August

RAIL commuters have been warned of disruption to services over the bank holiday weekend.

With strike action set to take place, a number of services will be effected on Sunday and Monday.

Travel chaos is expected at East Midlands Railway (EMR) this weekend as members of the Rail, Maritime and Transport union (RMT) are set to walk out in a dispute over safety.

EMR has confirmed plans for a “significantly reduced” timetable for services to and from London on both days.

It has advised passengers to check details before embarking on their journeys and to only travel if absolutely essential this bank holiday weekend.

This Sunday (August 30) will see even further disruption, with no LNER trains running between London King’s Cross and Peterborough as digital signalling upgrades are carried out by Network Rail.

STRIKE OUT

Major travel warning as nationwide strike to hit top holiday destination

TAKING OFF

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EMR services to and from London St Pancras are expected to be extremely busy on Sunday, with the increase in demand coinciding with the reduced services.

Meanwhile, Sheffield station and Nottingham station will be very busy, with queues to board services set to be in place.

The strike action comes as the RMT continues to voice concerns about safety issues on some trains.

EMR said it is holding “constructive discussions” with the RMT, meeting with the union six times as it works towards resolving the issues.

Philippa Cresswell, customer experience director at EMR, said the company recognise “how frustrating this disruption will be for customers”.

“We are very sorry for the impact this will have on August bank holiday plans,” she said.

“We strongly advise customers to only travel to or from London if their journey is essential on Sunday, August 30 and Monday, August 31, and to check their full journey, including first and last trains, before setting out.”

Meanwhile, the RMT said its members have been instructed to refuse to work a Class 810 train if a list of specified faults continue, including lack of air-con, door faults, and non-working toilets.

The union’s general secretary Eddie Dempsey said it would ensure representatives will be permanently involved in discussions with both EMR and manufacturers Hitachi to try to improve the situation.

“RMT is demanding that whilst these faults exist and until these trains are shown to be operating properly, they should be taken out of service,” he said.

“It is now time for EMR management to act on the safety concerns of our members.”

A spate of ‘extreme weather’ in Ibiza has left many locals and tourists experiencing heavy rainfall, flooding and strong winds – and some are now worried about their flights home

A mum who booked a trip to Ibiza is having regrets after a spate of “extreme weather” has left her worried her “flight may be delayed”. Ibiza is widely regarded as the party capital of the world, with images of vibrant clubs packed with keen revellers moving to beats spun by world famous DJs most often coming to mind when hearing its name.

But that’s not all it’s known for – its pristine, serene beaches offer a breathtaking retreat for those craving a spot of relaxation; hikers are spoiled for choice with rugged yet scenic cliffs, coastal paths, pine forests and other dramatic areas; while the UNESCO-listed walled old town of Dalt Vila is a haven for history lovers; with plenty more on offer too.

It’s no surprise then that the destination is a top choice for a wide range of holidays, with its usually hot summers and mild, gentle winters making it a decent getaway destination all year round.

This August, however, is a different story entirely. A sudden change in sea levels has led to flooding, heavy rainfall and strong winds.

There’s been reports of locals and tourists alike bolting from Platja de s’Arenal beach, which can be found in the town of Sant Antoni de Portmany, while an event planned to honour the music of a Spanish rock band was cancelled by San Antonio Town Hall “for security reasons”, after the stage was surrounded by sea water.

The flooding followed previous warnings from weather chiefs on the threat of ‘mini tsunamis’ – or rissagas, as they’re known locally – due to hit parts of the Balearic Islands at the beginning of the week.

Majorca Daily Bulletin reported: “Mallorca experienced two minor ‘rissagas’, also known as meteotsunamis, in the ports of Andratx and Soller on Monday, as the Balearic Islands remained under watch for sudden sea level changes.”

How have holidaymakers fared?

Many visitors to Ibiza have shared their experiences of the “extreme weather” online. One mum captured footage of the pool area around her hotel, with winds whipping the palm trees and the cushions strapped to the sun loungers, and shared it to TikTok.

In text written over the top of the clip, the mum penned: “Go to Ibiza in August they said!!!” while in the caption, she added: “Think our flight may be delayed!”

In the comments section, fellow TikTok users were keen to share their thoughts. One person said: “I went in August and it was so sunny and hot 33 degrees.”

Another shared: “Mate last year we were caught in the worst storm’s Ibiza’s had in decades.”

A third said: “We are doing 12 hours in Ibiza with no hotel THIS SATURDAY.”

To which, the mum replied: “Saturday will be beautiful I’m sure! Don’t worry, it’s very rarely like this!”

But someone else said: “Everyone knows around this time of year there is a chance for extreme weather.”

And another agreed: “It rains every year by this time so it’s nothing new and won’t stop anything either.”

Another Ibiza-holidaymaker shared a light-hearted clip mocking herself after sharing envious clips of her getaway before being “humbled” by the torrential downpour.

In the caption, she explained: “Yesterday: ‘Basically, I’m in Ibiza… and you’re not.’

“Today: Ibiza humbled me. We held out under that umbrella for FAR longer than was sensible before admitting defeat!”

The Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group (CSG) is heading home, finally. After nine months that surely felt longer for the crew and their families and friends waiting at home, the CSG left the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR) over the weekend, formally ending a 200-plus-day combat deployment to the Middle East. The supercarrier was most recently transiting eastbound in the Indian Ocean, once again operating under U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). The flattop will reportedly make a port call in Thailand, according to a just-released report from USA Today – the first and only liberty port call since deploying late last year – before continuing on to Naval Base San Diego. In Lincoln’s stead, USS George Washington has taken up station in the Arabian Sea, as the Navy maintains dual-carrier coverage in theater to support the ongoing blockade of Iran.

This is TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSG) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARG), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

The Lincoln CSG has been deployed for 277 days, as of publication, in what will shake out to be one of the longest deployments in the modern carrier era. The CSG served as the tip of the spear during Operation Epic Fury, pressuring Iran’s southern axis from the northern Arabian Sea, and was instrumental in enforcing the two rounds of blockades that followed. Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 9 launched more than 10,000 sorties and dropped over 1.5 million pounds of ordnance in support of both operations, according to a statement from the acting Secretary of the Navy.

