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“It should be OK to say someone’s baby is ugly.”

“Being a pet is forced, unpaid emotional labor.”

“It’s OK to be attracted to your friend’s man.”

“Cartoon Network was better than Disney Channel and Nickelodeon.”

“Men should be required to get a vasectomy after a certain amount of baby mamas.”

These are just some of the bold, controversial statements that have come up at “Unpopular Opinion,” a live, interactive event where people share and defend their hot takes in front of a spirited audience. To support their claims, they present slide decks filled with graphics and memes on a giant screen. Those in the crowd gasp, cheer and laugh.

The crowd from a past “Unpopular Opinion” event. The viral series is coming to the Regent Theater in L.A.

(Quest Hollis / SideQuest Visuals)

The event was created by Chance Albury and Sarah Prince, founders of the Washington, D.C.-based experiential production company Something Different. People were already having these types of impassioned conversations online, Albury says, and they simply wanted to provide that space in real life.

They debuted the series in February, and after recaps of events went viral, they decided to take it on tour. “Unpopular Opinion” makes a stop in Los Angeles on Thursday at the Regent Theater.

“Who knew rage-baiting could be such a unifier?” Albury says.

“Everyone loves to argue,” Prince adds.

Albury says that the success of the show relies on having different perspectives and opinions in the room. The slide decks are also a major draw. Unpopular Opinion is one of several events that takes PowerPoint-style presentations out of their traditional setting — the office or the classroom — and puts them front and center in a social scene. Over the last few years, slide decks have shown up at house parties, matchmaking events and even in bars at gatherings like Lectures on Tap.

Anyone who wants to present can submit their hot take through an application form. Albury and Prince receive roughly 50 submissions for each event, but only about seven to nine are selected.

Presenters defend their hottest takes on stage using slides and passion.

(Quest Hollis / SideQuest Visuals)

“There’s just so many topics that you can talk about so it can’t get old,” says Prince, adding that a lot of the speakers are funny and present like stand-up comedians.

Typically hosted at a live music venue, the vibe of “Unpopular Opinion” feels like a boisterous late-night game show. Drinks are available for purchase at the bar. A live DJ plays a mix of hip-hop, pop and other high-energy genres as a host hypes up the crowd. As an icebreaker, audience members are asked to submit their own unpopular opinions to be displayed on the screen for everyone to see.

Then the main event begins. Presenters are given 10 minutes to make their case. Unlike a traditional debate tournament, audience members are encouraged to get involved and make their thoughts known.

“There’s just so many topics that you can talk about so it can’t get old,” says co-founder Sarah Prince.

(Quest Hollis / SideQuest Visuals)

After each pitch, the host asks audience members to hold up their paddle, which has a green thumbs up and a red thumbs down to indicate whether they agree or disagree. Then a mic is passed around so attendees can share their thoughts or rebuttals.

Though the event is called “Unpopular Opinion,” there are times when the majority of the crowd agrees with the presenter. There are also times when the audience strongly disagrees. In either case, Albury and Prince ask that attendees are respectful to one another.

The presentation topics range drastically, from lighthearted social media discourse (“Women standing behind the DJ booth is more embarrassing than men”) to hot-button dating debates (“Splitting the bill on the first date is fine”) to deeper societal issues (“People hate everything about slavery but Christianity”).

Albury and Prince say they are exploring ways to bring “Unpopular Opinion” “beyond the show doors” for those who can’t make it to a live event. They already post man-on-the-street-style interviews on social media, in which they ask people to weigh in on hot button questions.

Albury says the beauty of “Unpopular Opinion” is that it shows people it’s OK to disagree. “Just because we have different opinions doesn’t mean we can’t talk about it,” she says. “We may not even come to terms on agreeing or disagreeing, but we’ve got that space.”

After days of indecision, NASCAR disciplined seven people who participated in the attack of young racing star Corey Heim in front of a concession stand at Martinsville Speedway shortly after the ValleyStar Credit Union 300 on Saturday.

Major penalties and suspensions were issued to team owner Chad Bryant and crew member Steve Civatarese. Both are suspended indefinitely from NASCAR events — including next year’s ValleyStar Credit Union 300 — and are also on probation for a year.

Additionally, Bryant was fined $2,000 and must attend a NASCAR-approved anger management program. Civatarese was fined $1,000. Ryden Lapcevich, the younger brother of Bryant driver Treyten Lapcevich, was fined $500 and placed on probation through Dec. 31, 2027.

NASCAR said in a release that Bryant, Civatarese and Ryden Lapcevich violated Sections 12-6.1C & 12-6.1C2 of the NASCAR Rule Book, which pertains to member-to-member confrontations with physical violence.

Four others from the Bryant pit crew were also fined and put on probation because of their participation in a separate altercation after the conclusion of the second heat race at Martinsville.

