German defense contractor Rheinmetall has unveiled the GMF 140, a new 140-meter guided-missile frigate aimed at NATO and allied navies seeking a next-generation surface combatant with integrated air and missile defense, anti-submarine warfare, and long-range strike capabilities. Better known for armored vehicles, artillery, air defense systems, ammunition, as well as naval munitions and electronics, the new warship marks Rheinmetall’s entry into an entirely new segment of the defense market.
The 6,000-ton-plus vessel is being positioned for export, with Rheinmetall planning to offer the design “initially as part of a procurement project in North America” before pursuing opportunities with other allied navies.
Designed for operations in contested maritime environments, the GMF 140 combines area air defense, ballistic missile defense (BMD), anti-submarine warfare (ASW), and strike capabilities in a single platform optimized for blue-water operations while retaining the flexibility to support expeditionary, littoral, and coalition missions.
“The GMF 140 has been specifically developed for the requirements of NATO and allied navies seeking a highly capable, affordable, and interoperable next-generation surface combatant,” Rheinmetall said in a statement.
A rendering showing the GMF 140 (nearest) in action. Rheinmetall
A key feature of the design is its integration of U.S.-sourced combat systems and sensors. Rheinmetall says the frigate is designed around the AEGIS combat system and can accommodate multiple U.S.-sourced radar options capable of detecting, tracking, and engaging conventional air threats, hypersonic weapons, and ballistic missiles.
For customers seeking an alternative combat management architecture, the company says the GMF 140 can also be configured with Lockheed Martin’s CMS330 combat management system, providing an open and scalable architecture capable of integrating both U.S. and European sensors and weapons.
The ship is equipped with 64 strike-length Mk 41 vertical launch system (VLS) cells, allowing it to employ a wide range of air defense, ballistic missile defense, and land-attack missiles. For air defense, for example, 64 VLS cells would give the option of up to 256 Evolved Sea Sparrow Missiles, which come in quad packs, although a typical load-out would provide a far more balanced inventory of larger, longer-reaching anti-air missile and strike weapons, such as the Tomahawk cruise missile and Standard family of surface-to-air missiles.
Mk 41 VLS cell configurations and weapons. Lockheed Martin
Additional armament includes anti-ship missiles, torpedo launchers, a 5-inch (127mm) main gun, laser weapon systems, close-in weapon systems (CIWS), and secondary guns. In the concept artwork, the warship appears to have a U.S. Navy-standard Mk 45 main gun, as well as a SeaRAM CIWS mounted fore and aft, again in line with a pitch to the North American market.
Rheinmetall says the ship incorporates a low-signature hull, integrated acoustic management measures, hull-mounted and towed sonar systems, and facilities to support embarked helicopters and uncrewed systems from either U.S. or European suppliers.
The company says the design is intended to address growing demand from navies modernizing their fleets in response to evolving security challenges in Europe, the North Atlantic, and the Indo-Pacific. It also comes with a small crew complement for its size: each vessel will have a core crew of just 90, with the option to add another 35 if and when required.
Concept artwork of the GMF 140 underway. Rheinmetall
The new frigate’s wave-piercing bow is somewhat reminiscent of that seen on the smaller French Frégate de Défense et d’Intervention (FDI), or defense and intervention frigate. The bow of that vessel, which gives an appearance approaching that of a reverse bow, or inverted bow, is something we have discussed in the past. Both warships also have a dramatic chine that extends from the bow along the entire hull line.
The French Navy frigate, the Amiral Ronarc’h, part of the FDI class. Naval Group
The GMF 140 is approximately 460 feet long and has a displacement of more than 6,600 tons.
This puts it at the upper end of the modern frigate category, close to the boundary between a large frigate and a small destroyer. Its displacement should provide the volume and electrical power margins needed to support large radar arrays, future directed-energy weapons, additional electronic warfare systems, and growth in computing capacity. This capacity is especially important as navies adapt toward integrated air and missile defense against increasingly complex threats, including hypersonic weapons and ballistic missiles.
While the Type 26 was primarily designed around anti-submarine warfare and the FREMM family has evolved into multiple variants optimized for either ASW or general-purpose missions, the GMF 140 has been conceived from the outset as a fully integrated air and missile defense combatant capable of contributing to fleet-level ballistic missile defense while retaining robust ASW and long-range strike capabilities.
It is also notable that, rather than relying on proprietary national systems, Rheinmetall has built the GMF 140 around widely fielded U.S. and NATO technologies, including AEGIS, U.S.-sourced radar options, and the Mk 41 VLS. That approach reduces integration risk for navies already operating U.S.-made weapons and sensors while also improving interoperability during coalition operations.
The GMF 140 design reflects a broader trend among NATO navies toward heavily armed, multi-mission frigates that increasingly blur the traditional distinction between frigates and destroyers, at least in terms of missions. Rather than serving primarily as escorts, these ships are expected to provide area air defense, contribute to integrated missile defense networks, prosecute submarines, and deliver long-range precision strikes as part of distributed maritime operations.
While Rheinmetall is positioning the GMF 140 for the export market rather than domestic procurement, it should be noted that the German Navy recently canceled its planned F126 frigates, which, at 545 feet long and with a displacement of up to 11,000 tons, would have been physically the biggest surface warships to join the German Navy since World War II. You can read more about this ambitious program here.
The ill-fated F126 frigate in an artist’s concept. Damen
Instead, Germany opted for a smaller, lower-risk design optimized for anti-submarine warfare, and based on the proven A-200 frigate design from the German shipbuilder TKMS. This will be known as the F128.
Rheinmetall’s GMF 140 represents a different answer to that challenge. Rather than trading capability for affordability, it aims to deliver a heavily armed, highly interoperable frigate with robust integrated air and missile defense, long-range strike, and anti-submarine warfare capabilities in a single platform.
At the same time, the GMF 140 also marks a significant departure for Rheinmetall. While the company has long been a major supplier of naval weapons, sensors, ammunition, and mission systems, it has not previously competed as a prime contractor for a major surface combatant. As Rheinmetall’s first attempt to enter a highly competitive global market with a complete warship design, this necessarily comes with a degree of risk attached for any potential buyers.
Curious angle on this pitch. Not sure I see either Canada or the US as a serious prospect.
On top of that any Rheinmetall/NVL pitch as the most glaring weakness faces a complete absence of previously designed and built combatants (that arent OPVs).https://t.co/Irxs26fDyo
There is also the question about where these vessels would be built. Earlier this year, Rheinmetall acquired Naval Vessels Lürssen, which includes various German shipyards, of which Blohm+Voss in Hamburg would be the most likely candidate, having a long history of building surface combatants.
Rheinmetall’s reference to a procurement project in North America is interesting, pointing to either Canada or the United States.
As it stands, Canada has already selected the River class destroyer (based on the Type 26), so Rheinmetall would be relying here on a future tranche or a follow-on requirement.
In the United States, the Constellation class frigate program was terminated last year, and it was announced that the National Security Cutter design will serve as the basis of a new U.S. Navy frigate program that is named FF(X). Introducing an entirely new design into that program would seem highly unlikely, but the appearance of the GMF 140 does suggest that Rheinmetall has identified a gap in the market between the new FF(X) and the Arleigh Burke class destroyer, with a VLS capacity and level of capability matching that.
As allied navies weigh the balance between capability, cost, and procurement risk over the coming decade, it will be interesting to see whether more navies also move toward a more affordable, lower-risk frigate, as Germany has done, or bigger designs like the GMF 140 that seek to retain destroyer-like capabilities in a frigate-sized hull.
Welcome back to the Times of Troy newsletter, where summer break is over, USC’s preseason camp is underway and we are officially back in your inbox with news, notes and analysis on the Trojans every Monday morning from now through football season and beyond. I hope you had a lovely, peaceful summer. Because this fall, the stakes will have never been higher for Lincoln Riley, who’s entering his fifth and most consequential season yet as USC’s football coach, one that could decide the direction of the Trojan football program for years to come.
We’ve got a lot planned for the Times of Troy this season, including a very exciting announcement to come later this month. But over the next four weeks, before USC kicks off the 2026 season, we’ll take a close look at the team and season ahead.
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This week, we start with the Trojans’ offense, which, in four years with Riley as coach, has consistently remained among the best in the sport. Say what you will about Riley as a play-caller or an overall CEO type, but only one team in college football ranks better in average opponent-adjusted efficiency (FEI) on offense over the course of Riley’s tenure (sorry, it’s Oregon). And only once, in four seasons with Riley, has USC fallen out of the top seven nationally in that efficiency rate.
USC finished third in the nation in offensive FEI last season. And there’s a legitimate case to be made that the offense should be even better in 2026. Two cases, really.
The first path is probably obvious and will no doubt be the source of every preseason TV segment about USC. The road to success for Riley has always run through the quarterback. And Jayden Maiava has all the tools necessary to be that guy. He took a huge step forward last offseason, and if he continues that trajectory, he should be one of the best quarterbacks in the country this season.
But Maiava has also been surrounded by seasoned receivers the last two seasons, including one who just got picked in the first round of the NFL draft. His top returning receiver, Tanook Hines, is sitting out with an injury to start camp, while the rest of the pass-catcher two-deep is made up of either freshmen or transfers. We don’t know how long Hines will have to sit out, but any amount of time isn’t ideal. It’ll be on Maiava to build chemistry in the room and make it all work on the fly.
I suspect he’ll do just fine in that regard. But if USC is really going to reach its offensive potential this season, I believe it’ll be the run game that gets them there.
Riley earned his reputation as a passing savant at Oklahoma for good reason. He had two Heisman Trophy-winning passers and one runner-up in his first three seasons with the Sooners, and all three are now starting NFL quarterbacks. There’s no college coach with a resume even close to comparable when it comes to passing. But what’s often lost about those Riley teams is that Oklahoma also had a stellar rushing attack, one that had to be accounted for at all times, and, in turn, made the passing attack all the more explosive.
USC’s run game hasn’t been bad since Riley took over, not by any stretch. In fact, in terms of expected points added per rush play, the Trojans have ranked among the 15 most efficient run games in college football in each of Riley’s four seasons. They just haven’t run the ball nearly as much as that efficiency suggests they would.
This season would be a great time to shift that ratio. Because this is the best backfield Riley has had at USC.
Before he got hurt last season, Waymond Jordan was on his way to being seen as one of the best backs in the Big Ten, if not the country. He averaged 6.55 yards per carry, which ranked 15th among qualifying running backs in the country, but better yet, he picked up more yards on average after contact (5.15) than all but one other running back in the nation.
Assuming he’s fully healed from his ankle injury last October, Jordan should immediately remind everyone that he’s bound for stardom. And his backfield mate may not be that far behind.
King Miller scores on a 41-yard run against UCLA last season.