For the vast majority of Sailors and Marines aboard the Lincoln, the last time they stepped on solid ground was in November 2025 when the flattop deployed. The carrier has pulled into two ports since departing last year, but they have been characterized as brief “pit stops,” and were not “liberty” calls, where the crew has the opportunity to disembark and disengage. The first, in December 2025, was publicized on DVIDS when Lincoln spent a day in Guam; the second, lesser known and reported, took place in early July at a friendly port in the Middle East that TWZ will not identify for operational security purposes. During the latter stop, CNN reporter Pamela Brown embarked for the first media embed of the war, right around the time that Lincoln was set to break the record for the most consecutive days at sea without a port call, which TWZ was among the first to report. It’s still unclear if the record was broken, or if the flattop pulled into port a few days before.

Lincoln is scheduled to enter a Drydocking Planned Incremental Availability (DPIA) after returning home, according to budget documents reviewed by TWZ, and when she will return to service is unclear, as lengthy deployments tend to extend maintenance periods. You can read our recent deep-dive on the status of the four carriers undergoing availabilities, and the broader strain on the carrier fleet, here.

USS George Washington has assumed Lincoln’s watch in CENTCOM, joining USS George H.W. Bush to “support maritime security and stability in the Middle East” as the conflict with Iran approaches the half-year mark, without a negotiated deal in sight. Washington is America’s only forward-deployed flattop, homeported in Yokosuka, Japan, and was conducting a routine patrol in the Western Pacific before transiting the Malacca Strait and steaming toward CENTCOM to relieve Lincoln. Prior to deploying, Washington completed a pierside Planned Incremental Availability (PIA) in Japan “to service critical systems and conduct repairs,” the Assistant Public Affairs Officer (PAO) told TWZ earlier this year.

Washington achieved a significant aviation milestone just before entering the CENTCOM AOR, surpassing 200,000 fixed-wing traps. “Two hundred thousand traps is not just a number, it is a testament to the enduring strength of American naval aviation and the unmatching professionalism of the Sailors who make it possible,” the commander of CSG 5, Rear Adm. Jeffrey L. Heames, said. “This milestone reminds the world that U.S. carriers remain ready to launch and recover aircraft anywhere, anytime, in defense of freedom and our allies,” he added. Washington, which has been in active service for 34 years, is “capable of landing one aircraft on deck per minute, and typically lands 70 aircraft across several events throughout the day,” according to a statement released by the PAO.

TWZ reached out to Washington’s PAO to confirm the composition of the carrier’s air wing. Here’s the current accounting:

Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 5

• Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 147 “Argonauts” – F-35C Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter (Navy-operated)
• Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 102 “Diamondbacks” – FA-18F Super Hornets
• Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 27 “Royal Maces” – FA-18E Super Hornets
• Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 195 “Dambusters” – FA-18E Super Hornets
• Electronic Attack Squadron (VAQ) 141 “Shadowhawks” – EA-18G Growlers
• Airborne Command and Control Squadron (VAW) 125 “Tigertails” – E-2D Hawkeyes
• Helicopter Sea Combat Squadron (HSC) 12 “Golden Falcons” – MH-60S Seahawks
• Helicopter Maritime Strike Squadron (HSM) 77 “Saberhawks” – MH-60R Seahawks
• Fleet Logistics Multi-Mission Squadron (VRM) 30 Det. 5 “Titans” – CMV-22B Ospreys

Like Lincoln, Washington embarks a single squadron of F-35C Joint Strike Fighters, as well as three squadrons of F/A-18E/F Super Hornets. However, Washington’s F-35C squadron is operated by the Navy, while Lincoln’s is flown by the Marine Corps. The Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAMD) commander for CSG-5 is classified.

The second carrier underway in the CENTCOM AOR, USS George H.W. Bush, has been deployed for more than four months and is operating at an undisclosed location in the Arabian Sea. The ship was spotted on DVIDS, the military’s content-sharing platform, conducting daytime and nighttime flight ops over the past two weeks.

In the continental United States, two carriers are currently underway and working up off the east and west coast. USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, homeported at Naval Station Norfolk, got underway on August 21 and is operating 35 nautical miles off the coast with her AIS transponder on. USS Carl Vinson departed San Diego on August 10 and is conducting Tailored Ship’s Training Availability (TSTA) and Final Evaluation Period (FEP). The next carrier scheduled to deploy, USS Theodore Roosevelt, is still pierside in San Diego, based on commercial satellite imagery.

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed (with one heading home), one is preparing to deploy in the near term, two are working up in various states of readiness, four are currently in maintenance, and one is being used primarily for training before deactivation next year. One amphibious ready group is deployed, one is forward-deployed, four are working up or in port, and three are in maintenance.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@recurrent.io

If you’re planning a late summer getaway, make sure you take steps to protect your luggage.

Summer is drawing to a close, and lots of people are on the hunt for some last of the season sunshine. However, if you’re one of them, there is one holiday location that experts are warning tourists to be careful of over the next month.

If you have a holiday planned to Madrid in Spain, or are travelling through the airport to get to another location, you should be prepared for a hold up with your checked bags.

Maintenance workers who are responsible for Madrid-Barajas Airport’s baggage handling system are undertaking strike action throughout the rest of August and into September.

The dispute involves workers maintaining the SATE system, which helps transport and sort checked baggage through the airport.

On August 23rd, 28th and 30th, a minimum service level of 50% has been ordered, so luggage won’t stop being processed entirely, however, if you have planned travel on those days, it would be wise to expect delays.

The strikes are expected to continue every Thursday, Friday and Sunday until at least the end of September.

Andrea Platania, travel expert at Transfeero, says passengers should not assume that clearing check-in and boarding successfully confirms their suitcase has reached the aircraft.

He said: “This is a baggage-system maintenance strike, so the disruption may be less visible than a walkout involving check-in or security staff.

“A passenger could receive a boarding pass, clear security and watch their flight leave on time while their suitcase remains behind. The first sign of a problem may come after landing, when the baggage carousel stops and their bag has not appeared.”

As a good rule of thumb, anything you cannot afford to lose should go in your cabin bag, and board the plane with you. This includes medications, travel documents, house keys and basic necessities.

Andrea said: “Pack your hand luggage as though your checked bag could arrive one day later than you.

“This does not mean trying to carry your entire suitcase into the cabin. It means protecting the small number of items that would create an immediate problem if they disappeared. Medication, keys and documents are far harder to replace than ordinary clothing.”

It’s also a good idea to keep in mind that if your cabin bag is too large, it can be placed in with the checked luggage at the gate.

