caught

The N’Djamena peace accord, signed on April 19, 2025, between the government of the Central African Republic, the rebels from the Return, Rehabilitation, and Reclamation (3R) and the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (UPC), continues to face challenges due to repeated violations by parties involved.

The agreement aims to help reintegrate rebels into civilian life and to disband their movements, as outlined in the 2019 peace accord. However, the recent resurgence of violence in Nzakoundou caught the authorities off guard, highlighting their lack of preparedness for the disarmament process. 

On Saturday, June 28, heavily armed 3R rebels emerged in large numbers from the bush in Nzakoundou, Yeme council. Their overwhelming presence overshadowed the Central African Republic National Army (FACA) soldiers. Outnumbered, FACA soldiers had no choice but to retreat from Nzakoundou, fleeing to the bushes 15 kilometres away along the Paoua highway, leaving the village under the control of the 3R rebels. This retreat has instilled panic among the villagers, who are concerned that tensions may escalate if the rebels’ basic needs are unmet.

Meanwhile, in the Ouaka region, UPC rebels have initiated the disarmament process in Bokolobo, Maloum, Mbomou, and Nzacko. Motivated by promises of reintegration into the national army, UPC combatants voluntarily laid down their arms. However, their primary challenge is the lack of food and other essential supplies.

The situation is different in Yaloke, situated 225 kilometres from Bangui, the republic’s capital, where disarmed former Anti-Balaka militia led by General Jeudi have been complaining of the absence of food rations and access to water, a recurrent problem in the several sites earmarked for disarmament. At Moyo, the situation is particularly disquieting because the rebels who are still armed have been terrorising the population and taking whatever they need by force.

The Central African Republic is facing significant challenges with its disarmament and reintegration programme, which has been ongoing since 2017. According to President Touadera, this programme has successfully disarmed 5,000 combatants and dissolved nine armed groups. However, Moyo’s lack of cantonment zones and the necessary resources to support disarmed combatants hinders progress. 

This issue is further compounded by the ineffectiveness of the FACA soldiers, who cannot secure areas like Nzakoundou. The residents there are living in constant fear of violence, especially since 2023, when the 3R rebels set fire to multiple homes and killed civilians, prompting the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) to send troops to the village and its surrounding areas.

The departure of FACA soldiers has created a significant dilemma: If the rebels choose to lay down their arms, the state is expected to take responsibility for them. However, without access to food or opportunities for reintegration, these former combatants may resort to acts of banditry to survive, including nighttime robberies targeting local populations. This troubling trend is already evident in areas like Dawala, Thicka, and Sataigne and has the potential to escalate into a new source of violence. Such developments could undermine the progress achieved through the N’Djamena peace accord.

On Friday, June 13, when Israeli missiles began raining down on Tehran, Shamsi was reminded once again just how vulnerable she and her family are.

The 34-year-old Afghan mother of two was working at her sewing job in north Tehran. In a state of panic and fear, she rushed back home to find her daughters, aged five and seven, huddled beneath a table in horror.

Shamsi fled Taliban rule in Afghanistan just a year ago, hoping Iran would offer safety. Now, undocumented and terrified, she finds herself caught in yet another dangerous situation – this time with no shelter, no status, and no way out.

“I escaped the Taliban but bombs were raining over our heads here,” Shamsi told Al Jazeera from her home in northern Tehran, asking to be referred to by her first name only, for security reasons. “We came here for safety, but we didn’t know where to go.”

Shamsi, a former activist in Afghanistan, and her husband, a former soldier in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan before the Taliban returned to power in 2021, fled to Iran on a temporary visa, fearful of reprisals from the Taliban over their work. But they have been unable to renew their visas because of the cost and the requirement to exit Iran and re-enter through Taliban-controlled Afghanistan – a journey that would likely be too dangerous.

Life in Iran has not been easy. Without legal residency, Shamsi has no protection at work, no bank account, and no access to aid. “There was no help from Iranians, or from any international organisation,” she said.

Internet blackouts in Tehran have made it hard to find information or contact family.

“Without a driver’s licence, we can’t move around. Every crossroad in Tehran is heavily inspected by police,” she said, noting that they managed to get around restrictions to buy food before Israel began bombing, but once that started it became much harder.

Iran hosts an estimated 3.5 million refugees and people in refugee-like situations, including some 750,000 registered Afghans. But more than 2.6 million are undocumented individuals. Since the Taliban’s return to power and the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, thousands of Afghans, including activists, journalists, former soldiers, and other vulnerable people, have crossed into Iran seeking refuge.

Tehran province alone reportedly hosts 1.5 million Afghan refugees – the majority of them undocumented – and as Israel targeted sites in and around the capital, attacking civilian and military locations during the 12-day conflict, many Afghans were starkly reminded of their extreme vulnerability – unprotected and unable to access emergency assistance, or even reliable information during air raids as the internet was shut down for large periods of time.

While many fled Tehran for the north of Iran, Afghan refugees like Shamsi and her family had nowhere to go.

On the night of June 22, an explosion shook her neighbourhood, breaking the windows of the family’s apartment. “I was awake until 3am, and just an hour after I fell asleep, another blast woke me up,” she said.

An entire residential apartment was levelled near her building. “I prepared a bag with my children’s main items to be ready if something happens to our building.”

The June 23 ceasefire brokered by Qatar and the US came as a huge relief, but now there are other problems: Shamsi’s family is almost out of money. Her employer, who used to pay her in cash, has left the city and won’t answer her calls. “He’s disappeared,” she said. “When I [previously] asked for my unpaid wages, he just said: ‘You’re an Afghan migrant, get out, out, out.’”

The human cost of conflict

For all Afghans trapped in Iran – both those forced to flee and those who stayed in their homes – the 12-day conflict with Israel has sharply reawakened feelings of trauma and displacement.

Furthermore, according to the Iranian health authorities, three Afghan migrants – identified as Hafiz Bostani, Abdulwali and Habibullah Jamshidi – were among the 610 people killed in the recent strikes.

On June 18, 18-year-old Afghan labourer Abdulwali was killed and several others were injured in an Israeli strike on their construction site in the Tehranpars area of Tehran. According to the victim’s father, Abdulwali left his studies in Afghanistan about six months ago to work in Iran to feed his family. In a video widely shared by Abdulwali’s friends, his colleagues at the construction site can be heard calling to him to leave the building as loud explosions echo in the background.

Other Afghans are still missing since the Israeli strikes. Hakimi, an elderly Afghan man from Takhar province in Afghanistan, told Al Jazeera that he hadn’t heard from three of his grandsons in Iran for four days. “They were stuck inside a construction site in central Tehran with no food,” he said.