(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)
King Miller didn’t get regular carries until Week 6 last season, after Jordan went down. But he ended up busting 26 rushes of 10 yards or more anyway. That’s once every six carries. That’s bonkers, even before you consider that Miller is formerly a walk-on.
The pairing of those two backs, plus the threat of Maiava’s legs, gives USC a varied backfield capable of breaking a big play at any moment. Better yet, in the Big Ten, it gives Riley and his offense the ability to extend drives and wear down opposing defenses. That’s too often been missing from USC’s offense since coming to the Big Ten.
But there’s no excuse not to lean more on the run this season. Throw in the fact that USC is deeper and more talented on the offensive line than at any other point in Riley’s tenure, and it’s not hard to envision a Trojan offense dynamic enough to dominate teams on the ground and through the air.
Offense has never been a problem for Riley at USC. But we also haven’t seen Riley’s offense at the full extent of its powers just yet. And if USC is going to make the Playoff for the first time under Riley, that’s going to have to change this season.
Preseason MVP pick (non-QB): Waymond Jordan … Back from injury, I’m betting Jordan is better than ever.
Breakout pick: Kayden Dixon-Wyatt, freshman wide receiver … Take your pick of top prospects at the receiver position, but I think Dixon-Wyatt could be the big-play threat USC needs alongside Hines.
Biggest question mark: Wide receiver/tight end … So much talent, but so little of it is proven. Don’t be surprised if someone you’re not expecting breaks out at the position.
Bold prediction: Freshman tight end Mark Bowman leads the team in touchdown catches.
—USC‘s top projected cornerbacks are both cleared ahead of camp. We didn’t see Jontez Williams all spring, and we haven’t really seen Chasen Johnson at all since he was injured almost a year ago. So it’s easy to forget how touted both cornerbacks were coming out of the transfer portal. I’m particularly high on Williams, who was clearly the team’s top target in the portal this offseason. I expect both will start on the outside, unless Marcelles Williams makes a serious push to play there in camp.
—Riley is strongly in favor of the 24-team College Football Playoff. That’s been the official Big Ten Conference stance for months, so it’s no surprise to hear Riley echo those feelings. “This is something that’s not going to diminish the game in any way,” Riley said. “Having more teams in a tournament to determine a champion is not going to make it worse.” Of course, Riley’s concern isn’t the overall health of the game, but rather the fact that more playoff spots mean more chances for him to check that box. I don’t blame any coach for feeling that way. But there’s a reason why they shouldn’t be in charge of these decisions.
—Some weight fluctuations … The biggest change since spring belonged to offensive tackle Elijah Vaikona, who lost 25 pounds to open the fall at 360, while two players, tight end Walter Matthews (now 305) and defensive back Carrington Pierce (now 185) each added 20 pounds to their frames. A couple other notable changes: Veteran defensive lineman Jide Abasiri is down to 280 and could play more on the outside this season, while young edge rusher Jadyn Ramos bulked up to 250, after joining USC at (generously) 220 pounds last spring. Freshman five-star tight end Mark Bowman is also up to 245, which should help keep him on the field.
—Grant Govel spurned the Pittsburgh Pirates to return as USC’s ace. The Trojans were one of the big winners of the MLB draft deadline, as their No. 2 starter will now return to take over the top of the rotation. Govel had a 2.87 ERA and an opponent batting average of .203, which made him one of the better pitchers in the Big Ten. But Mason Edwards’ amazing year overshadowed, in some regard, the success Govel was having. That won’t be the case in 2026-27.
—Bloom Football Performance Center is having its grand opening this week. The football team already moved in a couple weeks ago, but the new state-of-the-art facility will get its close-up later this week. The media will be doing a tour Thursday, so be sure to follow along on social media for photos and videos from inside the facility.
The Best Thing I Watched This Summer
Anne Hathaway and Tom Holland in “The Odyssey.”
(Melinda Sue Gordon / Universal Pictures)
It’s not exactly an original take to sing the praises of a movie that’s become a global phenomenon. But “The Odyssey,” more than any blockbuster in recent memory, is worthy of piling on. I caught the film in its intended 70mm IMAX format, and I can confidently say it was the most amazing cinematic experience I’ve ever had.
The sheer scale of the movie is something to behold, even before you consider just how difficult it is to adapt an ancient epic poem into an interesting movie script. And on both counts, Christopher Nolan does not disappoint. The performances are outstanding, the score is beautiful, and the themes that Nolan pulls from the poem somehow manage to give a fresh take on a 3,000-year-old story.
I look forward to watching it again, as soon as I can, in IMAX 70mm. Though, judging by the current ticket situation, that might have to be at 3 a.m. on a Tuesday.
That concludes today’s newsletter. If you have any feedback, ideas for improvement or things you’d like to see, email me at ryan.kartje@latimes.com, and follow me on X at @Ryan_Kartje. To get this newsletter in your inbox, click here.
Aug. 2 (UPI) — President Donald Trump said Sunday night that negotiations with Iran toward ending the war will resume Monday, about a month after formal talks between the two unraveled and preceded a return to open conflict.
Speaking to reporters aboard Air Force One en route to Washington after spending a weekend at his Bedminster, N.J., golf club, Trump said talks with Iran will begin Monday afternoon, claiming, as he has repeatedly throughout the war, that Iran wants “to make a deal.”
“We’ll see if it’s true,” he said. “I’d love to do that. Save a lot of lives. Save a lot of unnecessary power, to be honest with you.”
Trump had called off what he advertised as a massive attack on Iran over the weekend, stating it was at the request of allies and Tehran, which he said had agreed to “the parameters of a deal.”
Aboard his plane, he identified Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar as the nations that had asked him to hold off.
“It would have been a massive attack. We were all set to go. But when the allies ask to call it off, you go to sort of say, ‘well, let’s see,'” he said. “And the reason they asked they think there’s a deal.”
Trump has long sought a deal with Iran to constrain its nuclear program, going back to his first administration when in 2018 he unilaterally pulled the United States from an Obama-era multinational accord in order to fashion a new one, and imposed sanctions on Tehran to force it to the negotiating table.
In late February, the United States and Israel attacked Iran with the aims of destroying its remaining nuclear capabilities and inciting regime change, instead igniting the five-month-long war, during which Tehran has laid military claims to the vital Strait of Hormuz.
An April cease-fire created conditions for a memorandum of understanding to be signed in mid-June that was to lay the foundation for ending the war. Amid negotiations on implementing the MOU, disagreements arose over its stance on the vital energy route, which led to a resumption in fighting last month.
Monday’s negotiations would be the first publicly acknowledged since early last month. Trump said the discussions will concern the Strait of Hormuz and led into nuclear talks.
He said that the three allies believe “a deal is imminent.”
Trump called off the attack after speaking with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman over the phone. Trump said Sunday that bin Salman warned him that the consequences of the attack would be unpredictable.
“I mean, will they be flooded with people pouring into their country,” he said. “A lot of bad things can happen.”
Trump said it would have been “the biggest attack since World War II” and “disastrous” for Iran.
The United States is seeking to restore freedom of navigation through the strait, while Iran is trying to maintain some form of control over commercial vessels that pass through it.
According to the nonpartisan, Washington-based Institute for the Study of War, Iranian negotiators may be willing to make what it called “limited compromises” with the United States over Tehran’s control of the strait, though what those concessions may be were not entirely clear.
The Ninth Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of State Security (MSS) and the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) military think tanks are closely monitoring the movements of the current Egyptian Minister of Defense, Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher, and tracking the activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense. PLA websites are officially monitoring the activities and movements of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense, particularly the important air event for China: the El Alamein International Aerospace Exhibition (EIAS 2026), especially as the Egyptian Air Force and Ministry of Defense prepare to launch the second edition of the exhibition (EIAS 2026) at El Alamein International Airport from September 8 to 10, 2026.
As an Egyptian expert specializing primarily in Chinese politics and the policies of the ruling Communist Party of China, I can deconstruct, analyze, and evaluate the perspective of Chinese intelligence, military, defense, and security circles regarding the role and actions of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense and its minister, Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher, as follows:
– First: The Chinese People’s Liberation Army and its affiliated military research and analysis centers are closely monitoring and analyzing the activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense in hosting the El Alamein International Aerospace Exhibition.
This event is considered regionally significant for China, serving as a platform to connect defense and space organizations in Africa and the Middle East. This edition has garnered considerable international and Chinese interest, particularly from leading figures in the Chinese arms and defense industries, who are showcasing their latest aircraft and drones. China’s interest in the inaugural El Alamein International Air and Space Exhibition in 2024 was marked by significant historical participation: the Chinese Air Force performed spectacular air displays, their first official air show outside of China. This first-ever air show featured Chinese aircraft performing unique aerobatic maneuvers in the skies above El Alamein, a first for China. Furthermore, the exhibition served to strengthen Chinese-Egyptian military cooperation. China’s interest in the Egyptian air show reflected the strength of bilateral military relations and the two countries’ desire to bolster their aviation and defense sectors. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army and its affiliated military research and analysis centers focused on evaluating and analyzing the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s activities in hosting the El Alamein International Air and Space Exhibition. The Egyptian Air Force also announced the launch of the second edition of the exhibition, aiming to explore avenues for joint military cooperation and advanced military technologies between Egypt and China.
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– Second: The Role of the Ninth Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of State Security in Monitoring the Activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense to Secure Chinese Belt and Road Initiative Projects and Protect Chinese Strategic Interests
The Ninth Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of State Security (the Counter-Espionage and Infiltration Bureau) is concerned with the activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense in securing Chinese Belt and Road Initiative projects and protecting China’s growing strategic interests in the region from foreign intelligence penetrations. The dimensions of Chinese security and intelligence interest are focused on protecting vital waterways, particularly securing navigation in the Suez Canal and the Red Sea, which are essential maritime arteries for China’s Maritime and Military Silk Road. Furthermore, the Ninth Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of State Security seeks to secure major Chinese investments through intelligence oversight of joint Chinese logistical and economic projects, such as the Suez Canal Economic Zone and the TEDA projects. With close monitoring by Chinese intelligence circles, specifically the role of the Chinese Ninth Bureau in countering external threats, the activities of rival intelligence agencies targeting Chinese military technologies or economic presence in North Africa are being tracked and neutralized.
Therefore, think tanks affiliated with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have been paying close attention to the Egyptian defense minister’s foreign trips aimed at strengthening Egyptian military partnerships with countries around the world. This is of profound significance and military importance to China and the PLA, given its connection to China’s Belt and Road Initiative through the military cover for trade. Beijing relies on developing military coordination with Cairo and advanced arms deals, such as air defense systems, to ensure a stable regional environment that protects its long-term investments. This is achieved through a comprehensive strategic partnership between Egypt and China, transforming their cooperation from traditional trade to security and defense integration, thus guaranteeing the safe flow of global trade through Egypt. Therefore, the Chinese military has shown keen interest in tracking the movements of Egyptian Defense Minister Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher around the world, particularly his important official visit to Turkey in July 2026 and his meeting with the Turkish Defense Minister to sign a letter of intent for defense cooperation and the expansion of joint exercises. This is in addition to his on-site monitoring of the development and training of personnel at the Military Academy and other educational institutions affiliated with the Armed Forces, which intelligence and military circles in Beijing are keen to monitor closely.