If this happens, take a few minutes to remove all your essentials from the bag and carry them on to the plane with you to ensure they are not lost if your bag is delayed or missing when you land.

Relief is on the way for the Sailors and Marines aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln, who have endured grueling conditions amid round-the-clock operations without any liberty port calls since deploying last year in November. The George Washington CSG entered the Singapore Strait as the sun was rising on August 13, reportedly en route to the Middle East to replace the Lincoln, which will cross the nine-month deployed mark this week, according to a report from The Wall Street Journal. “The USS Abraham Lincoln crushed their deployment and will return home soon as part of a planned rotation,” the acting Secretary of the Navy, Hung Cao, said in a statement on Friday. However, the move means the U.S. currently has no carrier presence in Asia to deter the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK).

This is TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSG) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARG), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

The three-ship strike group, led by flagship USS George Washington, transited the Malacca Strait northbound before entering the Andaman Sea the following day and continued steaming west, most recently operating at an undisclosed location in the Indian Ocean. The transit to the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility (AOR), which covers over four million square miles and encompasses 21 countries across the Middle East and South Asia, can take days or weeks depending on the flattop’s speed, route, and whether any stops are made along the way. The CSG could arrive as soon as this week, but the actual arrival date is unclear.

TWZ reached out to George Washington’s Public Affairs Officer (PAO), U.S. Pacific Command PAO, and Pentagon Press Operations to confirm the WSJ’s reporting, but was told, “We have nothing to provide due to operations security.” An unidentified Navy official subsequently confirmed the move to Stars and Stripes, and a separate U.S. official told CNN the same.

Washington’s repositioning, which was not publicly disclosed prior to the strait transit, leaves Adm. Samuel Paparo, the commander of U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM), with no carrier coverage in theater to deter or counter potential PRC or DPRK aggression. Carrier gaps in the Pacific were rare up until 2024, which marked the first time in decades that the U.S. had no flattops in Asia, highlighting the continued strain on the U.S. carrier fleet. Paparo has previously remarked on munition constraints given conflicts in other regions, saying, “inherently, it imposes costs on the readiness of America to respond in the Indo-Pacific region… it is now eating into [our] stocks, and to say otherwise would be dishonest.” Should a contingency arise unexpectedly in Asia, the closest deployed U.S. carrier group available will be in a different part of the world.

Moving to the Middle East, USS Abraham Lincoln and USS George H.W. Bush are still operating in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility (AOR) as of publication. The 60-day window initially agreed upon in the memorandum of understanding to negotiate an agreement to end hostilities expired today, with neither side indicating any interest in extending; in fact, both sides appear farther apart now than when the ink dried two months ago. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, in a Telegram post over the weekend, said, “We have not yet made a decision to restart negotiations with the United States.” U.S. President Trump told Fox News on Monday, “I have no time schedule. I’m not in a hurry,” and posted on Truth Social that “the number one Goal is, and always will be, that Iran cannot have, in any way, shape, or form, a Nuclear Weapon,” but did not mention the exploding deadline directly.

Both carriers have been involved in enforcing the “steel wall,” but the current composition of the blockading force is fluid. Lincoln, which has flown more than 10,000 sorties and dropped over 1.5 million pounds of ordnance, was spotted on DVIDS, the U.S. military’s content-sharing platform, alongside fast combat support ship USNS Arctic and dry cargo ship USNS Alan Shepard in what appears to be a much-needed resupply. CENTCOM forces have turned 64 commercial vessels around, disabled three using kinetic effects, and boarded another two to ensure compliance, based on the latest update published on August 17.

Back home, USS Carl Vinson was spotted leaving San Diego on August 10 by popular ship-spotting account @Warshipcam. Vinson’s current mission set is not publicly available, but she has been working up in preparation for a future deployment. USS Theodore Roosevelt, on deck to deploy next from the West Coast, is still pierside in San Diego, based on satellite imagery reviewed by TWZ. Her deployment date is classified, but with no carriers in PACOM and the blockade still on in CENTCOM, it will likely be sooner rather than later. Roosevelt could head to Asia or the Middle East (or both).

America’s next, newest aircraft carrier, Pre-Commissioning Unit (PCU) John F. Kennedy, returned to Newport News, Virginia, after successfully completing acceptance sea trials on August 15. The second Ford class carrier, which is expected to be delivered in spring of 2027, spent four days underway off the east coast to test and evaluate key systems and core components. In February, Kennedy completed builder’s sea trials, and the next step is preliminary acceptance for further evaluation by the Navy. The future JFK is currently 98 percent complete, according to a press release from the Portfolio Acquisition Executive (PAE) for Maritime, the single organization accountable for delivering surface ships to the service.

“Over the last few days, the crew of the future USS John F. Kennedy performed incredibly well and have demonstrated that they are ready to put this ship to work for the Navy,” said Capt. Mark Johnson, Program Manager for Aircraft Carrier New Construction at PAE. “This milestone is a testament to the shared commitment of our sailors and our Navy-industry team, who remain dedicated to completing the final stages of construction with precision and efficiency.”

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed, three are working up or at homeport in various states of readiness, four are in maintenance, and one is being used for training. One amphibious ready group is deployed, five are training or in port, and three are in maintenance availabilities.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@teamrecurrent.io

If you’re travelling as a family or group, a little-known hack can be useful for those who pack a lot, and most airlines allow it as long as you follow certain restrictions that they set

Every group of travellers inevitably has one person who is filled with dread when they put their suitcase on the baggage scales. It might be the person who is super organised and taking the essentials everyone needs, or just a holidaymaker who loves to have multiple outfit options per day.

If you’re travelling as a couple, family, or group, then ‘bag pooling’ can be a handy hack to know, and many passengers haven’t heard of it. When you book checked luggage with airlines such as Ryanair, Jet2 and easyJet, you can choose a weight allowance, usually 15, 20, or 23Kkg, and if you book more than one suitcase, the allowance can be shared between them and doesn’t have to be equally divided.

For example, if as a couple you book two 23kg bags, that gives you a 46kg allowance, which can be distributed as you please. One of you could take 15kg and the other 30kg. But airlines do have an upper limit, due to restrictions on the maximum weight that baggage handlers can deal with. Here’s what some of the UK’s most popular airlines say about bag pooling and their specific rules around it.

EasyJet

Bag pooling is allowed on easyJet flights, and the airline clarifies: “If you’re travelling with family or friends on the same flight and booking, you can pool your total weight allowance.