The disciplinary action comes after NASCAR was criticized on social media by racing fans who wondered if the governing body would ignore the beating of Heim that was widely distributed online. NASCAR posted its own video of the confrontation.

Heim, 24, often races cars for 23XI Racing, owned by Denny Hamlin and NBA legend Michael Jordan, and will drive for the team full-time next year. During his podcast “Actions Detrimental” on Monday, Hamlin called Bryant and his team “cowards.”

“Just complete classlessness from Chad Bryant, the owner, and his team to wait on Corey,” Hamlin said. “Listen to what they did. Those [expletive] cowards waited on Corey Heim to leave his car and leave his team, and then jump him while he was on the way to his hauler.”

The attack in front of a hot dog stand in the pit area was triggered by an accident shortly after the checkered flag involving Heim and Treyten Lapcevich, who was driving Chad Bryant Racing’s No. 77. After the pair aggressively jousted for runner-up during the final laps, Lapcevich drove into Heim’s right side during the cool-down lap. Heim responded by sending his car over the front of Lapcevich’s car, causing a wreck that destroyed both cars.

Lapcevich tried to confront Heim after the race but was held back by Bryant, who instead brought six team members to do so violently. Lapcevich issued a statement Tuesday condemning the actions of his racing team.

“What happened with Corey after the race was wrong, and it should not have happened,” Lapcevich said. “While I was not involved in the incident, I want to be clear that I do not condone any action that took place.

“Emotions can run high after a race, and I was certainly frustrated and upset following Saturday night. I planned on having a conversation with Corey following the race. However, there is a clear line between being angry about what happens on the racetrack and allowing that frustration to become physical. What happened after the race for sure crossed that line.”

Hamlin called for discipline on his podcast and got plenty of support from fans on social media.

“I don’t know who’s in charge of NASCAR Regional, but there is absolutely no way that any of those guys should be in a pit lane for the next year, at least,” Hamlin said. “And I want them to say publicly what they do to them. And if it’s nothing, I will have a major problem. But none of those cowards should be in a pit lane in the foreseeable future.”

Heim seemed to downplay the incident. He posted a selfie with a thumbs-up and a caption that read, “Solid effort, but at least make it count next time.” He also posted the hot dog stand menu — which was dented by an errant punch during the fight — saying “New office piece. Poor thing took a beating this weekend.”

Pit crew members punished for the separate altercation included Dylan Jenks and Ryan Burrow, who each were fined $500 and placed on NASCAR probation until Dec. 31, 2027. In addition, Brad Housewright and Chase Burrow were each fined $250 and placed on the same probation.

Heim, a rising star who won NASCAR Cup Series events at Naval Base Coronado and Indianapolis Motor Speedway this season and is the reigning NASCAR Craftsman Truck Series champion, was driving the No. 22 for Nelson Motorsports.

Las Vegas Aces star A’ja Wilson said she apologized to her teammates for getting a technical foul late in an eventual 98-89 playoff loss to the Indiana Fever on Tuesday night in Indianapolis.

But the four-time league MVP is not apologizing for her actions that led to the foul being called.

With about 4 minutes left in the fourth quarter and the Aces down by 11, Wilson drew a foul against Indiana’s Sophie Cunningham. As Cunningham protested the call, Wilson walked over to a Fever fan who had been standing in front of his seat in the second row behind the basket and pointing in Wilson’s direction.

Visibly upset, Wilson stood directly in front of the fan, who had been pulled back into his seat by a woman sitting next to him, while yelling at him. She was quickly pulled away by teammate Cheyenne Parker-Tyus, but was still upset as she walked away.

Speaking to reporters after the game, Wilson said that there are “just certain things that I’m not going to allow anymore because it’s just unacceptable.”

“I don’t know if you guys know me, but I don’t really get into the bulls—. I don’t,” Wilson said. “I try to play my game, keep it pushing. But if I’m just walking, because I just got the foul, I’m chilling — and if I see a man come at me, taking steps towards me and pointing at me, I don’t give a damn what you said. I don’t give a damn how you said it, the tone. That is unacceptable.”

Online video footage shot from the stands shows that the man was standing in front of his seat as the play unfolded. He appears to take a step or two while pointing and yelling after the foul was called.

“I didn’t exactly see what happened. I kind of saw the aftermath,” Aces coach Becky Hammon told reporters after the game. “I’ve never seen A’ja Wilson go like that. So whatever was done, I can tell you she felt very disrespected in that moment. I’ve never seen her really react like that ever. So whatever it was, it doesn’t have any place, I don’t think, in an arena.”

The fan eventually was escorted out of the seating area but was allowed to return to his seat. The Fever said in a statement that arena security spoke with the man and witnesses and “determined there was no violation of the Fan Code of Conduct.”

Wilson was assessed a technical foul for unsportsmanlike conduct.

“Yeah, I’m apologizing to my team for that,” she told reporters. But, Wilson added, “you don’t have to like me. You don’t have to love me. You can hate me with all your heart. … But I guarantee you will respect me.”