– Third: The interest of Chinese military platforms and websites in covering news and activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense through official and semi-official military and news portals affiliated with the Chinese government that focus on defense and Middle Eastern affairs
In this context, several Chinese military platforms and websites specialize exclusively in covering news about the Egyptian Ministry of Defense or Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher individually. However, his strategic movements are also followed through official and semi-official Chinese government military and news outlets that focus on defense and Middle Eastern affairs. The most prominent of these Chinese websites and platforms include the China People’s Liberation Army Online (cn/China.81 Military Online). This is the official website of the Chinese armed forces, focusing on official meetings and joint cooperation. Also included is the website of the Ministry of National Defense of the People’s Republic of China, which is known as mod.gov.cn. This covers military diplomacy and protocols between Egypt and China. Additionally, there is (Xinhua Military). This is the official news arm that translates and publishes extensive reports on the restructuring of military leadership and the strategic moves of the Egyptian Minister of Defense, Ashraf Salem Zaher. And the Guancha Platform, which is militarily known as Guancha.cn. This is a leading Chinese analytical website that focuses on international military and geopolitical affairs. It analyzes Egyptian arms deals and military cooperation with regional and international powers, particularly China. Chinese media coverage of news from the Egyptian army and the El Alamein International Air and Space Exhibition in Egypt demonstrates broad strategic interest through Chinese military platforms such as the People’s Liberation Army Online (China Military Online) and the website of the Chinese Ministry of Defense. This coverage focuses on joint military cooperation, modern Egyptian military technologies, and potential areas of military cooperation between Egypt and China during the El Alamein International Air and Space Exhibition. This is especially significant given the participation of major Chinese military companies in the second edition of the exhibition, companies operating in the fields of defense, armaments, space technology, and commercial aviation. Therefore, specialized Chinese military platforms and agencies highlight displays of modern aircraft and drones, trends in military technological development in Egypt, and areas of mutual military benefit between Egypt and China.
Here, Chinese intelligence, military, political, and strategic circles, represented by the Ninth Bureau of the Chinese Ministry of State Security and all the aforementioned Chinese military sites, are monitoring all Egyptian military and field movements and activities. This includes, most notably, the movements of Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of Defense and Military Production (who assumed his position in February 2026). His recent intensive activities and initiatives aimed at enhancing combat readiness and strengthening Egyptian-international military cooperation, particularly with China and the People’s Liberation Army, are of particular interest. Among the most prominent movements and activities of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense, which have been the focus of analysis and evaluation by Chinese military circles, are the Egyptian defense minister’s field and diplomatic activities, including his official visit to Turkey in July 2026 at the head of a high-level Egyptian military delegation to discuss joint defense cooperation with the Turkish side. In addition to the interest, analysis, and evaluation by Chinese intelligence, military, defense, and security circles of the significance of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s invitation and reception of African defense ministers at the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s headquarters and their analysis of its connection to maintaining the security and stability of Chinese investments and opening new footholds and ports, especially in the Horn of Africa region, which is sensitive to Chinese logistical interests, relevant circles in Beijing are also monitoring the Egyptian side’s reception of the deputy prime minister and minister of defense of the Democratic Republic of Congo to discuss regional conditions and security in Africa, linking this to Chinese interests from a Chinese perspective.
– Fourth: The interest of intelligence, military, and security circles in Beijing in the recent Egyptian military activity in Africa and the significance of inviting and receiving African defense ministers at the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s headquarters, from a precise geopolitical perspective as a strategic pillar serving vital Chinese interests
Intelligence, military, and security circles in Beijing view Egypt’s recent military activity in Africa as a strategic pillar directly serving vital Chinese interests. Beijing analyzes the invitation and reception of African defense ministers at the Egyptian Ministry of Defense headquarters, headed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Minister of Defense and Military Production, Lieutenant General Ashraf Salem Zaher, from a precise geopolitical perspective that links regional security to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. This analysis considers the connection between Egyptian activity in East Africa and the Horn of Africa and Chinese logistics efforts to secure vital maritime routes for China’s interests. Beijing believes that strengthening Egyptian military influence in the sensitive Horn of Africa region acts as a safeguard for maritime traffic in the Red Sea leading to the Suez Canal, the main artery of China’s Maritime Silk Road, in addition to its importance for protecting China’s ports. Here, Chinese defense circles welcome any efforts to stabilize the Bab El-Mandeb Strait, thus protecting Beijing’s logistics base in Djibouti and opening up prospects for securing new Chinese ports and investments. These investments depend on the stability that Cairo, as a regional power center, can contribute to establishing.
– Fifth: Beijing’s interpretation of the reception of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s defense minister in Egypt to promote calm and stability in the Great Lakes and Nile Basin region, which is crucial to Chinese logistical interests.
Beijing’s interpretation of the reception of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s defense minister in Egypt is that relevant circles in Beijing followed with great interest the Egyptian side’s reception of the deputy prime minister and minister of defense of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Guy Kabombo Mwadiyamvita, to discuss regional security conditions. Chinese intelligence, military, political, and strategic circles analyze this in order to secure Chinese mining investments in the Democratic Republic of Congo, given that China has massive investments worth billions of dollars in the minerals and cobalt sector in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Beijing believes that security and stability in Congo, which Egypt supports through African Union institutions and bilateral cooperation, protects vital supply chains for Chinese technology industries from the risks posed by rebel groups. Furthermore, the Chinese Ninth Bureau and Chinese think tanks and military intelligence affiliated with the People’s Liberation Army analyze that strategic coordination in the Nile Basin region is essential for China’s interests and investments. Beijing considers the Egyptian-Congolese consensus to enhance calm and stability in the Great Lakes region and the Nile Basin, thus reducing the likelihood of armed conflicts that could threaten construction and infrastructure projects implemented by Chinese companies in those countries.
– Sixth: Chinese military circles are closely monitoring Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s meetings with leaders of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense to secure the Chinese Maritime and Military Silk Road.
In addition to closely monitoring Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s meetings with the leaders of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense, Chinese military circles are following the security situation and developments in the armed forces’ modernization plans, given the particular importance of these matters to China in safeguarding its interests. Chinese military and strategic circles are keen to follow these meetings due to Egypt’s pivotal role in the stability of the Middle East and its crucial importance to China’s economic interests and investments in the Maritime and Military Silk Road. The dimensions of Chinese interest in President al-Sisi’s role lie in his coordination with the Egyptian military establishment to protect Chinese investments and secure major infrastructure projects and the Chinese economic zone northwest of the Suez Canal. This strengthens the Chinese military partnership with Egypt, paving the way for further defense cooperation agreements, increased military partnership and joint exercises, and the diversification of Chinese arms sources for Cairo. This serves to maintain China’s regional security and to monitor the security situation and its impact on global trade and maritime navigation routes.
– Seventh: Chinese military analyses and assessments focus on monitoring and observing the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s training, military, and educational activities, such as nighttime missile firing exercises and the Badr 2026 tactical project.
Chinese military analyses and assessments focus on monitoring and observing the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s training, military, and educational activities, such as nighttime missile firing exercises. They pay particular attention to the final stage of the nighttime missile-firing exercise conducted by the Egyptian Air Defense Forces, attended by the Chief of Staff and commanders of the main branches. Chinese officials also observe the Egyptian Military Science Day, the activities of the Military Technical College’s Science Day, and the conclusion of its scientific and engineering competitions. Furthermore, Chinese circles evaluate the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s Badr 2026 tactical project, especially the main phase of the Badr tactical exercise, which involved live ammunition and was conducted by (units of the Egyptian Third Field Army). This evaluation assesses the Egyptian army’s strength in defending the security and stability of vital waterways and axes of importance to China. Chinese military analyses and assessments focus on monitoring and observing the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s training, military, and educational activities, such as nighttime missile firing exercises, and they pay particular attention to the final stage of the nighttime missile firing exercise conducted by the Egyptian Air Defense Forces, attended by the Chief of Staff and commanders of the main branches. With the Chinese interest in the Egyptian Military Science Day, the activities of the Military Technical College’s Science Day, and the conclusion of its scientific and engineering competitions, Chinese circles are also evaluating the Egyptian Ministry of Defense’s tactical project (Badr 2026), particularly the main phase of the Badr tactical project, which involved live-fire exercises conducted by units of the Egyptian Third Field Army. This evaluation aims to assess the Egyptian army’s strength in defending the security and stability of vital corridors and axes of importance to China. Chinese military circles and analysts are closely following the training and educational activities of the Egyptian Armed Forces, specifically the Badr 2026 tactical project with live ammunition conducted by the Egyptian Third Field Army, night air defense firing exercises, and the scientific activities of the Military Technical College. This is all part of assessing the Egyptian army’s readiness to protect vital axes. Furthermore, relevant circles in Beijing are keen to conduct further monitoring and evaluation of Egyptian military field training activities within the framework of the Badr 2026 tactical project to accurately assess the main phase with live ammunition conducted by units of the Third Field Army in support of the Air Force and to penetrate defenses. With the interest of Chinese military think tanks and research centers affiliated with the People’s Liberation Army in the (nighttime missile firing) exercises in Egypt, they observed the efficiency and capabilities of the Egyptian air defense forces in operating effectively at night under cover of defense and in the presence of Egyptian military leaders.
With the Chinese military circles monitoring the graduation ceremony of the Egyptian Military Academy and the graduation ceremonies of new classes of students from the Military Academy for Postgraduate and Strategic Studies and understanding and studying the impact of these events on China through the desire of Chinese intelligence, military, political, and strategic circles to develop military curricula in Egypt and Africa. This reflects the Chinese interest in Egyptian military education and scientific research and the Egyptian Military Science Day through the monitoring of the activities of the Egyptian Military Technical College’s Science Day and engineering competitions, and following the conclusion of the scientific and engineering competitions and linking them to the technological development of the combat capabilities of Egyptian military academies and institutions, and understanding what is lacking in these activities in order to fill it in the future through military educational partnerships with Egypt and its Ministry of Defense.
