I was a boy who was raised in a police station. My grandpa was a police commander. So in that aspect, I’m very bold, I have that courage. I like giving things a try and I like taking risks,” he said.

Jojo told Al Jazeera how she continues to chat online with friends who are still trapped in scam centres in Laos, and who have told her that new recruits arrive each day in the GTSEZ.

Her friends want to get out of the scam business and the economic zone in Laos. But it is not so easy to leave, Jojo said.

“They don’t have their passports,” she said.