The decisive Game 3 of the series is Thursday in Las Vegas.

RAPPER AJ Tracey has secretly tied the knot with his stunning girlfriend in an epic ceremony.

The Ladbroke Grove hitmaker, 32, has said ‘I do’ to model and influencer Liva, also 32, who is also known as Yung Peppermint on social media to her hundreds of thousands of followers.

The Sun can exclusively reveal the lovebirds made their union official in front of family and friends on September 12.

No expense was spared on the big day with a source telling The Sun that AJ, whose real name is Che, went all out to impress for the occasion.

The pair, who have aimed to keep their years-long romance under wraps, shunned the usual tradition of splashing photos from the big day online and ensured that all their guests were under strict instructions to not share any footage of the nuptials.

An insider told The Sun: “It was an epic wedding day fit for one of the UK’s most popular rappers.

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“AJ and Liva quietly got engaged earlier this year and then wasted no time on planning an incredible wedding celebration.

Our source continued: “AJ and Liva have always aimed to keep their romance out of the public eye and have rarely ever shared snaps of one another online.

“They asked all their guests to keep news of the wedding under their hats and insisted that no photos were to be shared.

“Despite being one of Britain’s most recognisable rappers, AJ has always been keen to keep his home life under wraps.

“But he had the most fantastic day marrying Liva earlier this month and was telling his pals he felt like the luckiest man alive.”

The Sun first revealed that AJ and Liva were dating earlier this year.

The couple had managed to keep their connection quiet for years before Liva gave a rare glimpse into one of their date nights on her social media page at the time.

They are understood to have first connected after both being signed to the same modelling agency years ago and romance very quickly blossomed.

Our source said at the time: “AJ’s known for being a charming man in the industry so it’s no surprise he has swept Liva off her feet.

“Everyone is really happy for them and their pals hope the romance continues to go the distance.”

AJ has been one of the leading faces of UK rap for close to ten years.

His 2019 hit Ladbroke Grove became a platinum hit and reached number three on the UK Singles Charts.

The star’s second album, Flu Game, became his biggest success reaching number two in 2021.

His track, Crush, featuring Jorja Smith was nominated for Song of the Year at this year’s MOBO Awards.

Last year, he also transitioned into television appearing alongside his cousin, TV presenter and chef Big Zuu, in their own Sky Max travel series titled Big Zuu and AJ Tracey’s Rich Flavours.

Meanwhile, Liva has built up her own following with the German-born model having developed a lucrative career as a social media influencer after moving to London after the Covid pandemic.

Cubs third baseman Alex Bregman has returned to Chicago a day after being hit in the face by a foul ball while standing in front of the on-deck circle during a road game against the Cincinnati Reds.

Bregman shared that information — as well as a photo that appears to show that his left eye remains swollen shut — Monday morning on his Instagram Stories.

“Back in Chicago,” wrote Bregman, who also appeared to have a cut and bruising near his left cheekbone where the ball off teammate Michael Busch’s bat made contact during the fourth inning of the Cubs’ 9-1 victory.

It was the second photo and update posted by Bregman since the gruesome injury occurred. On Sunday evening, the three-time All Star shared a photo that appeared to have been taken in the team’s clubhouse. In addition to his eye being swollen shut and cheek cut, Bregman also has gauze inserted in his left nostril, where some bleeding had occurred.

“Thanks for the messages yall,” Bregman wrote. “I’ll be back.”

Before the incident occurred, Bregman hit a run-scoring single in the first inning and walked and eventually scored in the third. He was standing several feet in front of the on-deck circle when Busch fouled off a pitch by Cincinnati’s Luis Mey on a checked swing.

Bregman lost his bat but maintained his footing as the ball struck him. He covered his face with his left hand and was able to jog toward the Cubs dugout, where a trainer helped him down the steps and into the clubhouse. The 11-year veteran was taken to a hospital for testing.

“It’s a terrible, terrible accident,” Cubs manager Craig Counsell said after the game. “We hope he’s OK.”

Bregman is batting .262 with 26 home runs and 89 RBIs in his first season with the Cubs. He is probably best known to Los Angeles fans as a member of the Houston Astros team that defeated the Dodgers in the 2017 World Series and were later found by MLB to have illegally used technology to steal signs during that season. Bregman and the Astros also won the 2022 World Series.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

The NATO Response Force (NRF) and EU Battlegroups have demonstrated that placing multinational forces on standby does not automatically make them immediately operational. German-Dutch military integration, in contrast, has generated a different outcome since cooperation was internalized within permanent command structures, units, training, and capability planning before a crisis occurred.

Such a comparison is becoming increasingly relevant to Northeast Asia. A Taiwan contingency could absorb American military assets at the very moment when North Korea embarks upon a serious provocation towards South Korea. Continued US commitments in Europe and the Middle East could further complicate the allocation of finite resources.