“This means the total weight allowance can be split among the total number of bags booked, as long as no single item weighs more than 32kg. Maximum total size (length + width + height) = under 275cm. Please note that you cannot pool weight between hold bags and sports equipment.”

Ryanair

One of Ryanair’s FAQs asks: “Is bag pooling allowed?” to which the airline replied: “Yes. Bag pooling is allowed between passengers with check-in bags on the same flight reservation. This means that checked baggage allowances can be shared across passengers on the booking. For example, if you have 2 20kg Check-in Bags (40kg total) on your booking, one of those bags could weigh 15kg while the other weighs 25kg. However, no bag can weigh more than 32kg.”

TUI

TUI has clarified its rules around bag pooling on its website, however, passengers who’ve booked a TUI package holiday should double check which airline they’ll be flying with, as they sometimes use airlines such as Ryanair or easyJet. You’ll need to follow airline specific guidance.

On its official FAQs page, asking “Can I pool our luggage allowance?”, TUI states: “If you’re travelling with TUI Airways, you’re allowed to pool your luggage allowance with anyone else travelling on your booking. However, each bag can only weigh up to 25kg.

“If you’re unsure of your luggage allowance, then you can find this on your booking confirmation or by logging into Manage my booking. If you’re flying with any other airline, you’ll need to contact them directly.”

Jet2

Jet2 representatives took to social media after a passenger asked about bag pooling: “If one person is over does all the weight pool together or does everyone individual need to be 22kg?”, they queried, going on to explain that they had a group booking for 10 passengers, each with 22kg of checked luggage included in their booking.

A Jet2 spokesperson advised: “Yes you are able to pool your luggage providing you do not go over your overall weight limit and no one bag weighs more than 32kg.” The customer then followed up to ask: “So one person won’t be charged if their case is overweight slightly and the rest are under?”, to which Jet2 replied: “That’s correct. If one bag is slightly over, but others are under, you will still have room within your overall allowance and will not be charged.”

Have a story you want to share? Email us at webtravel@reachplc.com

It is the only Spanish airport on the official new list – issues could regularly last for two hours or more

Brits jetting off to a Spanish holiday hotspot in August should pay attention to a new official airport update. Spanish media reports say that Palma Airport will be operating beyond its capacity for 18 days throughout August, according to an official analysis – for more than two hours on 10 occasions.

It has been reported that the airport in Mallorca is the only Spanish airport featured on a list of airports where Eurocontrol – the central organisation for coordination and planning of air traffic control for all of Europe – has identified mismatches between predicted demand and available capacity during August and September.

The list also features several Greek airports – Athens, Corfu, Heraklion, Kos, and Chania – alongside Istanbul’s Sabiha Gökçen and London’s Gatwick. As a result, Palma Airport faces an extremely busy August, Spanish media reports claim. According to Eurocontrol forecasts, it will surpass its operational capacity on 18 days, more than half the month.

On 10 of those occasions, the excess demand will stretch beyond two consecutive hours, while on the remaining eight, it will be concentrated within two-hour windows, Eurocontrol says. The capacity for Palma is set to stand at roughly 74 movements per hour, comprising approximately 33 arrivals and 40 departures, the agency says. During particular time slots, the anticipated flight demand will outstrip the number of operations the system can accommodate, says Eurocontrol.

Eurocontrol says the forecasts do not mean airports will be overwhelmed. Yet they say their analysis aims to identify periods when high concentration of flights may require measures to regulate traffic flow.

El Diario reports that the European agency projects that demand will also surpass the airport’s capacity at least eight times between September 1 and 27, with three instances stretching beyond two consecutive hours and five lasting two hours. Yet airport operator Aena has told media in the country that under no circumstances has Palma Airport been operated “beyond its declared capacity”. They say that if demand ever exceeds the established airspace capacity due to an unforeseen event, such as storms or regulatory measures, not all operations are permitted to take place simultaneously.

In such cases, they say air traffic control regulates the flow of flights through various traffic management and sequencing measures. Sources at the airport have also told Spanish media that a major overhaul there has resulted in a larger security checkpoint featuring hand luggage screening machines that do away with the need to remove liquids and electronic devices, as well as “more efficient routes throughout all areas, including the one dedicated to inter-island passengers”.

Eurocontrol said in its assessment of Europe-wide air traffic: “July 2026 set new records for air traffic. The EUROCONTROL area recorded its highest ever monthly traffic, with over 1.13 million flights and a peak of 37,659 flights on Friday 24 July. Worldwide, commercial aviation also reached an all-time high of 153,359 flights on 23 July.

“On average, capacity among the busiest 10 carriers remained stable compared to the previous week.” The update comes as tourists heading to Spain and other EU nations face the prospect of lengthy queues this summer at airports. The EU rolled out its Entry/Exit System (EES) in April, which requires passengers from the UK and other non-EU countries to register their fingerprints, photograph and personal details upon their first arrival. This has resulted in lengthy hold-ups for countless passengers.

EES delays lead to big increase in waiting times at EU airports

The Financial Times reported this month that peak waiting times at two major European airports – Munich and Frankfurt – have doubled this summer compared with the same period last year, following the EU’s chaotic rollout of its new electronic border system. Mallorca is amongst the many airports where significant delays have been reported on multiple occasions throughout the year..

Ryanair chief executive Michael O’Leary said the system should be moved online. “Only the Europeans would invent s*** like this,” he told investors last month, adding that the airline had witnessed substantial queues at around 15 airports.

The scorching temperatures are also heaping further pressure on the airport, according to the Majorca Daily Bulletin. The publication reported that Palma Airport workers are once again demanding the immediate reopening of the airport canteen.

Staff say the facility is essential as somewhere they can eat and take refuge from the sweltering summer heat. The Balearic Government has urged airport operator Aena to reopen the venue as swiftly as possible.

Reports suggest that officials believe Aena is currently working to adapt the premises with the aim of getting the canteen back up and running in the near future.

European shares have started August 2026 in almost the opposite way to what their seasonal reputation would suggest.

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The EURO STOXX 50 and DAX are hovering near record highs, while the CAC 40 remains close to its peak. Yet August has historically been one of Europe’s weakest months.

That contradiction raises a more interesting question than whether investors should simply “sell in August”.

The data suggests August is not consistently a bad month. Instead, its poor reputation has been shaped by a small number of extraordinary market shocks.