With close monitoring by Chinese defense and security circles of the joint Golden Eagle exercises between Egypt and Turkey, given their importance to China’s military and maritime Silk Road and to protecting Chinese interests in maintaining the security of the region and its vital waterways necessary for global supply chains. The focus and attention of think tanks affiliated with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army have also been on Egypt. The With You initiative is primarily an Egyptian military initiative concerned with coordinating the Martyrs’ Recognition Fund of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense to disburse the first phase of the presidential initiative to care for the children of martyrs and wounded veterans. Chinese circles are interested in this Egyptian presidential initiative to understand its implementation mechanism, in coordination with the Egyptian Ministries of Defense, Interior, and Social Solidarity, and in cooperation with the Central Bank of Egypt and Misr Life Insurance Company. China is seeking to understand the Egyptian system and its operational and implementation mechanisms regarding all presidential initiatives.
– Eighth: Chinese military bodies and departments are monitoring the mechanisms for developing military education in Egypt, understanding and analyzing the system for preparing and qualifying students at the Egyptian Military Academy, in order to assess Egyptian military and elite human resources and build an accurate Chinese database to understand the size and number of elites with military and technological backgrounds in Egypt.
Furthermore, Chinese military bodies and departments are monitoring the mechanisms for developing military education in Egypt and understanding and analyzing the system for preparing and qualifying students at the Egyptian Military Academy in order to share their expertise with the Egyptian military. They are also monitoring announcements of new admissions to the Military Academy and graduates of technological colleges to understand the total number of individuals with military backgrounds in Egypt, reflecting China’s future desire to transfer its expertise in military education curricula and leadership and elite training to Egypt and its military academies. An analytical reading of China’s monitoring of the Egyptian military education system reveals profound strategic dimensions that extend beyond mere routine observation for the Chinese. This Chinese interest in the Egyptian military education system can be broken down as Beijing’s focus on monitoring Egyptian military and elite human resources. By monitoring the admission requirements and announcements for the Egyptian Military Academy and Egyptian military technology colleges, Beijing aims to build a precise database and understand the size and number of elites with military and technological backgrounds in Egypt. This contributes to anticipating the future leadership structure of the Egyptian state and helps Chinese intelligence, military, defense, and security circles assess the combat and administrative efficiency of Egyptian military elites. Here, the Chinese side seeks to analyze the preparation and qualification curricula for students in Egyptian military academies to determine the development of Egyptian training doctrine and its adaptation to modern warfare and smart systems. This facilitates the evaluation of the most prominent military partner in the Middle East and Africa region. This can be considered a gateway for transferring Chinese military-diplomatic expertise to Egypt, reflecting China’s future desire to introduce its leadership and elite training methodologies. This is part of China’s persistent effort to enhance its strategic influence (soft power) in Egypt and build long-term ideological and tactical alignment between the Egyptian and Chinese militaries through sharing its advanced military doctrine.
Accordingly, we understand the extent of Beijing’s interest in the role of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense within its strategy to strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries. This includes securing vital economic interests and maritime routes for China, such as the Suez Canal, and developing mutual military and arms cooperation with Cairo. This stems from China’s keenness to coordinate with Cairo, given its central position in global trade and regional security. This helps diversify Chinese military partnerships with the Egyptian military establishment and its Ministry of Defense, as Beijing presents itself as a reliable strategic military alternative in the Middle East.
July 31 (UPI) — Fourteen nations have backed the formation of a Saudi-led coalition to protect shipping routes from Houthi attacks in and around the Red Sea, drawing more countries into the Iran-U.S. war.
The kingdom’s defense ministry announced their support for the multinational defensive maritime alliance Thursday following a meeting in Riyadh attended by the defense ministers and representatives of 43 countries.
According to a statement, the alliance is aimed at “strengthening maritime security, protecting freedom of navigation, securing international trade routes and energy supply routes and safeguarding shared maritime interests in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.”
“The alliance is exclusively defensive in nature and does not target any state, alliance or international organization,” it said.
The statement said participation in the alliance’s activities and operations “will remain a sovereign decision” for each state, meaning any member country can opt out of specific missions.
It also identifies Saudi Arabia its founding state and the alliance’s leader and says thee kingdom will host its permanent headquarters.
A second statement added that other countries that had participated in the meeting “expressed support for the initiative and are in the process of completing the necessary domestic procedures and approvals to join the joint statement.”
The 14 countries are Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Bangladesh, Nigeria, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia, the Saudi Press Agency reported.
The alliance was formed after the Iran-backed, Yemen-based Houthis early last week announced a maritime blockade targeting Saudi vessels traveling through the Red Sea via the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, accusing Riyadh of conducting an “unjust and oppressive siege on our people.”
The blockade threatens energy shipments that exit ports along the western side of the oil-rich nation at a time with Iran is exercising a similar blockade of commercial vessels at the Strait of Hormuz near Saudi Arabia’s eastern side.
The move is expected to further strain energy supplies, potentially causing fuel prices to surge and trigging an international energy crisis. Yemen’s Houthi forces have already claimed to have attacked Saudi oil tankers in the region for allegedly violating its maritime ban.
وشهد الاجتماع مشاركة رؤساء الأركان وممثليهم من 43 دولة إلى جانب مندوبية الاتحاد الأوروبي لدى المملكة، من أصل 51 دولة ومنظمة مدعوة، بما يعكس الاهتمام الدولي بتعزيز التعاون الدفاعي البحري وتوحيد الجهود لحماية أمن الممرات البحرية. pic.twitter.com/la8vuyh7DF— وزارة الدفاع (@modgovksa) July 30, 2026
CHICAGO — The stage was set this past summer, and Lincoln Riley was a ball of nerves.
The USC coach should’ve been used to weathering pressure by that point. After all, his previous four seasons spent coaching the Trojans had been nothing short of a powder keg, filled with ups and downs, as well as a constant undercurrent of tension and uncertainty. But in this particular case, success was out of Riley’s control. He wasn’t even near a football field.
Rather, he was sitting in the audience of a local dance recital, waiting on his two young daughters, Sloan and Stella, who were each making their solo dancing debut with their company.
“This was the first year, stepping out on their own, no one else to rely on,” Riley said. “But they told me, ‘Dad, we’ve got it.’”
Entering his fifth and most pivotal season yet at USC, their father can relate to that sentiment. While the spotlight burns brighter than ever and the collective college football world is spinning 2026 as a make-or-break moment for Riley, the coach had never sounded so confident that his Trojans had turned a corner than he did Tuesday.
“I’ve felt the pressure to win every single year here,” Riley said during Big Ten media days. “What does feel different is that I think our opportunity to do that is greater than what it has been. It just flat out is. The things you need to win, we have more of than we had in the first four years.”
Riley, of course, has made that case before. After each of the last two seasons, in fact. But it’s never been quite as compelling as it is now.
As the coach sees it, USC now boasts more depth on both sides of the ball than at any point in his tenure, in large part because of bringing in the No. 1 recruiting class in the nation in January. Riley also added a Hall of Fame coach at defensive coordinator in hopes of stabilizing matters on that side of the ball. And 10 days earlier, the program moved into its new, state-of-the-art football facility, with all the amenities anyone could ask for.
“It’s just a culmination of all of it, you know?” Riley said. “It is just so much more well-equipped to win consistently right now. It’s so different.”
That’s never been a question for Riley’s offenses at USC, and this year should be no different, with third-year starter Jayden Maiava returning at quarterback and a two-pronged backfield in Waymond Jordan and King Miller leading the way in the run game. The offensive line also looks like Riley’s strongest unit yet in five seasons.
The doubts, per usual, are on defense, where the Trojans are not the most seasoned group.
“The entire defense is just very young compared to last year,” defensive tackle Jide Abasiri said.
Riley is also now working with his third defensive coordinator in five seasons. And one who hasn’t coached in five years, at that.
Gary Patterson does have an impressive resume, with years of top-tier defenses at Texas Christian. And he continues to get rave reviews from Riley, who called the Hall of Famer “one of one” on Tuesday.
“You really have somebody that is like a head coach in that room,” Riley said. “The guy’s one of the most experienced, accomplished coaches in the game. Like, it just is what it is.
“I think just my confidence level and, you know, what’s being handled, how it’s being handled, how we’re developing, how we’re using our roster … is just really, really high right now.”
It better be at this point, considering all that USC has invested in Riley and his total teardown and rebuild of the Trojan football program. Across the city, billboards declaring “THE TIME IS NOW” make abundantly clear just how urgent this season will be at USC.
At the start of his fifth season, Riley is convinced the Trojans are right on schedule.
“All the things that help you win are better,” Riley said. “And that’s gonna give us more chances to win. That’s where my optimism comes from.”
July 30 (UPI) — Negotiators implementing the Gaza cease-fire plan and Iran-backed Hamas have reached a framework for disarming militant groups in the Palestinian enclave, President Donald Trump announced Thursday.
The tentative agreement could mark a significant breakthrough toward ending Israel’s war in Gaza, though it is contingent on Israel agreeing to withdraw its troops. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu‘s administration has yet to comment.
“This agreement is a critical step towards Gaza finally being governed by a new Palestinian government that will work closely with the Board of Peace to help the Palestinian people,” Trump said in a statement.
“At the same time, Israel will have the security it deserves, with Gaza no longer used as a base for terror attacks.”
Trump’s so-called Board of Peace — a coalition of 28 countries, including Israel and weighted toward Middle Eastern and smaller or midsize nations — was formed in January and is tied to a U.N.-backed, 20-point plan for the stabilization and reconstruction of Gaza, which has been devastated by the war.
According to a late Thursday statement from the Board of Peace, the agreement concludes months of negotiations and is the first time Hamas has committed to disarmament.
The board said that under the agreement, Israeli forces are to withdraw from Gaza after Hamas and other militant groups in the Palestinian enclave relinquish their weapons.
Trump said that after Israel withdraws, the International Stabilization Force will work with a new Palestinian police force to assume responsibility for security of Gaza.
The agreement “holds the promise of delivering significant benefits to the people of Gaza, who have waited for too long for a better future, and security to the people of Israel,” the board said.
Egypt, Qatar and Turkey mediated the agreement, Trump said.
Although Chargers coach Jim Harbaugh expected everyone to be full-go for training camp, the fourth-year edge rusher is holding in amid contract negotiations.
Tuipulotu, who was a full participant in minicamp, did individual work off to the side during Wednesday’s practice and was in general workout attire rather than in a helmet, jersey and football pants like his teammates. On Thursday, Tuipulotu suited up normally and participated in drills alongside fellow defensive linemen but didn’t participate in team sessions.
A hold in is one way players can exercise leverage during contract negotiations. Hold-in players fulfill basic requirements outlined in the collective bargaining agreement — such as attending meetings and doing individual work — to avoid mandatory fines from teams for not reporting to training camp.
“We keep it rolling in practice,” Chargers defensive coordinator Chris O’Leary said. “You know, you get into a game, and you spend a little bit more time game planning and figuring out how to fill that void. … So we haven’t felt it as much. Obviously, we miss [Tuipulotu] out there. We miss how vocal he is and plays that he makes. But for us, we’re just keeping it rolling with the guys we got out there.”