Why Standby Forces Encountered Problems

The NRF was established after the 2002 Prague Summit as a rapidly deployable multinational joint force of roughly 25,000 troops. Yet the NRF was heavily dependent on the member countries assigning their respective forces to particular rotations, while these governments had the final say over whether the forces could ultimately be employed. During the Afghanistan and Iraq wars—when operational demand was high—each government had strong disincentives in introducing scarce high-readiness units and specialized enablers to NRF rotational deployment.

This created a gap between designated readiness and actual availability. Strategic transportation, logistics, specialized support units, and communication capacity could still be subject to competing national demands. Eventually, in 2024, NATO replaced the NRF with the NATO Force Model, which emphasized a substantially larger pool of high-readiness forces that is closely aligned with specific defense plans.

Meanwhile, the EU Battlegroup was faced with an even clearer problem. Although the multinational battlegroups had been maintained on rotational standby since 2007, they had never been deployed. While acknowledging that the battlegroups enhanced interoperability and military transformation, the European Parliament attributed the shortcoming largely to insufficient political will, difficulties in decision-making, implementation problems, and the financing arrangements.

What Germany and the Netherlands Did Differently

German-Dutch cooperation developed according to a different institutional logic. Although the 1st German-Netherlands Corps was created in Münster in 1995, the integration later expanded deep into both militaries’ force structures. The Dutch 11th Airmobile Brigade was incorporated into the German Division Schnelle Kräfte (DSK) in 2014, while the Dutch 43rd Mechanized Brigade was integrated into Germany’s 1st Panzer Division in 2016, and the Dutch 13th Light Armoured Brigade joined Germany’s 10th Panzer Division in 2023.

The relationship was extended below the brigade level. Germany’s Panzerbataillon 414 is operated under the Dutch 43rd Mechanized Brigade, and Dutch personnel operate Germany’s Leopard 2A6MA2 tanks while serving within the battalion. Moreover, German officers serve in Dutch command headquarters and vice versa, turning multinational command into a routine organizational reality instead of a stopgap measure that is only activated during major exercises.

Needless to say, such an arrangement does not eliminate national sovereignty. Both Germany and the Netherlands preserve the political prerogative over whether and where their forces are deployed. Meanwhile, the benefits of integration would become observable once a crisis necessitates the deployment. Staff are already well-versed in each other’s procedures, and units have repeatedly conducted joint exercises, while command and logistics relations do not need to be newly constructed during mobilization.

The distinctions were visibly observable during training. For example, approximately 7,000 German and Dutch personnel participated in the 2026 Fighter Lion—the largest military exercise conducted by the Netherlands in two decades—ten years after the Dutch 43rd Mechanized Brigade was integrated into Germany’s 1st Panzer Division. These types of exercises strengthen existing command relations rather than creating temporary interoperability for a single event.

What Japan and South Korea Can Apply

It is quite obvious that Japan and South Korea cannot replicate the German-Dutch model. Neither country has a formal mutual defense pact nor a NATO-style integrated command structure. Therefore, the directly applicable lessons are more limited. Nonetheless, selected operational relationships can and should be institutionalized before multiple simultaneous contingencies make such coordination necessary.

The practical first step could be a standing bilateral adjustment mechanism that links Japan’s Joint Operations Command (JJOC) with relevant South Korean joint headquarters. Instead of exercising command authority, the mechanism could maintain procedures for intelligence exchange, deconfliction in the air and at sea, movement of US reinforcements, logistics coordination, and the use of Japanese facilities that support a Korean contingency. This would be especially crucial when Japan has to assist US operations related to Taiwan while installations across Japan—including Yokota, Yokosuka, Sasebo, Iwakuni, and other United Nations Command (UNC)-Rear facilities—play a pivotal role in US reinforcement to the Korean Peninsula in accordance with Operational Plan (OPLAN) 5055.

Under this mechanism, small-scale functional cells could concentrate on specific missions. Missile warning would be the most obvious starting point since the United States, Japan, and South Korea have conducted North Korean missile-warning data-sharing since December 2023. Additional cells could treat maritime domain awareness (MDA), anti-submarine warfare (ASW), cyber defense, transportation, medical evacuation, and logistics.

The exchange of officers should accompany the aforementioned measures. Japanese officers could participate in South Korean command posts, while South Korean officers could join Japanese operational staff who deal with naval operations, air defense, logistics, or reinforcement coordination. The goal is to get familiar with each country’s procedures, communications, command relations, and other miscellaneous constraints before wartime pressure markedly shortens the timeframe for decision-making.

Exercise Scarcity Rather Than Ideal Conditions

The most notable changes should be related to exercise design. Trilateral exercises should not be premised on the assumption that the full inventory of United States support capabilities will always be available. A more pessimistic scenario would begin with a Taiwan scenario that is already consuming a substantial amount of US assets—including its ISR capacity, strategic transportation, and precision-guided munitions—when North Korea embarks upon a serious horizontal or vertical military escalation on the Korean Peninsula.