European markets are defy ‘August curse’

European shares have started August 2026 in almost the opposite way to what their seasonal reputation would suggest.

The EURO STOXX 50 and DAX are hovering near record highs, while the CAC 40 remains close to its peak. Yet August has historically been one of Europe’s weakest months.

That contradiction raises a more interesting question than whether investors should simply “sell in August”.

The data suggests August is not consistently a bad month. Instead, its poor reputation has been shaped by a small number of extraordinary market shocks.

Germany’s DAX, which tracks the 40 largest companies on the Frankfurt exchange, tells the same story going back to 1970.

August has averaged a loss of 1.03%. September has averaged a loss of 1.64%.

France’s CAC 40, which tracks the 40 biggest companies in Paris, has data going back to 1988. August has averaged a loss of 1.22%. September has averaged a loss of 1.38%.

Three different countries, three different stretches of history — and exactly the same ranking. September worst, August second.

Yet August 2026 has looked nothing like that.

On 11 August, the EURO STOXX 50 closed at an all-time high above 6,560 points, up roughly 13% since the start of the year. The DAX moved above 26,450 for the first time, while the CAC 40 finished around 8,740 points.

So who is right — the calendar or the market?

The short answer: the calendar has a much weaker case than it appears.

The average August is not the typical August

An average is only useful when the numbers around it are relatively similar.

Picture five people walking into a room. Four earn €30,000 a year, one earns €1 million. The average income in that room suddenly looks far higher than what most people actually take home.

August equity returns have a similar problem. A handful of extreme crashes drag the long-term average sharply lower.

That is where the median becomes useful. It is simply the middle observation once every August return is ranked from worst to best, so half the years sit below it and half above — a better guide to what a typical August actually looks like.

For the EURO STOXX 50, the median August return is -0.19%, a very different picture from the -1.42% average. The typical August has been close to flat.

Five Augusts explain the damage

Most of the damage comes from five extraordinary episodes.

In August 1998, the EURO STOXX index fell 14.44% as Russia defaulted on domestic debt and devalued the rouble.

In August 1990, it dropped 13.82% after Iraq invaded Kuwait. August 2011 brought a 13.79% fall as the eurozone debt crisis intensified around Italy and Spain. In August 1997, the index lost 9.99% as the Asian financial crisis spread across the region, and in August 2015 it fell 9.19% when China devalued the yuan.

These were not ordinary corrections. They were global shocks that happened to land in August.

Strip out those five years and the EURO STOXX 50’s average August return flips from -1.42% to +0.17%. Five years out of 39 turn a seemingly weak month into a slightly positive one.

Why can August amplify a shock?

The explanation may have less to do with the month itself than with how markets function during the summer.

Europe effectively goes on holiday in August. Trading desks thin out and fewer investors are actively setting prices. That does not cause a sell-off on its own, but it can make markets more sensitive once one begins.

There are also fewer scheduled monetary-policy decisions. The European Central Bank’s latest meeting was in July, with its next scheduled decision not due until September.

The US Federal Reserve follows a similar summer gap, leaving markets with fewer major policy events to anchor expectations at precisely the moment liquidity is thinnest.

Then there is Jackson Hole. The Federal Reserve’s annual conference in Wyoming, held later in August, can become a major market event in its own right, particularly when investors are hunting for clues on interest rates.

This year’s gathering carries extra weight: it is Kevin Warsh’s first Jackson Hole address as Fed chair.

August therefore combines three potentially volatile ingredients: thinner liquidity, fewer scheduled policy events, and the possibility of a significant central bank signal arriving late in the month.

What makes August 2026 different?

The historical pattern is only useful if investors understand what has changed.

European equities entered August at or near record highs, underpinned by strong earnings expectations. Reuters reported that analysts had raised expectations for second-quarter earnings growth across the STOXX 600 to almost 21%, up from 12.5% in May — giving markets a fundamentally stronger backdrop than the historical average would suggest.

But there is another side to the ledger. The Middle East energy shock remains a risk for Europe: higher energy prices could push inflation back up while squeezing consumers and corporate margins at the same time.

Eurozone inflation eased to 2.8% in June, down from 3.2% in May, though a fresh energy shock could complicate the path back to the European Central Bank’s 2% target.

That leaves an unusual setup heading into the rest of the month.

So should investors fear August?

The historical record does not say European stocks must fall this month. In fact, the EURO STOXX 50 and DAX have both finished August higher almost half the time.

What history does show is more subtle: August is not necessarily Europe’s seasonal crash month. It is a month in which rare shocks have historically produced unusually large losses. That distinction matters in 2026.

Investors do not need to predict whether August will end higher or lower. The more useful question is whether markets, having just reached record highs, are sufficiently prepared for an unexpected shock arriving while liquidity is thin.

That is what the August pattern is really warning about — not a calendar effect, but a vulnerability.

South Korea saw a record hot summer this year with the nationwide average temperature, excluding Jeju Island, coming to 29.1 C in the first 10 days of August, the highest on record, the state weather service said Tuesday.

The reading is on par with the 10-day average of August 2018, making it the hottest first 10-day period of August in 53 years since 1973, when the weather observation network was expanded nationwide, according to the Korea Meteorological Administration (KMA).

The average daily maximum temperature in the first 10 days of this month was 34.4 C, the second highest after 34.7 C recorded in 2018, the KMA said.

The average daily minimum temperature, which is an indicator of night heat, was 24.8 C for the same period, the third highest on record following 25 C in 2022 and 24.9 C in 2018.

The highest temperature recorded during the 10-day period was 42.5 C observed in the southeastern city of Yangsan at 1:26 p.m. on Aug. 2. It was also the highest temperature recorded in the country since 1904, when modern meteorological observations began, according to the KMA.

In total, the daily maximum temperature exceeded 40 C at 32 locations nationwide in the first 10 days of this month, the KMA noted.

Copyright (c) Yonhap News Agency prohibits its content from being redistributed or reprinted without consent, and forbids the content from being learned and used by artificial intelligence systems.

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSG) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARG), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

USS George Washington dropped anchor off the coast of Da Nang, Vietnam, on July 30, beginning a five-day port call. The carrier entered the South China Sea the prior week and conducted operations southwest of Luzon, Philippines, from July 24 to 28. This marks the fourth time a U.S. aircraft carrier has visited the country since normalizing relations in 1995 and the first time since 2023. The crew aboard George Washington welcomed the local community, hosting public tours and participating in local events. Guided-missile cruiser USS Robert Smalls and destroyer USS Shoup also arrived alongside the flattop.