Chargers edge Tuli Tuipulotu is suited up and doing drills with teammates on Day 2 of training camp.
He worked individually during yesterday’s practice without a helmet or jersey. pic.twitter.com/s13RnmDX4D
The No. 54 overall pick in the 2023 NFL draft, Tuipulotu has steadily climbed into a key role in the Chargers’ defense and is coming off a career year.
He collected 13 sacks in 2025 as a pivotal part of former defensive coordinator Jesse Minter’s system, which helped the Chargers finish the season fifth in yards allowed per game (285.2) and ninth in points per game (20.0).
“I just let my agent — let the guys — handle that,” Tuipulotu said during minicamp in June. “I’m just trying to be here with the team, you know what I’m saying? Be close with the guys.”
Tuipulotu, a Hawthorne native, has earned 26 sacks and 144 tackles over 36 starts with the Chargers. He made 16 starts last season.
“It’s just the process of it, man,” said Chargers safety Derwin James, who has earned a pair of hefty paydays after a training camp hold in of his own four years ago. “We love Tuli. Like, I knew the team loved me too when I had [a] similar situation.
“Sometimes, that stuff takes longer to iron out. But man, everyone knows we love Tuli here. … And he loves the team. So it’ll get worked out. … I can’t wait to have him out there. It’s just part of the business, man.”
James, a five-time Pro Bowl selection set to earn more than $24 million this season, is someone Tuipulotu can lean on during his hold in. Another is fellow edge rusher and future Hall of Famer Khalil Mack, who has mentored Tuipulotu.
The two said they discussed Tuipulotu’s situation privately. Like James, Mack is seasoned in contract negotiations, having famously signed a record six-year, $141-million extension with the Bears in 2018 after a holdout with the Raiders had him shipped to Chicago.
“I would be doing [Tuipulotu] an injustice not to talk to him about business or just life in general, of how to handle your business off the field and on the field,” Mack said, referencing Raiders teammates such as Charles Woodson and Justin Tuck who helped him navigate his early NFL years. “He kind of bounces questions off of me, and I say what I did or what I saw other people do — just give the best example or the best advice I can. But every situation is different.”
“I just hope you know everything works out in his favor,” Mack added. “And whatever works in his favor works in the organization’s favor as well.”
Tuipulotu said he didn’t have a timeline for his contract negotiations, but reiterated he’d show up.
But as a key cog in the Chargers’ defense who loves practice and training camp, the Chargers won’t feel quite complete on the field until Tuipulotu is practicing with his teammates again.
“There’s always something to get better at,” Tuipulotu said. “There’s always something you miss. Man, I love practice, you know what I’m saying? I bring the juice during practice.”
A SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket, like the one seen here, launched from Launch Complex 40 at the Cape Canaveral Space Force Station, Fla., early Thursday with a payload for the national Reconnaissance Office. Photo by Joe Marino/UPI | License Photo
July 30 (UPI) — A Falcon 9 rocket topped with a classified payload for the National Reconnaissance Office launched from Florida’s east coast early Thursday.
The rocket launched at 3:10 a.m. EDT from Space Launch Complex 40 at Cape Canaveral Space Force Station in Florida.
Little information about the NROL-95 mission has been made public aside from the fact that the payload was designed, built and will be operated by the NRO. The broadcast of the launch was restricted at the request of the NRO, SpaceX said, with the second stage two and deployment of the payload not shown.
The first-stage booster, on its seventh flight, returned to Earth and successfully landed at Cape Canaveral Space Force Station.
It was the 88th Falcon launch of the year and the 12th this month, according to SpaceX.
There was a 30% chance of weather-related launch constraints, with a backup launch scheduled for Friday.
The militaries of the United States and Saudi Arabia attacked Iran proxies in Iraq on Wednesday. File Photo by U.S. Central Command/Department of Defense
July 28 (UPI) — The United States and Saudi Arabia attacked Iran-backed proxies in Iraq on Wednesday after Saudi air defense systems intercepted days of attacks launched from Iraq against the kingdom’s petroleum facilities.
U.S. Central Command said in a statement that it struck logistics and weapons sites across eastern Iraq, describing the joint attack as a “strong response” to the more than 30 drone strikes directed at Saudi Arabia’s energy infrastructure over the last 72 hours.
The joint attack was the first U.S. military operation during a five-day pause in direct strikes on Iran intended to allow diplomacy to resume. The pause followed 13 consecutive nights of CENTCOM strikes on Iran.
Saudi Arabia’s Defense Ministry confirmed the joint strikes, describing them as “precise and targeted strikes.”
It was unclear if any of the Iraq-launched drones hit their intended targets, though Saudi Arabia said several drones targeting its petroleum facilities in the Eastern Province and Riyadh region had been intercepted and destroyed.
According to CENTCOM, more than 600 “attempted attacks” targeting U.S. assets in the region were launched by Iranian proxies in Iraq between the start of the war in late February and the announcement of the now-collapsed cease-fire in April.
“The unwarranted attacks against U.S. forces were not successful,” it said.
The United States and Iran have been at war since late February, though fighting halted under a fragile cease-fire reached in April. The cease-fire collapsed earlier this month, leading to nearly a fortnight of nightly U.S. attacks against Iran.
1 of 5 | Australian Army Maj.
Gen. Scott Winter, deputy commander of United Nations Command, speaks during an interview at UNC headquarters on Camp Humphreys, a U.S. military base in Pyeongtaek, on July 7. File Photo by Thomas Maresca/UPI
PYEONGTAEK, South Korea, July 28 (UPI) — Seventy-six years after the United Nations Command was established to help repel North Korea’s invasion of the South, the multinational force remains an essential pillar of stability on the Korean Peninsula, its deputy commander said.
Speaking after a July 7 ceremony marking the command’s founding anniversary, Australian Army Lt. Gen. Scott A. Winter said the command’s responsibilities have evolved far beyond its wartime origins while remaining rooted in the Korean War armistice that halted fighting in 1953.
“The United Nations Command has two key missions,” Winter told UPI at UNC headquarters on Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, about 35 miles south of Seoul. “One is to enforce the armistice, which is a sacred duty that we take every day. The other is to coordinate sending-state contributions in times of crisis or conflict.”
Created by a U.N. Security Council resolution on July 7, 1950, the command brought together forces from 22 nations under U.S. leadership after North Korea invaded South Korea. More than 1.9 million service members from UNC member states served in combat, medical and logistical roles during the Korean War.
Active fighting ended with the signing of the armistice on July 27, 1953 — the anniversary of which was commemorated Monday — rather than a peace treaty, meaning the two Koreas remain technically at war. The UNC continues to oversee implementation of the agreement and maintains a rare direct communication channel with North Korea’s military.
Winter said the command still conducts routine telephone communications twice daily with the Korean People’s Army through the military hotline, also known as the “pink phone.”
“It continues to enable us to de-conflict, avoid any sort of miscalculation,” he said, citing the example of recent firefighting operations inside the Demilitarized Zone.
The milestone comes as North Korea has abandoned its longstanding policy of peaceful reunification with South Korea, accelerated development of its nuclear and missile programs and deepened military cooperation with Russia, including sending troops to support Moscow’s war in Ukraine.
Winter said North Korea’s partnership with Russia has reinforced the need for the UNC to adapt to an increasingly complex security environment and strengthen its deterrence role on the peninsula.
“The growing nexus between North Korea and Russia is a reminder for all of us of the global nature of these security threats,” he said. “It’s clear that North Korea has gained both contemporary battlefield experience and exposure to technology.”
He argued that the UNC’s multinational composition strengthens deterrence by demonstrating that security on the Korean Peninsula remains an international concern.
“The more flags that we bring together, the more we can provide multinational legitimacy during periods of peace, the more we contribute to deterrence,” Winter said.
Despite renewed efforts by South Korean President Lee Jae Myung’s administration to reduce tensions with Pyongyang and eventually pursue a formal peace regime, Winter said the command would continue to have a role even if the armistice were someday replaced.
“Having a ready-made coalition prior to a crisis is much easier than trying to pull a coalition together in crisis or conflict,” Winter said. “I absolutely believe that the best way to prevent conflict is through that multilateral working together.”
He added that the armistice itself was designed to create conditions for a political settlement rather than become a permanent arrangement.
“The armistice was put in place to ultimately create the space for a political solution,” he said. “We welcome any moves in that direction.”
Reflecting on the anniversary, Winter said the command’s history offers lessons that remain relevant as conflicts continue in Europe and the Middle East.
“Seventy-six years ago, nations came together because they understood that’s what it would take to prevent further aggression,” he said. “The importance of multilateralism, the importance of building coalitions of the willing with like-minded countries, because the alternative is unthinkable.”
Modern conflicts are not just waged by state sponsored armed forces. In the last two decades there has been a rapid growth in the international recruitment of Private Military Companies (PMCs), used for everything from protecting top-level diplomats from harm in the Middle East to defending resource mining sites throughout Sub-Saharan Africa.
These commercial security contractors are indispensable partners to states, NGOs and corporations the world over. The growth of privatized conflict presents structural issues for international law and diplomacy.
The Loopholes of Modern Legal Systems in War
Among the most consistent and frequent challenges to global peace and security is the glaring accountability vacuum relating to non-state actors. When a uniformed state soldier is found to have committed crimes they are subject to the rigorous legal structures of the military justice system, including the Geneva Convention. By comparison, PMC operators often exist in a legal grey area.
Host nations where such operators act, often experience a level of domestic instability where their own legal systems are overstretched, or politically weak to effectively take action against powerful private security forces. The nations routinely lack either the will or capacity to pursue legal action against heavily armed foreign PMC personnel. The home states of PMCs are never eager to prosecute for alleged offences committed abroad by the corporations which they sanction. This leads to an accountability vacuum.
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Bringing the War-Zone Back Home
Due to a lack of a central tribunal for PMC abuses, such individuals usually fall to the jurisdiction of the domestic legal system in their home country. Taking war crimes back home presents a unique challenge for a domestic legal system. When prosecuting for violent abuses committed in a distant battlefield, standard criminal codes and procedures may prove ill-suited.
Attempts by domestic prosecutors to seek convictions for offenses such as murder or assault against their country’s PMC operators has led to lengthy and complex legal proceedings. Acts normally described a felony assault charge were made all the more difficult due to a defence team pointing to the hostile environment, self-defense and chain of command arguments during combat.
Diplomatic Fallout and Tensions
A failure to investigate or hold delinquent PMCs to account will trigger severe diplomatic backlash for a country. In a state in which private security companies are operating abroad and are subject to no scrutiny or legal checks and balances, public antagonism will increase and in some circumstances relations with the country of origin of these PMCs will be strained. In a fragile international environment, years of delicate diplomacy and international co-operation can be instantly sabotaged when a foreign military acts without limits.