All he knows is that they retreated to the basement of the unfinished apartment building they were working on when they heard the sound of bombs, he explained. The shops nearby were closed, and their Iranian employer has fled the city without paying wages.

Even if they have survived, he added, they are undocumented. “If they get out, they will get deported by police,” Hakimi said.

From one danger zone to another

During the conflict, UN Special Rapporteur Richard Bennett urged all parties to protect Afghan migrants in Iran, warning of serious risks to their safety and calling for immediate humanitarian safeguards.

Afghan activist Laila Forugh Mohammadi, who now lives outside the country, is using social media to raise awareness about the dire conditions Afghans are facing in Iran. “People can’t move, can’t speak,” she said. “Most have no legal documents, and that puts them in a dangerous position where they can’t even retrieve unpaid wages from fleeing employers.”

She also flagged that amid the Iran-Israel conflict, there is no government body supporting Afghans. “There’s no bureaucracy to process their situation. We dreaded an escalation in the violence between Iran and Israel for the safety of our people,” she said.

In the end, those who did manage to evacuate from the most dangerous areas in Iran mostly did so with the help of Afghan organisations.

The Afghan Women Activists’ Coordinating Body (AWACB), part of the European Organisation for Integration, helped hundreds of women – many of whom fled the Taliban because of their activist work – and their families to flee. They relocated from high-risk areas like Tehran, Isfahan and Qom – the sites of key nuclear facilities which Israel and the US both targeted – to safer cities such as Mashhad in the northeast of the country. The group also helped with communicating with families in Afghanistan during the ongoing internet blackouts in Iran.

“Our capacity is limited. We can only support official members of AWACB,” said Dr Patoni Teichmann, the group’s founder, speaking to Al Jazeera before the ceasefire. “We have evacuated 103 women out of our existing 450 members, most of whom are Afghan women’s rights activists and protesters who rallied against the women’s education ban and fled Afghanistan.”

‘I can’t go back to the Taliban’

Iran recently announced plans to deport up to two million undocumented Afghans, but during the 12-day conflict, some took the decision to move back anyway despite the dangers and hardships they may face there.

World Vision Afghanistan reported that, throughout the 12-day war, approximately 7,000 Afghans were crossing daily from Iran into Afghanistan via the Islam Qala border in Herat. “People are arriving with only the clothes on their backs,” said Mark Cal, a field representative. “They’re traumatised, confused, and returning to a homeland still in economic and social freefall.”

The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has voiced grave concerns about the deteriorating humanitarian situation for Afghans in Iran, adding that it is monitoring reports that people are on the move within Iran and that some are leaving for neighbouring countries.

Even as Israeli strikes came to a halt, tensions remain high, and the number of Afghans fleeing Iran is expected to rise.

But for many, there is nowhere left to go.

Back in northern Tehran, Shamsi sits beside her daughter watching an Iranian news channel. “We came here for safety,” she says softly. Asked what she would do if the situation worsens, Shamsi doesn’t hesitate: “I will stay here with my family. I can’t go back to the Taliban.”

This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.

enya’s Interior Minister Kipchumba Murkomen has been caught on video appearing to authorise police to shoot protesters. Murkomen made the comments after at least 16 people were killed during protests over police brutality on Wednesday.

Zak Crawley is caught for 65 as India finally break England’s opening partnership, leaving the home side 188-1, chasing 371 for victory in the opening Test at Headingley.

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With many families heading to the coast over the summer, it’s important to be aware of local by-laws that could unexpectedly turn your beach day into an expensive lesson

As the summer season rolls in, British families are flocking to the seaside for day trips or staycations. However, a lesser-known regulation could turn your beachside fish and chips into a hefty bill.

In several coastal spots nationwide, feeding seagulls is actually illegal, with fines potentially exceeding £1,000. Last year, a 97-year-old woman faced a potential fine of £2,500 and even court proceedings after a neighbour reported her for feeding birds in her garden in Fylde, near Blackpool.

With this incident in mind, Luxury Group Stay, a leading provider of high-end holiday homes in the UK, is advising holidaymakers to familiarise themselves with local by-laws that could disrupt their well-deserved getaway.

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In Suffolk, visitors to Aldeburgh will encounter signs cautioning that anyone caught feeding gulls may be prosecuted under public health and anti-social behaviour by-laws.

This regulation was implemented in the seaside town back in 2009 in response to escalating complaints about the gulls’ conduct, including aggressive swooping, incessant begging, and damage to bins and properties, reports the Express.

And it’s not just Fylde and Aldeburgh enforcing these restrictions. Numerous councils across the country have introduced Public Space Protection Orders (PSPOs) or other measures in an attempt to curb gull feeding.

Luxury Group Stay’s spokesperson revealed, “With more local fines and by-laws catching guests off guard, we’re seeing growing demand for private stays where families can relax, dine outdoors, and enjoy themselves without worrying about unexpected restrictions.”

Given that rules can differ widely across localities and signage might be overlooked, holidaymakers are urged to be vigilant with local guidelines – or they could find their day at the beach costing more than anticipated.

They’ve also pinpointed a selection of destinations where you might cop a fine for giving snacks to the gulls.

Destinations where you may be fined for feeding seagulls:

• East Devon – £80-100 fine on beaches in Exmouth, Budleigh Salterton, Sidmouth, Beer, and Seaton.
• Dorset – Up to £100 fine in Lyme Regis, West Bay, and Bridport.
• Jersey (St Saviour Parish) – Fines of up to £1,000 in many residential areas, including Clos Paumelle.
• Cornwall – Up to £100 in St Ives.
• North Yorkshire – Up to £100 in Whitby and Scarborough.
• East Sussex – Fines of up to £100 in Eastbourne and Hastings.

Dispatches from northern China, Jia Zhangke’s movies constitute their own cinematic universe. Repeatedly returning to themes of globalization and alienation, the 55-year-old director has meticulously chronicled his country’s uneasy plunge into the 21st century as rampant industrialization risks deadening those left behind.

But his latest drama, “Caught by the Tides,” which opens at the Frida Cinema today, presents a bold, reflexive remix of his preoccupations. Drawing from nearly 25 years of footage, including images from his most acclaimed films, Jia has crafted a poignant new story with an assist from fragments of old tales. He has always been interested in how the weight of time bears down on his characters — now his actors age in front of our eyes.

When “Caught by the Tides” premiered at last year’s Cannes Film Festival, critics leaned on a handy, if somewhat inaccurate, comparison to describe Jia’s achievement: “Boyhood,” which followed a young actor over the course of 12 years, a new segment of the picture shot annually. But Richard Linklater preplanned his magnum opus. Jia, on the other hand, approached his film more accidentally, using the pandemic shutdown as an excuse to revisit his own archives.