“While our ship represents the high-end capabilities of the U.S. Navy, our visit here to Vietnam supports a U.S.-Vietnam relationship that continues to grow stronger across an increasingly broad range of subjects, reflecting our shared interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific,” the commanding officer of George Washington, Capt. Nicholas DeLeo, said. “Our Sailors are excited to step ashore, learn about Vietnam’s rich culture, and work side-by-side with the community here in Da Nang. It is through these personal connections that we build the trust necessary for a peaceful and prosperous region.”

The Theodore Roosevelt CSG returned to Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, on July 28, after completing the at-sea phase of exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2026. The large-scale exercise, which successfully concluded on July 31, brought 30 nations, 30,000 personnel, 30 surface ships, five submarines, and nearly 200 aircraft together to execute 2,400 sorties and respond to 5,000 scenario-based operational problem sets.

“No single nation can ensure security in the Pacific alone,” the commander of the RIMPAC Combined Task Force, Vice Adm. Jeff Jablon, said. “The network of allies and partners in the region is an asymmetric advantage. The work participating nations do at RIMPAC builds the combined and joint ability to deter conflict and supports all nations in exercising their sovereign rights and freedoms in the maritime domain.”

USS Theodore Roosevelt departed Pearl Harbor over the weekend and will head back to San Diego before deploying, likely to replace the Abraham Lincoln CSG in the Middle East, depending on how negotiations with Iran play out in the near term. Less than two weeks remain on the 60-day timetable initially agreed upon in the Memorandum of Understanding signed by both countries on June 17.

In the Middle East, U.S. forces, led by USS Abraham Lincoln and USS George H.W. Bush, “continue to strictly enforce the U.S. blockade against Iran,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) posted on X this morning. To date, CENTCOM has redirected 44 commercial vessels, disabled two by force, and boarded another two to ensure compliance. The pace of redirections is ramping up, with more vessels turned around in the past week (27) than in the first two combined (17). In audio released with the update, dock landing ship USS Comstock, part of the three-ship Boxer ARG – the only amphibious group in the region – issued a simple warning: “If you do not comply, we will compel compliance with force.”

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed, three are working up or at homeport in various states of readiness, four are in maintenance, and one is being used for training. One amphibious ready group is deployed, five are training or in port, and three are in maintenance availabilities.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@teamrecurrent.io

If your summer could use a little energy boost, forget the complicated smoothie — turn to one of these fresh book releases instead. From fast-paced World War II history to a slow-burn rescue in rural Wyoming, along with an art-world mystery and a punchy look at modern America, you’ll find something to galvanize your bedside book stack. Happy reading!

FICTION:

Appraisals: A Novel
By Claire Boyles
W. W. Norton: 288 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

While Boyles’ debut novel ostensibly follows the fate of an Eastern Colorado family farm, its deeper purpose involves showing how dire water resources are for all agricultural endeavors in the region. Maggie and her husband Fish have inherited their land from her grandparents, but they and their teenage daughter Ozzie all know that without irrigation, even defeating big development plans won’t make much of a difference to locals.

The Seekers of Deer Creek: A Novel
By Thao Thai
Mariner Books: 320 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

Vietnamese American sisters Vivi and Calla are also a curator and an artist. When their father dies and leaves behind a sketch that might be the work of renowned Vietnamese painter K.P. Lý, the siblings embark on a quest to find out whether Lý had connections to their family. Along the way they reexamine their difficult upbringing and find new ways to communicate that matter more than any artwork.

Etna: A Novel
By Paul Yoon
Scribner: 208 pp., $28
(Aug. 4)

Anyone who has seen “The Odyssey” with Matt Damon or is anticipating “Heart of the Beast” with Brad Pitt (about a veteran and his war dog), should pick up Yoon’s remarkable tale of a combat survivor in an alternate present who happens to be a former military dog named Etna. His adventures traversing a broken land of haunted people and animals may be less the stuff of future myth and more about trauma, but Yoon brilliantly creates voices for human and canine that make both more whole.

A Tender Age: A Novel
By Chang-Rae Lee
Riverhead: 368 pp., $30
(Aug. 11)

Jeon-Gi, known as J-G, is a relatively happy 10-year-old in 1976, until a neighbor’s attack on him fuels his own violent ideas. Although he gets a relatively easy sentence after threatening a classmate, J-G’s parents decide to send him to a Christian summer camp. Incidents there that might be sweet nostalgia for other kids only remind him of how different and lonely he feels inside. However, it’s J-G’s adult reason for sharing his experience that hits home.

Sunrise: A Novel
By Téa Obreht
Random House: 368 pp., $29
(Aug. 11)

Many, so so many, historical novels seek to tie a contemporary protagonist to a long-ago event or story; so so many fail to make the connections mean anything. That’s why Obreht’s superb and fascinating new book should earn a place on your 2026 reading list: She not only meaningfully connects the stories of a stranded young woman, an early-20th-century gunslinger, and a historical reenactor, but manages to make them illuminate each other.

NONFICTION:

Triage
By Claudia Rankine
Graywolf: 192 pp., $28
(Aug. 4)

The book’s epigraph says a great deal: “Any attempt to name and describe our lives will always seem unstable because all language is a form of triage.” Rankine’s new attempt at triage focuses on her long friendship with a person identified only as “the theorist.” Anecdotes and analysis are interspersed with photos of all sorts of sofas and couches, calling into question ideas about where and how we find respite and support — or not.

Your Fellow Americans: Dispatches Across the Country We Call Home
By Peter Santenello
Simon & Schuster: 336 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

Santenello has over 4 million subscribers on YouTube, where he posts videos about every kind of place in America — rich and poor, renowned and hidden, busy and abandoned. Love or hate the author’s self-described nonpartisan approach, you’ll find this book surprising, particularly as it reveals how geography, climate and infrastructure affect community and communication. Think Anthony Bourdain crossed with Michael Moore.

Empire of Ashes: Truman, Hirohito, and the Descent into Total War
By James M. Scott
W. W. Norton & Co.: 528 pp., $42
(Aug. 4)

Historian Scott (“Black Snow”) creates a propulsive read about the last days of World War II, in which America’s development of the atomic bomb pushed against Japan’s aggressive majority, with tragic results that many — including the author — believe necessary. The contrast between President Harry S. Truman, who had been in office for a matter of weeks, and Emperor Hirohito, whose military seemed unstoppable, remains shocking.