International Cooperation Needed for PMC Regulation
It is essential that the international community moves beyond a voluntary framework to regulate PMCs. Regulations such as the Montreux document is an excellent starting point for regulation but more robust measures such as a mandatory convention governing the behavior and prosecution of private military contractors are needed.
Diplomats must proactively create standard operating procedures for the proper handling of private security forces, to avoid jurisdictional gaps, and take steps towards creating accountability for individual wrongdoers.
British Prime Minister Andy Burnham (pictured) was due to host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at a Royal Navy base on Monday, marking his first international visitor since replacing Keir Starmer a week ago. File photo by Henry Nicholls/EPA
July 27 (UPI) — New British Prime Minister Andy Burnham was scheduled Monday to host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at a Royal Navy base training Ukrainian forces.
Ahead of the visit, the first of any foreign leader since he got the keys to No. 10 Downing Street on July 20, Burnham told the BBC that he fully supported Ukraine and Britain’s “unwavering — 100%” backing for its ally would continue.
Burnham said the fact Zelensky was his first international visitor “illustrates the strength of the relationship between the two nations,” vowing to emulate the personal commitment to Zelensky shown by his predecessor, Keir Starmer.
“My support for Ukraine is unwavering — it is 100%. And I will do what, in Ukraine, people think is the right thing that they need,” said Burnham.
“Britain stands with Ukraine, shoulder to shoulder, and our support remains unwavering. Russia should be in no doubt of our resolve, and we will not back down until we achieve a long-lasting and just peace for Ukraine,” he added.
He will use the visit to the naval base to announce a deal permitting Ukraine to mass-manufacture Stone Cloak electronic warfare technology, which is fitted to drones to make them invisible to air defense radar.
Downing Street said that after Ukraine begins using Stone Cloak, it will be incorporated into Britain’s next generation of long-range weapons, including from Project Brakestop, which is developing low-cost cruise missiles.
Burnham said Stone Cloak was “the best of homegrown British innovation and proven on the frontline, and it will be vital to protecting our security in both our countries.”
Burnham and Zelensky will also meet with more than 200 Ukrainian service members taking part in Exercise Sea Breeze, a maritime training deployment involving Ukraine and 14 other countries aimed at boosting warfighting capabilities and tactics to deal with mines in the Black Sea.
In a post on X, Zelensky thanked Britain, saying that Ukraine valued that it could “always count on Britain’s principled decisions, leadership, and support.”
Total British support to Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022 is $33.3 billion, $21.3 billion of it military assistance, figures put out by Downing Street show, with bipartisan consensus across the previous administrations of Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer.
Starmer’s final act as prime minister was to visit with Zelensky in Kyiv on July 17, his last official day as leader of the Labour Party.
Astronaut Buzz Aldrin walks on the surface of the Moon during the Apollo 11 mission on July 20, 1969. Photo by NASA/UPI | License Photo
In celebration of the 99th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA), established in August 1927, the PLA commemorates its founding on August 1st each year (remembering the Nanchang Uprising of 1927). This anniversary is marked amidst ongoing efforts to modernize its defense capabilities, alongside diplomatic and military endeavors to strengthen dialogue, partnerships, and the exchange of experiences with European, Asian, and international militaries. The PLA is considered the cornerstone of China’s national defense, and Chinese military leaders at all embassies and consulates worldwide organize numerous official events to mark its founding on August 1st each year. Chinese embassies and military attachés around the world, such as the Chinese Embassy in Belgium and other European countries, host official receptions to highlight the PLA’s role in maintaining global peace and stability, as well as its development capabilities and readiness. The PLA is focused on transforming into a modern, integrated military force encompassing land, sea, and air.
China’s military relations with European militaries reflect the logic of military diplomacy, as China seeks to deepen military ties with its European allies and partners within its strategy of mutual military engagement, cooperation, and learning opportunities. Here, Chinese military channels with European countries serve as avenues for dialogue and the exchange of views on regional and international security to achieve balance and stability. Beijing, through its diplomatic activities, emphasizes the importance of balanced partnerships with the European Union and its member states to provide stability and certainty to the world. In this context, Beijing’s relationship with European militaries takes on a dual character of strategic competition and mutual caution, especially given Washington’s efforts to utilize NATO to contain Chinese power. Consequently, tension has arisen between the Chinese military and NATO due to China’s rejection of NATO’s Asian expansion into its regional sphere. Beijing views NATO’s attempts to broaden its security engagement with Asia-Pacific countries as a threat to stability and incompatible with the multipolar world order, while China rejects the logic of military hegemony. The Chinese military, in its strategic literature, emphasizes its opposition to American power and hegemonic policies implemented through the NATO military alliance. China and the People’s Liberation Army also strongly reject NATO’s involvement in Asia-Pacific affairs, viewing it as interference that threatens regional and global stability and leads to confrontations between military blocs.
Herein lies the official Chinese military stance on the NATO military alliance, describing it as a relic of the Cold War that extends beyond its original geographical scope. China explicitly accuses NATO of instigating tensions and provoking confrontations in Asia. Furthermore, China warns against the militarization of the region through NATO partnerships with countries such as Japan and Australia. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) maintains that China’s defense policy aims to protect national sovereignty and regional security, viewing Western actions as attempts to contain Chinese influence and impose American hegemony. Therefore, Chinese intelligence, military, defense, and security circles reject the logic of linking Euro-Atlantic security to issues in the Indo-Pacific region.
The most significant dynamics of the Chinese military relationship with European armies are characterized by the maintenance of strategic autonomy. Some European capitals seek to avoid full involvement in the US-China conflict, preferring to preserve commercial interests and pursue self-sufficiency. This is further complicated by technological and industrial competition between European armies and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army. NATO closely monitors the development of the Chinese military’s cyber capabilities and artificial intelligence, viewing them as strategic challenges impacting global supply chains. Meanwhile, China perceives NATO’s policies as subservient to US interests at the expense of European national security. NATO’s ongoing monitoring of Chinese cyber capabilities and the escalating technological competition between China, Europe, and the United States for leadership in the digital and economic future are noteworthy. These tensions manifest in mutual concerns regarding cybersecurity and global supply chains, which raise serious concerns for NATO due to the numerous strategic challenges and cyber threats they pose. Here, NATO monitors digital operations and hybrid attacks linked to Beijing-affiliated actors targeting critical infrastructure and technological security, according to NATO’s military perspective. NATO’s military strategies focus on protecting technological superiority in artificial intelligence and semiconductors to prevent any potential disruption to global supply chains.
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For this reason, China’s stance toward NATO is characterized by accusations of American political dominance. Beijing believes that NATO’s expanding policies and transatlantic orientation serve the US strategic agenda at its expense and in confrontation with China, which, from the Chinese perspective, affects European security itself. China considers NATO’s increasing involvement in Asia-Pacific issues and technological confrontation not to serve Europe’s own security interests but rather to threaten international stability as a whole. Thus, China’s position on NATO is based on the accusation that it serves American hegemony and threatens security and stability in Asia and Europe. Beijing views NATO as a tool for implementing America’s strategic plans, aiming to mobilize member states of the military alliance to pursue a policy of Asian expansion in the face of China. China and the People’s Liberation Army reject NATO’s involvement in Asia-Pacific issues, arguing that NATO’s policies harm Europe’s economic and technological security. From a Chinese perspective, the alliance’s technological confrontation poses a threat to international stability and European security, with China believing that NATO’s policies ultimately undermine Europe’s own security.
Cargo vessels are seen at one end of the Strait of Hormuz near the coast of Dibba Al Fujairah, United Arab Emirates, on Tuesday. President Donald Trump said Thursday that vessels damaged transiting the strait would be paid from frozen Iranian assets. Photo by EPA
July 24 (UPI) — The United States and Iran traded attacks Thursday night and Friday morning, as President Donald Trump announced that damage inflicted by Iran on ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz would be paid with U.S.-held Iranian assets.
U.S. Central Command said its latest wave of attacks, which were completed at 9 p.m. EDT Thursday, lasted for about two hours, 15 minutes, during which its forces hit Iranian military command centers, drone storage facilities, communications networks, coastal surveillance sites and maritime capabilities.
State-run Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting reported explosions early Friday local time across the country, with strikes in Ahvaz, Bandar Abbas, Omidiyeh, Qeshm and Andimeshk. Officials in Bandar Abbas reported that two people were injured.
Explosions were also reported by the IRIB in southern Khorramabad.
The Iranian Army announced retaliatory drone strikes on U.S. bases in Jordan and Bahrain.
Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior said sirens were sounding. It urged residents to remain calm and seek shelter.
The United States has been hitting Iran for nearly a fortnight as it seeks to regain freedom of navigation of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital energy route that Iranian forces have tried to seize amid the war by attacking commercial tankers that try to transit it.
Maritime traffic freely flowed through the Hormuz until the United States and Israel attacked Iran in late February. Iran responded with its maritime blockade of the chokepoint, causing gas prices to spike and threatening nations with an energy crisis.
Mid-June, the United States and Iran signed a memorandum of understanding to lay foundations to end the war, but fighting resumed earlier this month over a dispute over what the agreement meant for control of the strait. Iran says the agreement recognizes its authority over Hormuz transit. Washington says Tehran committed to freedom of navigation.
CENTCOM said Thursday, as it has after the completion of each new wave of attacks, that it was seeking to further degrade Iran’s ability to attack vessels transiting the Hormuz.
“Commercial vessels continue to free navigate the strait with U.S. military support.”
Late Thursday, President Donald Trump announced online that damage ships incur while traveling the Strait of Hormuz would be paid by for with the hundreds of millions of dollars in Iranian assets that the United States has frozen via sanctions.
“These damages may be very substantial but, nevertheless, this is the fair and equitable thing to do,” he said in a statement.
Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi lashed out in response online, warning the international community that “Seizing another nation’s assets to pay for unrelated future claims is an incendiary precedent.”
“Those who celebrate or profit from such funds should remember: once governments normalize confiscation, no one’s assets are safe,” he said in a statement.
Seoul’s military warned Thursday that North Korean landmines in the DMZ may have washed across the border after heavy rainfall. In this photo, water from the Imjin River is released from Gunnam Dam on Tuesday. Photo by Yonhap
SEOUL, July 23 (UPI) — South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff on Thursday warned that landmines laid by North Korea in the Demilitarized Zone may have been washed into the South after recent heavy rainfall.
“There is a very high possibility that these washed-away landmines could flow into our territory via the rivers shared between the two Koreas, and an explosion of these landmines could cause significant damage,” JCS spokesman Capt. Jang Do-young said during a regular press briefing.
Jang urged the public to be cautious when near inter-Korean rivers and to report any suspected landmine to police or a nearby military unit.