“It struck me that the footage had no linear, cause-and-effect pattern,” Jia explained in a director’s statement. “Instead, there was a more complex relationship, not unlike something from quantum physics, in which the direction of life is influenced and ultimately determined by variable factors that are hard to pinpoint.”

The result is a story in three chapters, each one subtly building emotionally from the last. In the first, it is 2001, as Qiaoqiao (Zhao Tao) lives in Datong, where she dates Bin (Li Zhubin). Early on, Qiaoqiao gleefully sings with friends, but it will be the last time we hear her voice. It’s a testament to Zhao’s arresting performance that many viewers may not notice her silence. She’s so present even without speaking, her alert eyes taking in everything, her understated reactions expressing plenty.

Young and with her whole life ahead of her, Qiaoqiao longs to be a singer, but her future is short-circuited by Bin’s text announcing that he’s leaving to seek better financial opportunities elsewhere. He promises to send word once he’s established himself, but we suspect she may never see this restless, callous schemer again. Not long after, Bin ghosts Qiaoqiao, prompting her to journey after him.

“Caught by the Tides” richly rewards viewers familiar with Jia’s filmography with scenes and outtakes from his earlier movies. Zhao, who in real life married Jia more than a decade ago, has been a highlight of his movies starting with his 2000 breakthrough “Platform,” and so when we see Qiaoqiao at the start of “Caught by the Tides,” we’re actually watching footage shot around that time. (Jia’s 2002 drama “Unknown Pleasures” starred Zhao as a budding singer named Qiaoqiao. Li also appeared in “Unknown Pleasures,” as well as subsequent Jia pictures.)

But the uninitiated shouldn’t feel intimidated to begin their Jia immersion here. Those new to his work will easily discern the film’s older footage, some of it captured on grainy DV cameras, while newer material boasts the elegant, widescreen compositions that have become his specialty. “Caught by the Tides” serves as a handy primer on Jia’s fascination with China’s political, cultural and economic evolution, amplifying those dependable themes with the benefit of working across a larger canvas of a quarter-century.

Still, by the time Qiaoqiao traverses the Yangtze River near the Three Gorges Dam — a controversial construction project that imperiled local small towns and provided the backdrop for Jia’s 2006 film “Still Life” — the director’s fans may feel a bittersweet sense of déjà vu. We have been here before, reminded of his earlier characters who similarly struggled to find love and purpose.

The film’s second chapter, which takes place during 2006, highlights Qiaoqiao’s romantic despair and, separately, Bin’s growing desperation to make a name for himself. (This isn’t the first Jia drama in which characters dabble in criminal activity.) By the time we arrive at the finale, set during the age of COVID anxiety, their inevitable reunion results in a moving resolution, one that suggests the ebb and flow of desire but, also, the passage of time’s inexorable erosion of individuals and nations.

Indeed, it’s not just Zhao and Li who look different by the end of “Caught by the Tides” but Shanxi Province itself — now a place of modern supermarkets, sculpted walkways and robots. Unchecked technological advancement is no longer a distant threat to China but a clear and present danger, dispassionately gobbling up communities, jobs and Qiaoqiao’s and Bin’s dreams. When these two former lovers see each other again, a lifetime having passed on screen, they don’t need words. In this beautiful summation work, Jia has said it all.

Tehran, Iran – Suitcases are rolling through Tehran, but this time, it’s not for holidays or family celebrations. They are being packed in haste and out of fear – symbols of the growing anxiety gripping the Iranian capital’s 10 million residents as they face Israeli missiles.

While Iranians scramble to find shelter, dual Iranian-American nationals find themselves caught in the crossfire of war and geopolitical uncertainty.

Amir, a 36-year-old Tesla engineer and dual national, travelled to Tehran from the United States just weeks before Israeli air strikes began hitting targets across Iran. He had been visiting family and spending quiet days with them on Mount Damavand, located roughly 60 kilometres northeast of the capital. His return flight to the US was already booked, but a few days before he was scheduled to travel, Israel launched its attacks.

When the bombs started to fall, Amir found himself gripped by fear, not just of war, but of being drafted and becoming a casualty of politics beyond his control.

“I wasn’t scared at first. Being with my family brought me peace,” said Amir, who preferred not to share his last name for security reasons. He recalled how he had actually been more worried about his family’s safety during the 2022 Iran antigovernment protests, watching from afar in the US. “Back then, I was constantly anxious, glued to the news, worrying about my family. But now, being in Tehran and Damavand, I could see that life was still going on,” he said.

But he soon decided it was too risky to remain in Iran. A US Green Card holder, Amir dreaded the growing possibility of President Donald Trump reintroducing a travel ban on Iranians and feared it would include those with permanent residency, like himself. With a sense of urgency, Amir chose to leave.

Crossing borders, leaving loved ones

Fearing for his life and his future, Amir began a long overland journey. On Monday, he left by overnight bus for the western Iranian city of Urmia, an 11-hour journey. From there, he continued by road to Van, in eastern Turkiye, which took another six hours. He then boarded a domestic flight to Ankara, from where he flew to the US on Thursday.

For Amir, fleeing wasn’t just a logistical challenge; it was emotionally traumatic. “If it weren’t for the fear of being conscripted and the possibility of a new Trump-era travel ban, I would have stayed close to my loved ones,” he said. “It’s harder in the US.”

Behrouz, a 41-year-old postdoctoral researcher based in San Francisco, faced a similar choice. He had been visiting his hometown of Mashhad, in northeastern Iran, when it was struck by one of Israel’s longest-range missile attacks.

“I tried to stay calm for the first two days,” he recalled. “But then, I had to face the reality: this conflict is nothing like the past. At least for the coming months, the sky won’t be clear or open.”

Traditionally, Behrouz would end his trips to Iran with a walk through the courtyard of the Imam Reza Holy Shrine, picking up saffron and sweets for colleagues back in the US. But this time, he left in a rush. The journey was long: 10 hours by car to Tehran, another nine to Urmia, and then across the Razi border crossing into Turkiye. “It took about 20 minutes to get through the checkpoint,” he said, but what followed was a gruelling 22-hour bus ride to Istanbul.

Behrouz explained he had to leave because of his job. “But my heart is still there with my family, and with the people,” he said, his voice breaking.

“We are against both Israel and the Iranian regime,” he added. “We are millions of ordinary Iranians caught in the middle of decisions made by politicians who don’t represent us.”