In this particular situation, elaborated by the Atlantic Council report, South Korean military planners should determine which missions could be conducted independently and which can be addressed bilaterally. South Korea may assume greater responsibility for ISR, missile defense, logistics, and conventional firepower on the Korean Peninsula—yet this would be affected by the tempo of wartime operational control (OPCON) transition—while Japan could take on additional maritime surveillance, ASW, sea lines of communication (SLOC) protection, base defense, and logistics. The primary aim is not to divide the Taiwan and Korean Peninsula theaters between Seoul and Tokyo but to identify how both countries could most effectively conduct missions that complement US military operations across the two regions.

Logistics should be placed at the center of these exercises. A dual contingency could impose on the Japanese government the need to support both US operations on Taiwan and USFJ reinforcement to the Korean Peninsula, which inevitably involves Japanese ports and airfields. It could cause competition for fuel, maintenance, transportation, ammunition depots, runways, and port capacity. Thus, Tokyo and Seoul should develop procedures concerning reciprocal servicing, immediate repair, medical support, transportation, and selected supplies before the bottleneck transmogrifies into wartime problems.

Functional Integration Without a Bilateral Alliance

The German-Dutch case illustrates that political authority is not necessarily the same thing as operational preparedness. A government can maintain full authority over whether its forces enter conflicts and can also prepare in advance to cooperate effectively if that decision is made. These distinctions are highly relevant to Japan and South Korea since they enable a considerable level of operational preparedness without a formal defense pact. For instance, South Korea could discuss target allocations for North Korean TELs with its Japanese counterparts in order to effectively use the finite weapons available to Japan’s enemy base strike capability and South Korea’s Kill Chain and Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation (KMPR).

Naturally, the primary objective should be functional integration in fields where both governments already have overlapping interests. A large set of measures—spanning from ISR coordination to cyber defense—can be institutionalized without creating either an integrated force or an Asian version of NATO.

Both the NRF and EU Battlegroups revealed the limits of formations that remained dependent on political and operational arrangements being assembled only when crises occur. German-Dutch cooperation worked better since many of those arrangements already existed.

Given the historical baggage that Japan and South Korea carry, it would undoubtedly be a Herculean task for them to take novel steps. Nonetheless, the emerging regional security environment is rapidly narrowing down the available options.

WASHINGTON — The Obamas’ pet dog Sunny has died, former President Obama said Wednesday.

Sunny, a 13-year-old Portuguese water dog the Obamas got in 2013 while living in the White House, died Tuesday.

“We got Sunny at the start of our second term in the White House, and all of us — including our first dog, Bo — immediately fell in love,” he said on social media.

He remembered Sunny as athletic, full of energy and protective of Bo. Despite Sunny’s breed, she hated getting wet.

“We will miss her terribly, and imagine she’s with her big brother now, making sure he’s okay,” Obama said.

Bo died in 2021.

While many presidents have kept dogs as companions, President Trump does not have any pets at the White House.

George H.W. Bush’s English springer spaniel, Millie, “wrote” the bestseller “Millie’s Book.” President Clinton’s chocolate Labrador retriever, Buddy, was in the family as Clinton weathered the scandal over his affair with White House intern Monica Lewinsky.

George W. Bush’s Scottish terrier, Barney, had an official web page and starred in “Barneycam” videos that were filmed by a camera around his neck. Lyndon B. Johnson angered animal lovers by lifting his beagle, Him, by the ears in front of news photographers.

Harry S. Truman famously advised: “If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog.”

Fighting is continuing along Yemen’s western front, with government forces reporting strikes against Houthi positions in areas stretching from Taiz toward the Red Sea coast.

The government said on Monday that its forces targeted Houthi personnel, equipment and positions in Dhu Bab in Taiz governorate and Khokha in neighboring Hodeidah governorate.

The areas are strategically important because they lie along Yemen’s western coastline near the Red Sea and Bab Al-Mandab Strait, one of the world’s key maritime chokepoints connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and wider Indian Ocean.

Dhu Bab is close to Bab Al-Mandab, while Khokha lies further north along the Red Sea coast. The fighting is taking place along territory that links the front lines around Taiz with Yemen’s strategically important western coastline.

Yemen’s armed forces spokesman, Col. Majid Al-Nazili, said government forces targeted Houthi equipment, personnel and positions in the two areas.

Military commanders also visited several front lines around Taiz, including areas near Bani Omar, Jardad and Al-Wazi’iyah, to assess combat readiness.

Maj. Gen. Abu Bakr Al-Jubouli, commander of the Tor Al-Baha axis, said government forces had inflicted heavy losses on the Houthis during recent clashes.

After appearing last year on a contentious political panel discussion in Washington, D.C., Jessica Tarlov, co-host of the the popular Fox News show “The Five,” was approached by a transgender woman from Alabama.