The People’s Historian: The Outsized Life of Howard Zinn
By Dave Zirin
Dutton: 320 pp., $33
(Aug. 4)

Recently a friend showed me a list of books recommended by a pundit and asked which one to read first. Without hesitation I told her she should pick up “A People’s History of the United States” by Howard Zinn, first published in 1980 and still the most comprehensive remedial tonic to received wisdom I know. Zirin’s lively biography of this activist should remind everyone that history isn’t just about facts and figures but also context and compassion.

The Rise and Fall of the Artificial State
By Jill Lepore
Liveright Publishing Corp.: 336 pp., $30
(Aug. 25)

Hannah Arendt, one of the 20th century’s defining political thinkers, posited that modern life was making “being human superfluous”; her learned successor Lepore warns that our present bears out that idea. One day scholars will teach Lepore’s work alongside Arendt’s, seeing that Lepore interrogates not simply a modern moment, but traces our current machine age back to the 17th-century conceit for artifice as improvement. According to her, the way out is to get back to nature. Meet you in the woods.

“I love to eat street food so much,” said Thaim chef-owner Ruethai Boonlieng. “I go back to Thailand all the time, and I always ask my friends, “Hey, don’t take me to the mall — take me to street food. It’s a true food for my soul, and people make the street food with care.”

Boonlieng’s Thaim is a portmanteau of “Thai” and “I am.” While some of her recipes are traditional — such as her mom’s preparation of Sukhothai pad Thai — others are modern spins, like brightening her sweet-spicy mango salad with fresh dill or turning her childhood favorite, egg tofu, into a deep-fried egg custard.

The chef grew up in Bangkok and learned to cook by watching her mother prepare home meals, then took pastry courses in Thailand as an adult. Boonlieng studied finance but entered the restaurant industry to help an aunt and a friend open a Thai restaurant — then discovered she loved it. She opened multiple restaurants in the Bay Area, then moved to Los Angeles to help open another and never wanted to leave.

As an owner of sweets-focused cafe U Dessert Story, with two locations in the Bay Area, Boonlieng wanted to incorporate some of her signature desserts at Thaim, too. Look for Thai tea panna cotta, matcha lava cakes and more.

Dinorah Figuera was allowed to return from exile thanks to her participation in this initiative. The same happens with some members of the opposition delegation

On August 1, representatives of Venezuela’s two rival legislatures sit down together under Washington’s supervision in the most concrete attempt to negotiate again since the Barbados talks of 2023. 

The talks, framed by Washington as the start of a transition, are driven by the Department of State and pair two delegations of ten. On one side sits the current National Assembly controlled by chavismo, led by its president Jorge Rodríguez. On the other is the Comisión Delegada of the National Assembly elected in 2015 — the last legislature the US and many other countries recognized as democratically legitimate. 

According to Dinorah Figuera, president of the Delegate Commission, the primary objective is laying out the institutional groundwork for a political transition: renovating Venezuela’s key state bodies, establishing a new National Electoral Council (CNE) capable of holding elections with credible guarantees, and extending to the Supreme Tribunal’s electoral and constitutional chambers. Figuera has said she hopes to deliver a transition proposal by December 2026, conveniently timed for the Trump administration to show a foreign-policy success just after the US midterm legislative election in November.

Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez first met on June 18, along with U.S. Chargé d’Affaires John Barrett, hours after Figuera returned to Caracas after years in exile. Those contacts were interrupted by the June 24 earthquakes, seeming as though the political track would freeze indefinitely behind the humanitarian emergency, especially as Delcy Rodríguez said on July 13 that the government had “no head” to think about elections while managing the disaster. 

The roots of Dinorah Figuera, the opposition’s co-chair, lie on the left. She belonged to the labor party La Causa R in the 1990s (then an important force in the rising Venezuelan Left) and served as deputy secretary of the Libertador municipality in Caracas under Aristóbulo Istúriz, who later jumped onto the chavista wagon. She eventually joined Primero Justicia and was re-elected as a lawmaker in 2015 before being forced into exile in 2018. Shortly after she led protests denouncing the death of party colleague Fernando Albán under SEBIN custody —a PJ councilman, key aide to Julio Borges and the godfather of Figuera’s daughter— she was threatened by the intelligence services and took shelter in the French Embassy of Caracas for 10 days before fleeing to Spain and receiving political asylum. 

Sources close to Primero Justicia describe Figuera as a principled politician willing to serve without seeking personal or financial gain from her sacrifices. She maintained a very low profile in this role until the State Department elevated her visibility several weeks ago.

While exiled in Spain, and following the collapse of the interinato, Figuera succeeded Juan Guaidó as the figure managing Venezuela’s overseas assets in the US via the 2015 National Assembly’s Comisión Delegada (recognized by Washington as Venezuela’s sole democratically elected institution until this year). Sources close to Primero Justicia describe Figuera as a principled politician willing to serve without seeking personal or financial gain from her sacrifices. She maintained a very low profile in this role until the State Department elevated her visibility several weeks ago. Figuera and US representatives have been undertaking preparatory meetings in Madrid for over two weeks, coordinated by Mauricio Claver-Carone, Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s principal interlocutor on Venezuela.

Figuera has called herself “an instrument” of the reinstitutionalization process. She acknowledges Edmundo González Urrutia as president-elect and María Corina Machado as the opposition’s leader, yet notes she holds “a different vision.” She is, in the role the State Department has cast for her, what Edmundo González was to Machado in 2024: a figure admitted by chavista institutions because she isn’t a threat, and little enough ambition to follow guidelines from influential people in the opposition alliance.

Jorge Rodríguez, her counterpart, is chavismo’s veteran negotiator and the brother of acting president Delcy Rodríguez. He led the government’s delegation in the Mexico talks of 2021–2022 and signed the 2023 Barbados Agreement on Maduro’s behalf. Before that, he was Chávez’s vice president, communications minister, and president of the CNE in 2005–2006. 

Up until yesterday, the opposition’s full roster was not yet public. The opposition’s ten were revealed in stages and through extraofficial communications. In June, El Pitazo confirmed six names: Dinorah Figuera, Juan Miguel Matheus, Ramón López, Jorge Millán, Marco Aurelio Quiñones and Sergio Vergara. The remaining four were disclosed on July 29th: Elimar Díaz, Julio César Moreno, Macario González and Desiré Barboza.