Behrouz’s words echo the quiet desperation of many others. Azerbaijani media reported that about 600 Iranian-American dual nationals had crossed out of northwestern Iran via the Astara border into southern Azerbaijan with support from the US embassy. Online, travel coordination flourished in Iranian-American Facebook groups. One user asked: “My flight was scheduled for late June. Should I try to exit through Armenia or Turkiye?” Another advised: “Bring extra fuel. Gas stations are limiting purchases to 10 litres per car.” Some even pooled resources to rent a van for the journey to the Turkish border.

For those managing to leave, the logistics are complex – but often less painful than the emotional burden.

Staying behind – and getting cut off

Not everyone is leaving. Afsaneh, a 43-year-old lifestyle blogger and mother who lives in northern California, had flown to Iran with her seven-year-old daughter before the war began. Despite US State Department warnings urging citizens to leave, she wrote on Instagram that she had no intention of returning – at least for now.

“This is where I want to be,” she wrote in a recent post. “With my family, during this time.”

Others have had no choice but to watch from afar as their loved ones live through the strikes.

Maryam Mortazavi, a 38-year-old Iranian-Canadian living in Toronto, had sent her parents and sister on a summer trip to Iran just two weeks before the air strikes began. Ten days into their stay, bombs hit the northwestern city of Tabriz near their residence.

“I was on a blurry video call with them, hearing explosions and air defence systems,” Mortazavi said. Her family fled to nearby Urmia for safety. By Wednesday afternoon, the Iranian government had shut down internet access. Maryam lost all contact with them.

“I can’t even get out of bed – I’m so worried,” she said, breaking down. “I just hope they find a working VPN and reach me.”

This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.

Travellers who use a prohibited item in popular holiday destinations could face fines of up to £1,700, as tighter restrictions are enforced in more European locations, including on their beaches

British holidaymakers could face fines of up to £1,700 this summer if they’re caught on the beach with one prohibited item. The restrictions will come into force from July 1 in France, while other popular tourist destinations like Spain and Italy have already introduced the ban.

Across Great Britain, there are approximately 5.6 million vapers, according to data from Action on Smoking and Health (ASH), with many taking up the habit in a bid to quit smoking. While we’re used to people publicly and legally vaping, Brits jetting off abroad could unwittingly incur hefty fines on beaches where vaping is banned.

Many European countries, such as France, Barcelona, and Benidorm, are enforcing stricter vaping regulations, which can result in severe penalties for tourists. These are the vaping regulations you need to be made aware of before your summer getaway…

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France

From July 1, France will prohibit smoking in outdoor areas frequented by children, including beaches, parks, schools, bus stops, and sports venues. This is part of a wider initiative that started in 2011 with a beach ban and has since broadened.

Those caught breaking these laws could face fines of up to €135 (£115).

Spain

Spain has been notably active in broadening its smoke-free areas, often treating vaping on par with smoking. In 2024, the Spanish Medical Association unveiled new anti-smoking regulations that also encompass vaping in public spaces such as beaches and restaurant terraces.

Several well-known Spanish beaches where vaping prohibitions are now in effect include L’Albir Beach in Alicante, Levante and Poniente Beaches in Benidorm, Barceloneta, Nova Icaria, and Bogatell in Barcelona, and Malvarrosa Beach in Valencia. If caught breaking the law, travellers could face penalties up to €2,000, equivalent to £1,700.

Greece

In December 2024, EU Health Ministers greenlit stricter anti-smoking measures in Greece, incorporating a ban on vaping in outdoor areas like beaches. If caught, fines can escalate up to €500, equivalent to £420.

Italy

In Italy, regulations vary by town or district. In 2019, Bibione in Veneto introduced a beach smoking ban, which was subsequently adopted by other seaside towns. Major cities like Milan have also enforced bans on vaping in crowded outdoor areas, with fines ranging from €40 (£33) to €240 (£200) for offenders.

Portugal

Portugal has put into effect vaping restrictions on beaches, but the rules can differ by region, so holidaymakers should verify local regulations before visiting.

Offering advice before jetting away, Dan Marchant, Director of Vape Club (www.vapeclub.co.uk), said: “As vaping regulations continue to change, it’s important for travellers to stay up to date with the local laws to avoid any unexpected fines or more serious consequences. Always check local legislation before you travel.

“This can be done through the foreign office website or the customs department of the country you’re visiting. Some countries have strict rules not only about where you can vape, but also whether you can bring your vaping device into the country at all. It’s worth doing a bit of research ahead of time to avoid issues at the border or during your stay.

“In some destinations, buying vaping supplies may be difficult and possibly even illegal. If it is allowed, bring what you need – but we would advise you to double-check import limits. If you are travelling to a vaping-friendly destination by plane, remember to pack your batteries and vaping devices in your carry-on luggage. This ensures they remain in a pressure-controlled environment, as they’re not allowed in checked baggage.”

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As visitor numbers to the party-mad region of Benidorm continues to soar, officials are clamping down on tourists breaking a little-known rule when it comes to renting out mobility scooters

Sun-worshipping Brits are being warned not to break a little-known rule that could land them with a hefty fine.

Last year, a whopping 2.8 million tourists flocked to the party-mad resort of Benidorm, marking a 2.9 per cent jump compared to 2023. The boom has largely been attributed to UK holidaymakers – who have been flocking to the sunny hotspot as early as the 1950s.

Lured in by golden sandy beaches and cobalt waters, Benidorm is famous for its vibrant nightlife and wild entertainment, which has long been popular with Stag and Hen Dos. It is the place to be if you want to drink yourself silly in a fancy dress costume, and sober up the next day with a huge English Breakfast.

The Spanish city, located on the eastern coast of Valencia’s iconic Costa Blanca, has a reputation for attracting elderly Brits who rely on mobility scooters to get from A to B – which has no doubt been perpetuated by the acclaimed TV series, Benidorm. But demand for these vehicles isn’t just a stereotype, as there are more than a dozen mobility scooter shops in the region.

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However, many people do not realise that Benidorm Local Law explicitly states you must be aged over 55 years old or have a certified disability for walking in order to rent an electrical scooter. Renters will also take a cash deposit from customers and make them sign a contract laying out all of the strict rules they must abide by.

This includes always carrying their rental contract with them, and avoiding slopes with an incline greater than five percent. Carrying multiple passengers on an individual scooter is also prohibited.

“Never leave the key when going down the Scooter,” warns Amigo24, a popular mobility scooter rental firm in Benidorm. “[You] will not be covered by your insurance in case of robbery.”

Following a rise in complaints over tourists renting vehicles for fun, and without proper insurance, the council has since emphasised that the use of mobility scooters is ‘strictly limited’ to those that genuinely need the aid. According to EuroNews, authorities are also cracking down on those driving around the city at ‘dangerous speeds’. Violating any of these rules risks sky-high fines of up to €500 (approximately £425).