Tarlov had said that Democratic candidates in tough races might have to concede that transgender collegiate swimmer Lia Thomas should not be competing against women assigned female at birth. But the matter never came up. Instead, the Alabama woman thanked Tarlov for making the case for Democrats against four conservatives on “The Five,” the most watched program in cable news and a favorite of family members who no longer speak to her.

“If more people talked like you, I might get my family back,” the woman said. “I’m just happy my parents can hear someone like you.”

Tarlov describes the encounter in her new book “I Disagree: Winning Arguments Without Losing Friends,” out Sept. 15. The part how-to book and part personal memoir is aimed at helping readers navigate the harsh political divisiveness in the culture. Her role on “The Five” has made her an advocate of going into not-so-friendly territory to debate issues rather than staying in comfort zones where views are unchallenged.

“I’m trying to show that a Democratic voice like mine can exist there, without an apology,” she writes of her Fox News position. “And that a person with strong liberal beliefs can bring that same perspective to a host of outlets and places.”

During a recent conversation at Fox News headquarters in Manhattan, Tarlov said the kind words of the fan from Alabama align with what she’s heard from children and grandchildren of the network’s loyal viewers. They are grateful their Fox News-loving families are exposed to a voice from outside the conservative media ecosystem.

Fox News co-host Jessica Tarlov is the author of “I Disagree.”

(Penguin Random House)

Tarlov, 42, has been a sturdy liberal counterweight at “The Five,” which averages 3.5 million viewers daily, according to Nielsen. She comes to the panel’s table highly prepared with data-based talking points, forcing her often intractable co-hosts to engage and listen. She often does it while deflecting the mocking remarks of rambunctious colleagues Jesse Watters and Greg Gutfeld, who try to throw off her arguments.

“Interruptions are an indication that you’re winning,” said Tarlov, evoking the pithy chapter summaries in “I Disagree.”

Tarlov games out numerous scenarios with recommendations on how to deploy statistics and when to lighten up. She also explains the necessity of allowing the other side to blow off steam as she did when “The Five” co-hosts became emotional and overwrought over the shooting of right wing activist Charlie Kirk.

Tarlov believes the key to the success of “The Five” is the camaraderie the panel has off-camera. While the co-hosts will battle it out on set over President Trump’s policies or the excesses of the socialist wing of the Democratic Party, they are supportive of each other once the show is over (three of them are represented by the same CAA agent).

“We don’t talk politics outside of work,” Tarlov said.

Tarlov has been an accepted part of the Fox News family, recently signing a three-year contract despite Trump’s suggestion that “The Five” would be better off without her.

But it has taken time for Tarlov to gain credibility among like-minded pundits and thought leaders on the political left. Most are dismissive of the network as its most popular hosts are unwavering Trump loyalists. Tarlov also resists being in lockstep with every Democratic position and trend. (She voted for Andrew Cuomo over New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, citing the former governor’s experience.)

“Even in the last year I’ve been at big liberal gatherings, very clearly hosts on other big podcasts or show were not interested in talking to me,” said Tarlov, who has had many conversations that start with the question “Why are you on that network?”

But with younger news consumers getting their news and information through social media platforms, Fox News clips of Tarlov scoring points for the Democrats are gaining attention. Tarlov said she has felt more welcome in left-leaning circles since the 2024 presidential campaign when the digital accounts of Joe Biden and then Kamala Harris put her commentary in heavy rotation. (Scott Galloway, the author and social critic, partnered with Tarlov on a podcast, “Raging Moderates,” after seeing her come up repeatedly in his feeds and then meeting her on the set of “Real Time With Bill Maher”).

Tarlov didn’t start out seeking a career as a TV personality, although her family background likely helped her understand media and communication. Her parents were attorneys who met while working on the Warner Bros. lot in New York, and raised their two daughters in the hip lower Manhattan neighborhood of Tribeca.

Her father, Mark Tarlov, was a onetime speechwriter for Supreme Court Justice Warren Burger who went on to produce two of John Waters’ films and direct projects of his own. Tarlov and her sister Molly, an actor who co-starred in the MTV sitcom “Awkward,” traveled the world with their father to shooting locations. (Tarlov pays tribute to her father, who died in 2021 of 9/11-related cancer, by wearing his nerd-chic Oliver Peoples eyeglass frames made of buffalo horn).

A graduate of Bryn Mawr College and the London School of Economics, Tarlov worked as a strategist on the London mayoral campaign of Boris Johnson. She talked Democratic pollster Doug Schoen into giving her a job. Schoen hired her and brought her to the attention of Fox News, which started using her as a guest on Sean Hannity’s program in 2016.

The ability to effectively volley with conservatives led Democratic Party leaders to approach Tarlov about running for Congress in the district representing Staten Island. (She has no desire to seek political office.)