The alert comes days after South Korean authorities issued a flood warning for the Imjin River following heavy downpours and North Korea’s release of water from a dam without advance notice.
Seoul’s Ministry of Climate, Energy and Environment said Monday that satellite imagery confirmed water had been released from North Korea’s Hwanggang Dam on the upper reaches of the Imjin River.
A Unification Ministry official on Tuesday said joint responses to natural disasters should be treated as humanitarian matters.
“Responsible cooperation between the two sides is necessary,” the official told reporters.
An unannounced discharge from Hwanggang Dam in September 2009 caused flooding that killed six South Koreans. The following month, North Korea agreed to provide advance notice before future releases. Pyongyang sent notifications on a handful of occasions in 2010 and 2013 but has not done so since.
North Korea released water from the dam several times during last year’s monsoon season, prompting the Unification Ministry to publicly urge Pyongyang to provide advance notice. A ministry spokeswoman said the appeal served as a form of “indirect communication” because Pyongyang had cut off inter-Korean communication channels in April 2023.
Thursday’s warning also comes as Pyongyang continues an extended campaign to fortify the border and harden its military posture toward South Korea, including laying large numbers of landmines inside the DMZ.
North Korean leader Kim Jong Un declared the South a “hostile state” and scrapped an inter-Korean military agreement in late 2023.
Beginning in April 2024, Pyongyang ramped up activity along the DMZ by clearing land, laying mines, reinforcing tactical roads and installing anti-tank barriers near the Military Demarcation Line.
South Korean military officials have said North Korea increased the number of troops assigned to the work from roughly 1,000 last year to about 5,000 this year.
Seoul’s Defense Ministry last month described the activity as a violation of the armistice agreement that halted fighting in the 1950-53 Korean War, an assessment later contradicted by the U.S.-led United Nations Command.
WASHINGTON — The House on Wednesday passed a defense policy bill that incorporates President Trump’s request for a historic $1.15 trillion in spending for national security and would designate the Department of Defense as the Department of War.
It also would provide for a pay raise next year ranging from 5% to 7% for service members, depending upon their rank.
The National Defense Authorization Act is generally one of the more bipartisan bills that Congress takes up on an annual basis. That’s not the case this year. The vote was 216-212.
Democrats took issue with steep spending increases for the Pentagon as Republicans attempted to cut numerous non-defense programs through other bills. They also opposed some of the conservative social policy riders that were included.
For example, the bill includes a prohibition on gender-related medical care under the military health program known as TRICARE. It also eases hurdles for service members to carry a privately owned firearm on base, following Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s lead on the issue.
Republican leaders’ decision to attach Trump’s elections overhaul bill to the defense bill upon its passing also amplified the partisan divide. Speaker Mike Johnson is working to accommodate Republican lawmakers who are angry that the Senate won’t pass the SAVE America Act and are insisting that it be included in must-pass bills until the Senate relents.
House bill tests a normally bipartisan process
Rep. Mike Rogers of Alabama, the Republican chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, said he knows there were areas of disagreement, but emphasized that Wednesday’s vote was a step in a long process. He promised to work in a bipartisan manner on a final product that can pass both chambers and be signed into law.
Rogers said the United States needs to reverse decades of underinvestment and neglect in the nation’s armed forces and defense industrial base.
“This bill will do that and much more,” he said. “It will build the ready, capable and lethal fighting force we need to deter China and other adversaries.”
Rep. Adam Smith of Washington, the ranking Democratic lawmaker on the Armed Services Committee, said the defense spending the administration has asked for this year is approaching $1.6 trillion including separate efforts to pay for the war in Iran and boost weapons stockpiles.
“The American people are struggling to pay their bills and we’re going to put $1.6 trillion into the defense budget. It’s not a reasonable thing to ask,” Smith said.
Smith also expressed concern about the war with Iran and that in supporting the defense bill, lawmakers are “de facto supporting this war with no end in sight.”
“We are in an incredibly, incredibly dangerous time,” Smith said. “I want to maintain the bipartisan nature of this bill. I do. And I know that the chairman does. But if we’re going to do this, we’re going to need some Republicans to stand up to the president of the United States and say, ‘No. No, we’re not going to get you $1.6 trillion. No, we’re not just going to give you a blank check for a war that is totally out of control.‘”
White House backs parts of the legislation
The spending increases authorized in the bill would not take effect until Congress follows up with a separate defense appropriations bill. The Senate has not yet approved its version of the defense measure. It’s possible a final product won’t be ready until after the midterm elections.
The White House applauded the spending levels authorized in the House bill and the Department of War designation that it says recognizes the “willingness to fight and win wars on behalf of our nation.”
The president issued an executive order last year renaming the Defense Department, but it’s up to Congress to make the change official. The Congressional Budget Office has projected that the renaming could cost taxpayers as much as $125 million.
The White House’s statement also said that the administration has a number of concerns with certain provisions in the bill and would work with Congress before a final bill is presented to the president. Among those concerns was a section of the bill it said would limit or undermine the president’s ability to name military installations and property.
In 2023, during a national reckoning on issues of race in America, seven Army bases’ names were changed because they honored Confederate leaders. Last year, those bases reverted to their original names, but with different namesakes who share Confederate surnames. The Army found other service members with the same last names to honor.
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung (2-L) participates in a panel at the NATO Defense Industry Forum in Ankara, Turkey, on July 7. File Photo by Yonhap
South Korea’s proposed cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is aimed at enhancing their own respective contributions to global peace and stability, Seoul’s foreign ministry said Tuesday, in its first response to recent concerns by Russia over what it described as growing military cooperation between Seoul and NATO.
“Cooperation between South Korea and NATO is aimed at strengthening each side’s capabilities across various sectors, including defense industry, new technologies and cybersecurity, so as to reinforce each side’s role and contribution to international peace and stability,” the ministry told Yonhap News Agency in a written statement.
“In addition, our government continues to hold necessary communication with the Russian side to stably manage South Korea-Russia relations and protect our people and companies,” it added.
Russia’s foreign ministry has expressed displeasure over Seoul’s deepening military cooperation with NATO, according to Russia’s Tass news agency.
“The Russian side expressed serious concern over Seoul’s growing drift toward NATO, as demonstrated, among other things, by the Republic of Korea’s practical steps to deepen military and military-technical cooperation with NATO, the consequences of which pose a threat to Russia’s security,” the ministry said in a statement Thursday.
Moscow further argued that Seoul’s growing cooperation with NATO made it a “de facto participant in NATO’s qualitative and quantitative rearmament process, as the alliance has openly declared its preparations for war with Russia.”
The Russian statement came after South Korean President Lee Jae Myung attended the NATO summit in Ankara earlier this month as one of the alliance’s four Asia-Pacific partners, marking his first appearance at NATO’s annual top-level gathering.
At a NATO summit defense industry forum, Lee proposed elevating South Korea-NATO defense cooperation to a “Korea-NATO Defense Industry Partnership 2.0″ to expand cooperation beyond weapons system transactions to joint research, production and operation in the defense sector.
“Our government is pushing for cooperation with various countries and international organizations, including NATO, under its principle of pursuing practical diplomacy centered on national interests,” the foreign ministry said.
Still, it added, “The country will continue to closely work with the international community while closely monitoring the related developments, as the prolonged Russia-Ukraine war and the military cooperation between North Korea and Russia are issues that have a negative effect on international peace and security on the Korean Peninsula and the region.”
Pyongyang and Moscow have repeatedly and publicly reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening their bilateral cooperation since signing a comprehensive strategic partnership treaty two years ago.
North Korea has also sent around 15,000 combat troops and conventional weapons to Russia to support Moscow’s war against Ukraine, Seoul’s spy agency has said.
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July 20 (UPI) — The Philippine military accused China of beating and injuring a Philippine Navy sailor with a wooden baton in the latest seaborne confrontation between the two nations over a submerged reef in the disputed South China Sea.
The incident occurred Monday morning near the BRP Sierra Madre, a derelict warship the Philippines intentionally grounded on the Second Thomas Shoal, a reef both countries lay claim to and which the Philippines calls Ayungin Shoal and China, Ren’ai Jiao.
The Armed Forces of the Philippines said in a statement that a China Coast Guard rigid-hull inflatable boat with eight people on board unlawfully approached the BRP Sierra Madre and took pictures and video of it.
While two AFP rubber boats drove it away, China Coast Guard personnel on the boat struck a Philippine Navy sailor on his head with a wooden baton. The man suffered a deep gash on his scalp, according to a picture shared online by Philippine Coast Guard spokesperson Jay Tarriela.
Video of the incident posted online by Tarriela shows some China Coast Guard members aboard a larger boat swinging long sticks down upon members of the Philippine Navy in a smaller rubber boat.
“Striking an unarmed sailor on the head with a baton — inside our own exclusive economic zone — is not law enforcement. It is unlawful aggression, plain and simple,” Tarriela said in a statement.
If there is any party here that provokes and escalates tension, it is only the unruly and barbaric China Coast Guard personnel who clearly do not understand UNCLOS.
China has rejected the accusation, accusing the Philippines of instigating the incident.
“The Philippine personnel first launched malicious attacks on Chinese law enforcement officers using oars, long poles and other tools,” the China Coast Guard said in a statement published online by China’s Embassy in Manila.
“The Chinese side, acting in full compliance with laws and regulations, employed measures such as verbal warnings, evasive maneuvering and proportionate countermeasures to stabilize the situation on site, while exercising the utmost rationality and restraint.”
At roughly 105 nautical miles west of Palawan, the Second Thomas Shoal is well within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone. The Philippines beached its Sierra Madre warship on the disputed submerged reef in 1999, which it has manned since in an effort to protect its maritime claims.
However, China lays claim to the Second Thomas Shoal and much of the South China Sea via its Nine-Dash-Line map, which has been rejected by several nations, including the United States. The Hague’s Permanent Court of Arbitration also rejected China’s sweeping maritime claims in a landmark 2016 ruling in a case brought by Manila. Beijing rejects the ruling.
Following the incident, the China Coast Guard said in a statement that it would continue to “carry out rights protection and law enforcement activities” and “firmly safeguard China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests.”
The U.S. State Department late Monday issued a statement in support of the Philippines, condemning “China’s dangerous and aggressive actions against Philippine navy personnel.”
State Department spokesperson Thomas Pigott said the United States calls on China to “immediately cease its destabilizing conduct.”
“China’s troubling pattern of provocation against lawful Philippine maritime operations undermines regional peace and stability and directly contradicts China’s repeated commitments to resolve disputes peacefully,” he said.
“We stand with our ally, the Philippines, and commend the professionalism and restraint shown by the Philippine navy personnel in this incident.”
Pigott added that the United States reaffirms the 2016 tribunal ruling as final and legally binding on both China and the Philippines.