“Mobility scooters are designed for those with walking difficulties,” Lee Cartwright, mobility scooter specialist at Mobility Solutions Direct, told Bristol Live. “If you can walk safely without one and you don’t have a permit for one, it is best not to ride a mobility scooter to avoid a fine.”

The expert urged those who do need to use a mobility scooter to stick to the speed limit, which is 4mph when on the pavement. Class three mobility scooters, which are intended to be driven on the roads, are allowed to go up to 8mph.

“A majority of those using a scooter without permission are young British people who are using the vehicle to go clubbing rather than pay for a taxi,” he added. “But this results in reckless driving, such as weaving through traffic, driving too closely to others, and failing to be aware of their surroundings. Riding a scooter while intoxicated is both hazardous and against the law, similar to driving a car under the influence.”

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You may be surprised to know that the London-based airport enforces a ‘two-bag policy’ at its security point to avoid delays

With summer on the horizon, many Brits are preparing for sunny vacations overseas. However, before heading to Heathrow Airport, familiarising yourself with its current policies and regulations is essential.

Carrying flammable substances or toxic items is a clear no-go when flying from any airport. However, what may be less known is Heathrow’s baggage limit for travellers at its security checkpoints.

You may be surprised to know that the London-based airport enforces a ‘two-bag policy’ at its security point to avoid delays. This means only two hand baggage items can be taken through the control area.

“To avoid delays, Heathrow operates a two-bag policy at airport security,” advice at the airport’s site reads. “Handbags and laptop bags count as a piece of hand baggage.”

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As part of this rule, any item larger than 56cm x 45cm x 25cm (22in x 18in x 10in) must be checked in as hold luggage. In turn, passengers are more likely to keep their security tray usage to a minimum, limiting delays for others.

Besides this, it’s also important to consider the dos and don’ts of what to put in this hand luggage. For instance, only specific electronic devices are permitted on flights from the UK.

While some airlines might have different restrictions, the UK Government outlines nine key items you can take in both your hand luggage and hold luggage:

• Hairdryers
• Straighteners
• Travel iron
• Electric shaver
• Most cameras
• Mobile phones
• Laptops
• Tablet devices
• MP3 players

It is essential for passengers using e-cigarettes to carry them in their hand luggage rather than in their hold luggage. When passing through security checks, placing electronic devices in a designated tray allows staff to see and verify that no prohibited items are hidden.

Heathrow Airport’s advice also adds: “Please ensure your electronic devices are charged. If they don’t switch on, you may not be allowed to take them onto the aircraft. Charging points are available throughout the airport.”

On the flipside, most UK airports – including Heathrow – require liquids to fit inside a single transparent plastic bag when passing through security. Each liquid container must hold a maximum of 100ml, and the plastic bag must be approximately 20cm x 20cm.

The Government’s website clarifies that all items should fit ‘comfortably inside the bag’ so that it can be sealed. To avoid complications, do not attempt to seal it by tying a knot at the top, as it will not be accepted.

READ MORE: Look around Amanda Holden family thatched cottage with ‘sweeping’ gardens which is up for sale

Below is the UK Government’s complete list of items categorised as hand luggage liquids:

• Liquid or semi-liquid foods, for example, soup, jam, honey and syrups
• Any other solutions and items of similar consistency
• Sprays, including shaving foam, hairspray and spray deodorants
• Contact lens solution
• Pastes, including toothpaste
• Gels, including hair and shower gel
• All drinks, including water
• Cosmetics and toiletries, including creams, lotions, oils, perfumes, mascara and lip gloss

Solid products like deodorant sticks, soap bars, wet wipes, and lip balms are usually considered non-liquids. Therefore, they typically don’t require storage in the bag.

Guidance from Heathrow Airport adds: “Only limited quantities of liquids may be carried through airport security into the departure lounge. This includes bottled drinks, suntan lotion, fragrances, cosmetics, toiletries and all frozen liquids.

“…Liquids in containers over 100ml will not be permitted through security – please pack them in your hold baggage instead.”

TEMPLEGATE tackles Wednesday’s racing confident of bashing the bookies and building the pot for Derby weekend.

Back a horse by clicking their odds below.

THUNDEROUS LOVE (3.22 Nottingham, nap)

She made a cracking start to the season with a win on the sand at Southwell before following up nicely here two runs ago. Her hat-trick bid was thwarted by a shockingly slow start at Salisbury which gave her little chance. She’s usually better away at the stalls and can get back on track with a speedier start in this modest race.

MR JETMAN (7.22 Ripon, nb)

He was impressive when scoring over course and distance 17 days ago. He has never been out of the frame at this Yorkshire track and should be right there again.

RIDE THE THUNDER (4.55 Nottingham, treble)

Has been second on all three starts and can go one better. He shapes as though this step up in distance will suit.

ORIONIS (6.50 Ripon)

Looks good for the Lucky 15. She took a fair step forward when second at Chester last time and looks ready to win for William Haggas.

Templegate’s tips

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Remember to gamble responsibly

A responsible gambler is someone who:

• Establishes time and monetary limits before playing
• Only gambles with money they can afford to lose
• Never chases their losses
• Doesn’t gamble if they’re upset, angry or depressed
• Gamcare – www.gamcare.org.uk
• Gamble Aware – www.gambleaware.org

Find our detailed guide on responsible gambling practices here.

THE BRITISH cities with the worst availability and speed of electric vehicle charging have been revealed in new research.

More and more people are making the switch to EVs each passing year, but access to charging infrastructure continues to be a key concern for motorists.

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Cost, speed and access to EV chargers can vary vastly from region to region across the country.

But new data from Available Car has shed light on exactly which cities are the best and worst to drive an electric vehicle.

Researchers looked at the number of charging points per 10,000 people within a five mile radius of city centres.

They also noted the average cost and time it takes to charge half an EV battery.

The data examines 53 major cities across the UK, excluding London.

Liverpool was found to be the city with the lowest number of chargers, with just two chargers per 100,000 people within a five mile radius of the city centre.

Newcastle barely did better at 2.4 chargers per 100,000, while Bradford and Leeds followed up with 2.6 each.

Smaller cities boasted far better numbers in the EV charging accessibility ranking.

Ripon was the city with the highest number of chargers per 100,000 at 63.1 – far ahead of second placed Salisbury at 43.7.

But simply finding a charger isn’t the only issue EV owners face.

Available Car’s data also highlighted a major regional disparity in the time it takes to charge half a battery.

Leicester is the city found to have the slowest EV charging times – taking an average of 8.25 hours to get to half charge.