Tarlov was named co-host on “The Five” in 2022. She and husband Brian McKenna, who works in finance, welcomed their first daughter in 2021, the other in 2024. She remains awed that the show’s viewers — most of whom don’t agree with her politics — have acknowledged her personal milestones with warm greetings and homemade gifts.

She is aware that she’s had a rarefied career. But in “I Disagree,” she goes beyond her impressive resume to reveal her insecurities — unusual in the ego driven TV news business — and tells readers how she’s tried to resolve them.

“I have a good amount of shyness to me,” she said. “I have a lot of imposter syndrome. I’m constantly in wonder that I ended up getting to do this and that hopefully, am the right person to do it.”

Long self-conscious about her raspy voice, which Trump once described as “grating and irritating,” she shares how a 2016 meeting with former Chief Executive Roger Ailes made her relax about it. He told her viewer criticisms were more aimed at her positions, at not how she sounded. “No matter what room the television is in, you want to make sure the person listening in the next room knows you’re on it,” he told her. “Don’t try to smooth your voice out. They may hate what you stand for and what you’re saying, but you want them to know it’s you on TV.”

Tarlov met with Ailes just months before he was ousted over sexual harassment allegations. While Tarlov was grateful for his advice, her book praises current Fox News Chief Executive Suzanne Scott for creating a workplace culture that is much more hospitable to women. Scott promoted Tarlov to co-host right before she was due to give birth to her first child.

“The knowledge that I’m supported allows me to take big swings and not be intimidated,” Tarlov writes. She knows that’s not the situation for all women; in her signature style, she presents the data and the narrative to back it up.

With ownership of the team still in limbo, the Lakers announced two front office additions Friday, hiring former Miami Heat executive Eric Amsler as assistant general manager, player personnel, while bolstering their sports performance staff with Keith D’Amelio as director of integrated performance systems.

Boosting the team’s behind-the-scenes infrastructure was one of Mark Walter’s major initiatives when the Dodgers’ owner bought the Lakers in 2025. After the season, Lakers president and general manager Rob Pelinka said Walter and the ownership group were working to create two assistant GM positions and upgrade treatment, physical therapy and sports science facilities to mirror the success of the Dodgers.

But the status of such investments came into question when Walter unexpectedly sold his majority stake in the Lakers to Bob Iger and Joshua Kushner last month. The transaction that valued the Lakers at a record $12.5 billion still needs to be approved by the NBA board of governors, which next meets Sept. 14-15, according to ESPN, but approval for the Lakers ownership change will likely not be on the docket.

“Continuing to invest in and strengthen our basketball operations group is a top priority as we build for the long-term success of our team and players,” Pelinka said in a statement. “Eric and Keith bring a wealth of experience that will add valuable expertise across our organization.”

Amsler spent the previous 22 seasons with the Heat, most recently serving as vice president of player personnel and the general manager of G League affiliate Sioux Falls Skyforce. He oversaw the Heat’s scouting department and evaluation of draft, professional and G League prospects.

Amsler joins former New Orleans Pelicans executive Rohan Ramadas as assistant general managers hired this offseason. While Ramadas, who joined the team in May, will be involved in managing the salary cap, analytics and data for the Lakers, Amsler’s responsibilities will mirror the scouting and player development responsibilities he held in Miami.

D’Amelio most recently served as chief innovation officer for the New York Liberty, where he worked across basketball operations, health and performance, analytics and applied sciences. His previous NBA experience includes stints with the Toronto Raptors and Boston Celtics. He also worked with Stanford men’s basketball and Nike.

Sanaa, Yemen – The United Nations-recognised Yemeni government and the Houthi group have been using warplanes, missiles, drones and other weapons as they engage in intense fighting on multiple fronts in the country’s north, west and central regions.

At least 194 people have been killed and 880 others wounded in the past two weeks of fighting in parts of Taiz, the western coast, al-Jawf, Marib and Dhalea, according to aid agencies.

Iran-backed Houthis, also known as Ansar Allah (supporters of God), have intensified attacks on the coastal district of al-Makha (Mocha) located on the western coast, among others, to gain a foothold in the Red Sea – a vital shipping lane.

On the other hand, government forces have been battling to expand in Taiz and boost their control of Marib, an oil-producing region in the north.

Fighting has also been raging in the al-Jawf governorate bordering Saudi Arabia and Dhalea, which connects the Houthi-controlled north to the country’s south under the internationally recognised government.

Experts say gains or losses on any of these strategically important fronts could have significant consequences for either side.

Taiz and western coast fronts

“The hills and mountainous areas of Taiz and the western coast are key targets for the Houthis, who have repeatedly attempted to advance there,” Yazeed al-Jeddawy, the research manager at the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, said.

“The Houthis are trying to seize commanding terrains, cut supply routes between the coastal Mocha district and Taiz, and prevent government troops on the western coast from linking up with the Taiz Military Axis,” said al-Jeddawy.

In Taiz and along the western coast, al-Jeddawy says, the immediate contest is over the heights and roads connecting Taiz to al-Makha.