Customers inspect various wind chimes during the opening day of the Furin-Ichi wind chimes market at the Kawasaki Daishi Heikenji Temple in Kawasaki, Kanagawa-Prefecture in Japan, on July 17, 2026. Photo by Keizo Mori/UPI | License Photo
July 20 (UPI) — The Department of Defense on Monday identified the two active-duty U.S. soldiers who were killed in action by an Iranian strike on Friday in Jordan.
The Pentagon announced the deaths of 25-year-old Tyler James Feehan of Ewa Beach, Hawaii, and 19-year-old Isabella Gonzales of Carrollton, Texas. They were stationed at the Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan when it was hit by Iranian ballistic missile and drone strikes.
Four more U.S. troops were injured in the strikes.
The deaths of Feehan and Gonzales were the first deaths of U.S. troops since the peace deal between the United States and Iran was briefly met earlier this month. Since the war began in February, 17 U.S. troops have been killed, including a soldier who was killed in Iraq on Saturday. That soldier has not been publicly identified.
Feehan was assigned to the 32nd Army Air Missile Defense Command in Fort Bragg, N.C. Gonzales was assigned to the 10th Army Air Missile Defense Command in Ansbach, Germany.
The United States and Iran have traded strikes for nine consecutive nights since the peace agreement between the sides was broken earlier this month. President Donald Trump said Sunday that the U.S. strikes over the weekend were in “honor” of the “probably three” soldiers killed in Jordan and Iraq.
U.S. Central Command said in a statement on Saturday that it began launching new airstrikes against Iran at Trump’s direction.
President Donald Trump delivers a prime-time address to the nation from the East Room of the White House on Thursday. Pool photo by Saul Loeb/UPI | License Photo
The conflict between the United States and Iran intensified on Monday, with both sides launching fresh military strikes that raised fears of a broader regional crisis threatening global energy supplies, maritime security and critical civilian infrastructure. While oil prices briefly climbed above $90 a barrel amid renewed disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, attacks on desalination facilities also highlighted a dangerous expansion of the conflict beyond military targets.
Despite the escalating violence, both Washington and Tehran signalled they remain open to diplomacy, suggesting that negotiations have not been completely abandoned even as the war enters a more volatile phase.
US and Iran Exchange Fresh Strikes
Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) said they had launched missile attacks against U.S. military assets across the Middle East after another night of American bombardment targeting several Iranian cities.
According to Iran, ballistic missiles targeted U.S. military facilities at Jordan’s Aqaba Airport, Kuwait’s Al Adiri Camp and Ali Al Salem Air Base, as well as American positions in Syria. Bahrain also activated air raid sirens, while Kuwait reported intercepting hostile drones during the attacks.
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Meanwhile, U.S. Central Command confirmed it had carried out a ninth consecutive night of strikes against Iran, saying the operations were intended to degrade Tehran’s capability to threaten commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.
Iranian media reported explosions in several cities, including Tabriz, Chabahar, Konarak, Bandar Mahshahr and Bandar Imam Khomeini, with at least one person killed and several others wounded.
President Donald Trump defended the latest strikes, describing them as retaliation for the deaths of U.S. service members in recent Iranian attacks.
Hormuz Shipping Faces Renewed Disruption
The Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one fifth of global oil supplies normally pass, remains at the centre of the confrontation.
The IRGC claimed two oil tankers had exploded after attempting to navigate what it described as an unsafe route through the strategic waterway. Tehran did not provide details about the vessels or casualties, and the reports could not be independently verified.
Separately, the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) agency reported that a commercial vessel off the coast of Oman had been struck by an unidentified projectile, leaving the ship adrift though its crew remained safe.
Shipping disruptions pushed Brent crude briefly above $90 per barrel as traders worried that prolonged instability in Hormuz could significantly reduce global oil exports.
The renewed uncertainty comes after vessel traffic through the strait had already fallen sharply in recent days, with many shipping companies delaying voyages or rerouting vessels due to security concerns.
Civilian Infrastructure Becomes a New Battlefield
Beyond energy markets, the conflict is increasingly threatening essential civilian infrastructure.
Kuwait confirmed that one of its desalination plants was attacked for a second consecutive day, causing a fire. Desalination facilities provide the majority of drinking water across Gulf countries, making them among the region’s most critical infrastructure assets.
Iran has accused the United States of previously striking one of its own desalination facilities and warned that any attacks on Iranian civilian infrastructure would trigger reciprocal action against similar installations across the Gulf.
The targeting of water infrastructure represents a significant escalation, raising humanitarian concerns alongside military and economic risks.
Diplomacy Remains on the Table
Despite intensifying military operations, officials from both countries suggested diplomacy has not been completely abandoned.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington would continue targeting Iranian capabilities as long as Tehran threatened international shipping but stressed that the United States remained open to a diplomatic solution.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry echoed that position, stating diplomacy remains one of the country’s instruments for pursuing national interests despite ongoing hostilities.
Tehran also confirmed that Iran’s interior minister would travel to Pakistan, which has served as an important intermediary between the two sides since the conflict began, although Iranian officials described the visit as focused primarily on bilateral relations.
Political Pressure Mounts in Washington
The conflict is also creating growing domestic challenges for the White House.
U.S. gasoline prices climbed above $4 per gallon on Monday, reversing declines seen after the temporary ceasefire reached earlier this year. Rising fuel costs have historically carried significant political consequences for American administrations and could become a major issue ahead of November’s congressional midterm elections.
Trump defended the military campaign by arguing that Iran had suffered severe damage and insisted the United States had effectively secured control over the Strait of Hormuz, despite continued Iranian attacks across the region.
Why It Matters
The latest escalation illustrates how the conflict is evolving beyond conventional military strikes into a broader campaign targeting global trade routes and critical infrastructure. While the Strait of Hormuz remains the world’s most important energy chokepoint, attacks on desalination plants introduce a new humanitarian dimension that could directly affect millions of civilians across the Gulf.
At the same time, continued disruptions to commercial shipping threaten global oil markets, supply chains and inflation at a time when many economies are already grappling with elevated energy costs.
What’s Next
The coming days will determine whether the conflict enters an even more dangerous phase. Iran appears determined to maintain pressure on U.S. forces and commercial shipping while signalling it could expand attacks against civilian infrastructure if American strikes continue.
Washington is likely to sustain military operations aimed at securing freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz while attempting to deter further Iranian retaliation. However, any successful attack on major oil facilities, shipping lanes or water infrastructure could trigger a broader regional crisis involving additional Gulf states.
Although both sides continue to leave the door open for negotiations, the cycle of retaliation has significantly reduced the prospects for an immediate diplomatic breakthrough. Until meaningful talks resume, the Gulf is likely to remain one of the world’s most volatile flashpoints, with global energy markets and regional stability hanging in the balance.
The Asia Pacific’s geopolitical balance is under change. While the U.S. remains the main architect of the plan, it is Australia that is becoming the executor of the strategy in the Oceania region. Through the signing of multiple defense agreements with the small island states, Canberra is transforming itself from a middle power to a regional security player in the South Pacific region.
Australia, being the most trusted ally of the United States and a member of the two most important defense cooperations, i.e., AUKUS and QUAD, makes it suitable to provide security to its neighbors. By signing the bilateral agreements in the defense domain, Australia, particularly, and the United States, generally, want to counter China’s rising military presence in the Pacific region. The defense deals signed with Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, and Fiji collectively demonstrate that work on a broader security plan is under process. Instead of deploying American military bases directly in these states, Washington is relying on Canberra to expand its security footprint in the South Pacific region.
The recent signing of the Australia-Fiji agreement named “Ocean of Peace Alliance” on July 6, 2026, is the latest in the series. This agreement marks Fiji’s first mutual defense treaty and Australia’s fourth, following treaties with the United States, New Zealand, and Papua New Guinea. Secondly, the announcement of the Pukpuk Treaty entering into force between Australia and Papua New Guinea by PM Anthony Albanese and PM Honourable James Marape MP on July 8, 2026, also showcases a mutual defense commitment. Thirdly, the signing of the Nakamal Agreement between Australia and Vanuatu in June 2026 prevented China from creating military bases in the country.
In addition to this, the new PM of the Solomon Islands, Matthew Wale, has also shown interest in reducing the country’s dependence on China. He stated that the Solomon Islands-China pact, signed in 2022, needs to be revised, which would allow China to deploy its military and police personnel. By signaling on revising the agreement, it clearly demarcates that the Solomon Islands do not want to allow their land to be used for Chinese military bases. This statement proved a silver lining for Australia’s hegemonic designs in the region, as it was fearful that the Solomon Islands would be a foothold for China in the Pacific.
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The momentum and process of acquiring a broader Pacific security strategy are extending, as New Zealand PM Christopher Luxon has also shown interest in joining the recently signed Ocean of Peace Alliance. This also marks Australia’s victory in that these Pacific states are gradually turning away from China and moving towards Western allies. This also shows defense cooperation, military exercises, information sharing, and maritime cooperation. In such a case, when there is an attack on any ally in these domains, then others will come to aid and rescue.
Also, the opening of the US Embassy in the Solomon Islands back in 2023 and the agreement between another QUAD member, i.e., Japan, and the Solomon Islands also strengthen Australia’s position in the Pacific region.
Now, the bigger question here is why this change in geopolitical balance is happening and why the regional players are taking the lead despite having the hegemon, i.e., the United States. Rising interference of China by expanding its naval capabilities has drawn concerns of the states in the Oceania region. The recent firing of a long-range ballistic missile in the South Pacific region on the same day that Australia and Fiji signed the treaty sends a clear message that China will not remain quiet on these expanding relations. Although Chinese state media have stated that this firing was just a mere test using dummy warheads. But the concerns of the government officials of the Pacific countries and their rising apprehensions have clearly shown that concerns for Australia and its allies are increasing against China. This fear has enabled them to move towards a securitization strategy and maximize their security capabilities.
Along with benefits, there are various risks for Australia and partnering nations as well by entering into these defense deals. The original plan of keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open for trade for all is gradually turning into a hub of militarization. Therefore, strategic competition between China and Australia will increase more than ever before, compelling Canberra to engage in more economic and defense treaties in the broader Indo-Pacific region to maintain its central position. Additionally, small island states are also in turmoil as they are caught between China and the Western bloc.
Thus, it is clear that the US is expanding its network in the South Pacific region by making Australia a regional security player. This also sends a signal to China that its growing capabilities and tactics will not go unanswered. Moreover, Pacific Island countries are also diversifying their options by signing defense agreements and are not predominantly relying on China. These agreements also reduce the possibility of Beijing having a military presence in the Oceania region. Therefore, whether Australia’s expanding defense network succeeds or not depends on mutual trust. By not compromising the sovereignty of these states, Canberra can only become the regional security provider on its own terms.