Available Car’s report reads: “The city’s slower charging infrastructure highlights the need for investment in faster chargers to support the growing demand for electric vehicles.

“Without quicker charging options, Leicester may face challenges in encouraging more drivers to switch to electric.”

But Leicester EV drivers have some solace – as the survey also found it to cheapest city to charge your car, where a half full battery would cost an average of £12.60.

Brighton & Hove and Portsmouth followed Leicester as the next slowest for charging, 6.24 and 5.67 hours respectively.

Wakefield recorded the speediest charge of the cities surveyed, taking an average of just 0.8 hours.

The researchers used a Tesla Model Y as the benchmark vehicle when gathering the data.

Their report adds: “Making the switch to an electric vehicle (EV) should be an exciting step towards greener, more sustainable driving.

“However, one of the biggest barriers preventing drivers from switching from petrol or diesel to electric vehicles is having to rely on their local charging infrastructure, particularly the time it takes to charge and the cost involved.

“Unlike petrol and diesel drivers, EV owners must navigate the UK’s charging network, where charging speeds and costs vary significantly based on location and charger type.”

IT’S the most glamorous fixture on the football calendar – but the glitziest stars will be the ones cheering on from the sidelines.

As Paris Saint-Germain prepare to take on Inter this evening, the players’ stunning WAGs will be getting dressed up to the nines as their partners prepare for potential Champions League glory.

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While PSG’s roster has included superstars including Lionel Messi, Kylian Mbappe and Neymar in recent years, this year’s team is full of young, hungry talents ready to make their own names on the world stage.

The likes of Ousmane Dembélé and Achraf Hakimi will be testing themselves at the Allianz Arena in Munich against Inter‘s equally impressive side, which boasts stars including Lautaro Martínez and Marcus Thuram.

But away from the pitch, which of these names are scoring in their love lives too?

From doctors to lawyers and even fellow players – as well as a dramatic cheating scandal – we reveal all about PSG and Inter’s top WAGs.

Paris Saint-Germain F.C.

Nitsa Tavadze and Khvicha Kvaratskhelia

Brainy Nitsa Tavadze, 23, wife of Khvicha Kvaratskhelia, 24, studied medicine while her relationship with the Georgian star blossomed.

In 2023, they tied the knot at the historic Samtavro Monastery in Mtskheta, celebrating with Georgian traditions, attire, and customs. 

Although the couple were introduced by a mutual friend in 2021 sparks didn’t fly until a month later.

Due to Nitsa’s demanding studies, the pair would write to and call each other, and would meet up during their time off or when Kvaratskhelia was on an international break.

When Nitsa didn’t have lectures to attend, she would go to Naples and attend matches at his former team, Napoli.

They made their first appearance at a basketball game between Italy and Georgia and by 2022 they were official. Now, they share a son, Damian, one.

Océane Toussaint and Warren Zaire-Emery

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French goalie Océane Toussaint, 21, has been in a relationship with her fellow PSG star Warren Zaire-Emery, 19, since 2024.

They were first papped together at a Louis Vuitton event in January and later confirmed their relationship at a gala in May.

Océane was the first goalkeeper to win the Titi d’Or – a fan award for PSG’s most promising academy player – in 2023 and took to social media to share her success with fans.

She wrote: “Very proud to be the first Titi gold keeper, thank you again for all your messages.”

During their short time together so far, Océane and Warren have already jetted off for glamorous holidays and were seen visiting Zoomarine in the Algarve.

Madalena Aragão and João Neves 

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Portuguese television and film star Madalena Aragão, 19, has been in a relationship with João Neves, 20, since 2024.

Madalena made her acting debut in 2016 when she was just 10 years old in the soap opera Rainha das Flores.

The talented actress is also a popular blogger and creator of a YouTube channel, where she shares her thoughts on teenage life and growing up. 

Since embarking on her new relationship with João it’s been go go go. She even moved to Paris to be with him after his move from Benfica to the French giants.

The pair have also been quite active on social media, sharing several adorable pics together.

In response to one of Madalena’s recent Instagram posts, Portuguese actor and model Diogo Amaral replied: “My favourite couple.”

Carol Cabrino and Marquinhos

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Influencer Carol Cabrino, 32, carved out a successful singing career before her marriage to Brazilian centre back Marquinhos, 31.

After he proposed to her underneath the Eiffel Tower, the pair had a civil wedding in June 2016.

Together they share three children – Maria, eight, Enrico, six, and Martina, 3 – but tragically, Carol recently opened up about losing her fourth child after suffering a miscarriage.

Taking to Instagram to share the distressing news in March, she said: “I’m going to talk about something that is not very good.

“But I’ve accepted what happened to me and I’ve come to share it with you.

“I can’t get on with my life if I don’t come here and explain to you a little of the things that have been happening in my life for a while now.”

Alessia Elefante and Gianluigi Donnarumma

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Italian bombshell Alessia Elefante, 27, is the fiancée of Gianluigi Donnarumma, 26, and the couple have been together for over seven years.

Alessia is an interior designer and mum to one-year-old Leo, whom she shares with Gianluigi. The Italian pro footballer proposed to her a month after their son was born.

They also share a dog named Coco that Alessia has referred to via her Instagram as her “favourite baby boy” and “a prince” – before her son was born, of course!

Alessia also stands 39cm shorter than her partner who reaches a whopping 6ft5inches.

Despite such a significant height difference, the couple seem super loved up and often share photos together on social media.

Another little known fact about Alessia is that she’s a twin. On May 27, 2024, she took to Instagram to share a birthday pic with her sister Daniela.

The caption wrote: “Since 1998. Love you.”

Shocked fans were quick to spot the similarities between the pair. One person wrote: “I thought there was a mirror in the 1st pic.”

Inter Milan

Agustina Gandolfo and Lautaro Martinez

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Model Agustina, 29, has two children with Inter’s star striker Lautaro, 27, Nina, four and Theo, two.

Agus has developed a career as a mumfluencer in recent years, with her candid posts about the realities of motherhood.

Alongside her personal updates, she has launched her own lifestyle brand, Coraje, as well as partnering with trendy fashion and fitness labels like Cloter Official and Tropical Sweat.

She met her Argentine husband around 2016 when he was playing for local club Racing, at a party hosted by fellow stars Mauro Icardi and Wanda Nara.

They were initially pals but later fell in love. They had their first child, a daughter named Nina, in 2021 and had a son in 2023.

The pair had a lavish wedding in Villa d’Este on Lake Como Italy in 2023 with 120 guests.

Agus has three tattoos: one of birds flying on her upper back, a heart on her arm and a quote on her ribs.

She also made headlines in 2021 after claiming a Milan restaurant had handed her a menu that didn’t have any prices on during a romantic meal out with her man.