Situated roughly 60km (37 miles) from the Bab al-Mandeb strait, al-Makha enjoys a highly strategic position on the Red Sea. For a month now, the Houthis have launched missile and drone attacks on the city, causing massive damage to its port facilities and killing and injuring several civilians.

Recently, the group has also attempted to extend its ground operations towards al-Makha city.

“The Houthis seem intent on tightening their hold around [al-Makha] and moving closer to the Dhubab–Bab al-Mandeb area. A substantial advance would strengthen their position near the southern entrance to the Red Sea and give them greater leverage over international shipping,” he added.

Fuad Mussed, a Yemeni political analyst and author, told Al Jazeera that the strategic importance of the western coast and Taiz fronts stems from their proximity to Bab al-Mandeb, a chokepoint connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and one of the world’s most important shipping routes.

“The Houthis seek to move closer to this vital waterway to threaten maritime traffic. Such a move aims to keep the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandeb under the influence of Iran and use them as leverage against regional and international powers. This is a strategy Tehran has been pursuing for years,” Mussed said.

Iran has blocked the Strait of Hormuz, a global oil chokepoint, to use it as leverage in the war against the United States. It has also warned that its allies could shut shipping via Bab al-Mandeb. Iran also attacked Saudi Arabia’s pipeline used to export oil from the Red Sea.

In July, the Houthis declared a blockade against Saudi vessels transiting through the Red Sea – an alternative to the Strait of Hormuz.

Marib and al-Jawf fronts

Over the past few weeks, pro-government forces have attacked Houthi-held territories in Marib and al-Jawf, facing further retaliation from the Houthis.

Saddam al-Huraibi, a Yemeni political commentator, said the Marib front is fateful for both sides.

“Marib is a government stronghold in north Yemen. So, a Houthi expansion in Marib would threaten government presence and weaken its leverage in the north. That is why pro-government troops are ready to fight tooth and nail on this front line,” al-Huraibi told Al Jazeera.

For the Houthis, the takeover of Marib will deepen the group’s authority and step towards controlling the oil and gas infrastructure. The Iran-backed group captured vast swaths of northern Yemen, including the capital, Sanaa, in 2014, but Marib has remained in government hands since.

“Dominating Marib’s oil and gas resources has been a Houthi goal for over a decade. Without facing a crushing defeat in Marib, they would keep fighting to achieve that goal,” al-Huraibi said.

Adjacent to Marib, al-Jawf is also a hub of tense fighting between the Houthis and government forces. A government gain there would lay the groundwork for further advances, while a strong Houthi defence could undermine government forces’ morale and prompt them to retreat.

“Government-aligned forces have lately focused much of their offensive effort on al-Jawf. Government gains in al-Jawf would ease the threat to Marib while requiring the Houthis to defend a much broader area,” al-Huraibi said.

Al-Jeddawy said government gains could open routes towards the north – Saada, Amran or Houthi positions north of Marib.

The Houthis have carried out attacks in Saudi Arabia, including energy facilities in the country’s south. They have also accused Saudi Arabia of launching multiple attacks in al-Jawf, al-Bayda, Marib and Taiz provinces in support of government forces.

The Dhalea front

Fighting on the Dhalea front, a strategic gateway between Houthi-held territory and the southern governorates, has intensified in recent weeks.

Fighting there did not fully stop during the relative calm, which began in April 2022 following the UN-brokered ceasefire.

A Houthi advance there could open a route for their fighters to reach other southern territories. On the other hand, a Houthi setback would encourage government forces to push towards Ibb, controlled by the group.

“[Houthi] advances in Dhalea could expose the southern hinterland, while [government advances] could threaten Houthi positions and supply routes towards Ibb, al-Bayda and, farther north, Sanaa,” al-Jeddawy noted.

With the escalating fighting, the Houthis face pressure on several fronts, but the group has been readying for a range of scenarios, Khaled Ghorab, a pro-Houthi general, said.

“The [Houthi] Yemeni armed forces were never caught off guard by the prospect of escalation; rather, they worked to build and develop their own military capabilities based on tactical combat plans designed to counter a comprehensive, sustained attack launched simultaneously from land, sea and air,” he said.

Ghorab noted that this state of readiness enables the Houthi forces to carry out a direct response to sources of the threat – whether deep within enemy territory or at sea – targeting military bases or aircraft carriers as far as the Horn of Africa.

While the warring parties compete to seize strategic positions on several front lines, the latest escalation is also closely related to the wider regional confrontation.

“Iran has an interest in keeping Yemen and the Red Sea active as sources of leverage, while parts of the government camp believe the Houthis are under growing strain and that this is an opportunity to weaken them,” al-Jeddawy, the Sanaa-based researcher, said.

“The escalation still reflects domestic military and political aims, but its timing and direction cannot be separated from the regional war,” he told Al Jazeera.