She claimed on her Instagram story that the practice is sexist – because it assumes the man is going to pay for the meal, not the woman.

Kleofina Pnishi and Benjamin Pavard 

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Kosovo-born actress and model Kleofina, 30, was elected Miss Provence 2017 and ran in the Miss France competition the following year.

But life hasn’t always been easy. When she was just five years old, her family fled their homeland due to the war and arrived in France in 1999.

She graduated from the School of Journalism and Communication of Aix-Marseille, before meeting Benjamin Pavard, 29, with the pair getting engaged in July last year.

Benjamin got down on one knee on the coast of Saranda, Albania, in a beautiful, romantic proposal made special with flowers and candles. 

Federica Schievenin and Nicolò Barella 

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Stunning sports scientist Federica Schievenin, 35, met childhood sweetheart Nicolò, 28, over a decade ago.

Like her beau, she has had a passion for sports since a young age thanks to thanks to her dad, who was into motocross.

She earned a PT CFT3 certification from the International Sports Scientists Association in 2019 and is now said to be studying nutraceuticals and naturopathy.

The pair tied the knot in 2018 and are now parents to four children: daughters Rebecca, eight, Lavinia, five, Matilde, four and a baby son, Romeo.

Federica keeps her children’s faces hidden on social media, usually with an emoji.

Claudia Scarpari and Francesco Acerbi 

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Claudia Scarpari, 38, is the wife of defender Francesco Acerbi, 37, who she met in early 2020.

Speaking of their early romance, the glamorous lawyer said she found it “enchanting” to watch him play, but admitted she didn’t follow football before they met. 

However, since falling in love with the defender, Claudia has revealed she had never missed a match, and will always be cheering on her partner.  

Claudia already has a daughter and a son from a previous relationship, and has had more children with Francesco.  

Their daughters are named Vittoria, four and Nala, two.

On top of being a supportive WAG, Claudia is a successful lawyer and has spoken of the similarities between the couple’s careers, explaining they are both “defending and protecting what we believe in”.

The couple married in early 2025 in Cassina Rizzardi, Italy.

Sinem Gündoğdu and Hakan Çalhanoğlu

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Hakan Çalhanoğlu, 31, and Sinem, 30, grew up together in Turkey before tying the knot in 2017, but their relationship has not always been plain sailing. 

In 2018, the midfielder sensationally announced the decision to divorce his wife after a “very serious and unforgivable situation occurred”.

Sinem’s response was speedy, and came with another bombshell, as she announced: “I never cheated on you. By the way, I’m pregnant.”

Fortunately, the couple appear to have resolved their issues and now seem better than ever. 

Together they have three children: Liya, six, born in 2019, Ayaz, four, born in 2021 and Asil Can, two, born in 2023.

May 26 (UPI) — A sixth escapee from the Orleans Justice Center in New Orleans was captured Monday night, Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill announced.

“Inmate Lenton Vanburen [Jr.] is now back in custody,” Murrill said in a post on X. “He was picked up in Baton Rouge.”

Murrill complimented Louisiana’s Fugitive Apprehension Task Force, State Police and the Baton Rouge Police Department for working together to locate and capture Vanburen.

She said Vanburen is charged with parole violation, possession of a firearm by a felon and illegally carrying a weapon. He will face additional charges related to the escape.

Louisiana State Police and Baton Rouge police apprehended Vanburen, WDSU reported.

He was among 10 inmates who escaped through a hole behind a toilet at the jail in New Orleans during the predawn hours May 16.

The jail staff did not discover they were missing for several hours, but five were caught within four days.

Inmates Corey Boyd, Robert Moody, Dkenan Dennis, Kendall Myles and Gary Price also have been apprehended after their group escape. The captured inmates have been transferred to the Louisiana State Penitentiary.

Those remaining at-large are Jermaine Donald, Leo Tate Derrick Groves and Antoine Massey.

Many of the caught and at-large escapees are charged with murder.

Seven people also have been arrested for assisting in the escape and helping the inmates afterward.

WASHINGTON — In the wake of the Murphy Brown uproar, Vice President Dan Quayle has delivered another double-barreled commotion. First, in the past 10 days, he has made two more fire-breathing speeches on family values, one to a convention of Southern Baptists and the other to a National Right to Life gathering. Second, he has demonstrated he does not know how to spell potato .

My West Coast sources say politically aware people in the entertainment industry have made up their minds about the vice president’s “values” theme: It will not play in Peoria. Quayle’s distasteful traditionalist fervor, in this view, simply does not reflect the ethics or concerns of most Americans. Besides, how can you take a man seriously who doesn’t know the names of his vegetables?

But Quayle’s critics are kidding themselves, trying to suppress the message by deriding the messenger. They may think the vice president’s misspelling marks him as an irredeemable jerk, but many of his fellow citizens are not so sensitive, and some will even sympathize with him. (Pop quiz: Is it potatos or potatoes ?)

The same critics are surely right in seeing considerable daylight between most Americans’ general moral posture and the pungency of some of Quayle’s stronger words. Nonetheless, the “values” card might not only help the Bush-Quayle reelection effort, it may even play a moderating role in the campaign.

In his speeches, Quayle again criticized the “cultural elite” that “flees from the consequences of its self-indulgence.” But he also expanded on the idea of this elite as an alien force in American life. The country is made up, he said, of “the cultural elite, and the rest of us.” The elite “mock us in the newsrooms, sitcom studios and faculty lounges,” but “we Americans” must “stand up for our values, stand up for America.” The American people are “playing David to the Goliath of the dominant cultural elite,” he exhorted, “but remember the final outcome” of that battle: “The Philistines fled.”

This is unattractive stuff. It says only the people on Quayle’s side of the argument can lay legitimate claim to the label “American.” One of our worst national characteristics in politics is the tendency to read our opponents out of the rolls of American citizenship–and parts of the Quayle speeches serve as fair examples of this nasty habit.

But the recent Quayle sorties, despite the rough language, are not the beginning of a crusade–which would fail–to Puritanize American life. Instead, speeches like his accomplish two other things.

First, such talk shores up the Bush Administration’s base among social conservatives. They are not a majority in America, but they constitute a Peoria in which the vice president’s ideas will play to standing-room-only crowds. Solidifying a core constituency is a prudent thing to do for an electorally weak Administration facing a three-way presidential race. In olden times, national politicians could do this type of cheerleading in obscurity, with their most inflammatory words heard only by the special groups they were addressing. But now, because of modern communications, we are constantly eavesdropping on each other’s private political conversations.

Second, Quayle’s theme promises benefits for the Administration’s campaign even among many who do not share his moral fervor but do share a general unease with TV, movies and a popular culture that seems out of control. Often these are the same people now lured, to the Administration’s discomfort, by the siren song of Ross Perot.

Perot, it is becoming clear, is a strange man. He has displayed an authoritarian temperament in his business and public life and in the preemptory ways he proposes to deal with problems ranging from entitlements to the cost of U.S. troops abroad. He is cavalier about constitutionally rooted civil liberties and about institutions with which the Constitution says a President must share power. The different versions he gives of his own life are starting to make Ronald Reagan’s lapses in this area look trivial and benign.

In short, Perot is dangerous. Moreover, his attitudes do not reflect the considered views of the electorate: Americans of all kinds remain massively attached to the basic features of the American system. Yet Perot maintains his political strength because he has succeeded in presenting himself as the ultimate outsider to a citizenry that has been brought to mistrust all insiders.

We know today’s citizens are increasingly alienated from their government and public officials. Many Americans have come to see today’s politics and government as one vast sinkhole of incompetence and corruption. Even with the large problems our nation faces, this despair is out of proportion.

There is more than one reason for this mistrust, which has been building for a quarter-century. But the “cultural elite” cannot deny having had a hand in shaping it. If popular culture has shaken tradition regarding sexual morality, parts of the elite have also mounted a challenge in the arena of conventional politics.

To take the largest example, the national press, since Watergate, has given news consumers an unending stream of political scandal. Yet national politics is, by most measures, far cleaner than it was 25 years ago. But there is no way that newspaper readers and TV viewers absorbing this reportage can escape thinking that today’s politicians are incorrigibly dirty.

The view we get from movies that deal with politics is even darker, ranging from simple corruption to grand conspiracies to steal the presidency from the American people. “The “faculty lounges” that Quayle cited are, like the sitcoms, a mixed bag, but some major university campuses have been seedbeds for critiques of the profound structural racism, sexism and imperialism said to infest our conventional social and political institutions.

Those who have purveyed this radical political disaffection may have hoped it would lead to a more just America. Instead, what they begot was Perot, and they should recognize him as their child.

By pounding away at the theme of the cultural elite vs. America’s traditional values, Quayle is asserting that the Administration should be seen not as a bunch of political insiders but as the champion of all those cultural outsiders who feel denigrated and ignored by the media and popular culture. In other words, he argued that voters should exempt him and President George Bush from the “insider” curse of 1992.

More important, in appealing to traditional values, Quayle took the quickest and most powerful route to generally delegitimizing what have been called the “chattering classes” and casting grave doubt on whatever comes out of their collective mouths. Once people are reminded of how little they trust the “cultural elite,” they can be persuaded to exercise this mistrust in other areas. If members of the elite are insensitive to issues of family values, there is no reason to think them trustworthy on general politics. If they say American politics stinks, they should not be believed any more than they should be trusted on the issue of sex.

But if American politics does not stink in the way Hollywood says it does, then Perot should not get credit for being the outsider who champions the people against the Establishment. To the contrary: Perot can be portrayed as a creature of the cultural elite and its cynical view of American political life. His contempt for other politicians and his insistence on his unique ability to save us are perhaps messages not from the majority of Americans, but from an elitist fringe. Quayle has actually started in on this idea, chiding Perot for not showing sufficient respect for the Constitution.

If this strategy works, the “family values” issue will have tapped into some of the same anti-Establishment voter anger to which Perot appeals and will shake Perot loose from his position as the embodiment of average people’s sentiments. Even for those who do not like some of Quayle’s recent speeches, this is probably a good trade.

The magistrate ruled that apprehended migrants may not have been aware they were crossing into a military zone.

A United States judge in the southwestern state of New Mexico has dismissed trespassing charges against dozens of migrants apprehended in a military zone recently created under President Donald Trump.

The military zone is one of two so far that the Trump administration has created along the US-Mexico border, in order to deter undocumented migration into the country.

Entering a military zone can result in heightened criminal penalties. As many as 400 cases have since been filed in Las Cruces, New Mexico, alleging security violations and crimes like trespassing on restricted military property.

But starting late on Wednesday and continuing into Thursday, Chief US Magistrate Judge Gregory Wormuth began issuing dismissals at the request of the federal public defender’s office in Las Cruces.

Wormuth ruled that the government had failed to demonstrate that the migrants knew they were entering a military zone.

“The criminal complaint fails to establish probable cause to believe the defendant knew he/she was entering” the military zone, Wormuth wrote in his orders dismissing charges.

The ruling is the latest legal setback for the Trump administration, as it seeks to impose stricter restrictions and penalties for undocumented immigration. But the president’s broad use of executive power has drawn the ire of civil liberties groups, who argue that Trump is trampling constitutional safeguards.

Establishing new military zones has been part of Trump’s strategy to reduce the flow of migration into the US.

Normally, the crime of “improper entry by an alien” carries fines or a prison sentence of up to six months. But trespassing on a military zone comes with steeper penalties than a typical border crossing, and Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth has warned of a possible combined sentence of up to 10 years.

“You can be detained. You will be detained,” Hegseth warned migrants. “You will be interdicted by US troops and border patrol working together.”

On April 18, the first military zone was unveiled, called the  “New Mexico National Defence Area”. It covered a stretch of about 274 kilometres — or 180 miles — along the border with Mexico, extending into land formerly held by the Department of the Interior.

Hegseth has said he would like to see more military zones set up along the border, and in early May, a second one was announced near El Paso, Texas. That strip was approximately 101km or 63 miles.

“Let me be clear: if you cross into the National Defense Area, you will be charged to the FULLEST extent of the law,” Hegseth wrote in a social media post.

Hegseth has previously stated that the military will continue to expand such zones until they have achieved “100 percent operational control” of the border.

Trump and his allies have frequently compared undocumented immigration to an “invasion”, and they have used that justification to invoke wartime laws like the Alien Enemies Act of 1798.

In a court brief on behalf of the Trump administration, US Attorney Ryan Ellison argued that the new military zones were a vital bulwark for national security. He also rejected the idea that innocent people might be caught in those areas.

“The New Mexico National Defense Area is a crucial installation necessary to strengthen the authority of servicemembers to help secure our borders and safeguard the country,” Ellison said.

He noted that the government had put up “restricted area” signs along the border. But the public defender’s office in New Mexico argued that the government had not done enough to make it sufficiently clear to migrants in the area that they were entering a military zone.

In the US, the public defenders noted that trespassing requires that the migrants were aware of the restriction and acted “in defiance of that regulation for some nefarious or bad purpose”.

Despite this week’s dismissals, the migrants involved still face less severe charges of crossing the border illegally.