Six are from Primero Justicia: Figuera, constitutional lawyer Juan Miguel Matheus, engineer Ramón López, Caracas legislator Jorge Millán, and recent additions Elimar Díaz and Julio César Moreno. 

Four are from Voluntad Popular, Leopoldo López’s party: Marco Aurelio Quiñones; Táchira legislator Sergio Vergara; and late additions Macario González and Desiré Barboza. Nearly all have spent recent years in exile, or in González’ case, in detention. Several are returning only now, under the process’s complicit US security guarantee. 

For most of the last two years, Primero Justicia has effectively been two parties. After Henrique Capriles chose to participate in the 2025 regional and legislative elections, the party’s official leadership, aligned with Machado’s abstentionist line, expelled him, Tomás Guanipa, and others for legitimizing what it called a fraud. Both Tomás Guanipa and Capriles were elected members of the NA that Rodríguez presides over. What remained of Primero Justicia, keeping the party’s name and recognition, was the abstentionist wing, led by Juan Pablo Guanipa, with Julio Borges as coordinator and María Beatriz Martínez as president. 

The delegation Washington seated is drawn substantially from the faction of Primero Justicia most doctrinally opposed to negotiating an electoral path with chavismo. The party has tried to hold both positions: in its July 27 statement it backed the dialogue as a route toward free elections while, in the same breath, ratifying its support for Machado. 

Who’s Who?

Juan Miguel Matheus (PJ, Carabobo) is a lawyer with a PhD in constitutional and parliamentary law behind the Estatuto que rige la Transición a la Democracia, the legal framework that underpinned Guaidó’s 2019 interim presidency. Elected for Carabobo in 2015, he was among the sharpest critics of the 2017 Constituent Assembly, calling it fraudulent. He is in exile in Austin and coordinates PJ’s board of directors. 

Ramón López (PJ, Distrito Capital) is an engineer and the former vice president of Venezuela’s Colegio de Ingenieros. López sat in the 2015 Assembly and the Parlasur, Mercosur’s parliament. Exiled in Spain after being threatened by Diosdado & Co., he became PJ’s international spokesperson. He flew back to Caracas alongside Figuera on June 18 for the meetings that launched the process..

Jorge Millán (PJ, Distrito Capital) is an industrial engineer and administrator. Millán is PJ’s Caracas coordinator and one of the opposition’s longtime specialists on the collapse of the national electric system. In 2019, the Constituent Assembly ordered his prosecution on charges including treason and instigation to insurrection. When Maduro issued him a pardon in 2020, Millán rejected it, arguing he had committed no crime and that Maduro had no legitimacy to pardon anyone. 

Elimar Díaz (PJ, Zulia) is the delegation’s youngest member. Díaz began in Manuel Rosales’s Un Nuevo Tiempo before moving to Primero Justicia, where she is now national political coordinator and PJ’s political vice-president in Zulia.

Julio César Moreno (PJ, Falcón) has the thinnest public record of the ten. Moreno was elected to the 2015 Assembly for Falcón and is counted among Primero Justicia’s delegates.

Marco Aurelio Quiñones (VP, Anzoátegui) was elected for Anzoátegui in 2015. In his early career, he was close to Capriles and Borges in Primero Justicia and then crossed to Voluntad Popular in late 2016, becoming a close ally of Guaidó. In December 2024 the exiled Assembly swore him in as second vice president, filling the seat left by Auristela Vásquez’s resignation and making him the highest-ranking officer of the 2015 legislature at the table after Figuera.

Sergio Vergara (VP, Táchira) is a founding member of Voluntad Popular alongside Leopoldo López and Daniel Ceballos. He was elected for Táchira in 2015 with nearly 76% of his circuit’s vote. He served as acting mayor of San Cristóbal after Ceballos was jailed in 2014, and has been in exile since 2019, when the SEBIN raided his home in connection with the Roberto Marrero case. He is also among the signatories of the document tied to the failed Jordan Goudreau incursion, asking for a military foreign intervention.

Macario González (VP, Lara) is a veteran Lara politician and former mayor of Barquisimeto’s Iribarren municipality. González was detained by the SEBIN in September 2025 as he left a university in Barquisimeto, held incommunicado, in what Voluntad Popular denounced as a forced disappearance for what he says was 68 days without charge, judicial hearing, or explanation. He was released near midnight on November 19, 2025, hours after the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted him precautionary measures. He has publicly held Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello politically responsible for his detention.

Capriles, now sitting in the Rodríguez-controlled national assembly, cautioned that a negotiation excluding Machado “will be condemned to fail.” 

Desiré Barboza (VP, Zulia) was an alternate deputy for Zulia in the 2015 Assembly and is Voluntad Popular’s regional coordinator there. Like most of the delegation, she has built her recent political life in exile and within the structures of the 2015 legislature.

On the ‘chavista’ side, only Jorge Rodríguez has been named to the time of writing. While the opposition’s ten were leaked or rumored until confirmed, the radio silence from those representing the current national assembly clashes awkwardly with Diosdado Cabello’s boasts of chavista unity. Francisco Arias Cárdenas, 1992 coup veteran and former Zulia governor, urged Rodríguez’s delegation to consult the PSUV’s base and submit any agreement to the Venezuelan public, warning that dialogue must not become a matter of simply following Washington’s instructions. 

The positions around the table

Primero Justicia and Un Nuevo Tiempo have called August 1 a “historic opportunity,” with PJ setting conditions: free, fair elections and the restoration of popular sovereignty. Voluntad Popular was the first to back the US initiative outright. But Acción Democrática’s Henry Ramos Allup has warned against any process that sidelines the coalition and Machado. Capriles, now sitting in the Rodríguez-controlled national assembly, cautioned that a negotiation excluding Machado “will be condemned to fail.” 

Machado and González stated their own position on July 26, claiming they will neither participate in nor obstruct the process, having taken no part in its “design, construction and functioning,” and will judge it by concrete, verifiable results: institutional recovery, the release of political prisoners, guarantees without exclusions, a presidential electoral calendar, and respect for popular sovereignty. 

Dinorah Figuera has a signature with limited value

“Venezuela cannot stand another communiqué” has become something of a political meme, but it captures the central problem with the process beginning on August 1. Washington has assembled a negotiation between an interim president whose continued rule it chose to preserve and an opposition counterpart it helped revive, hoping to combine Delcy Rodríguez’s control of the state with the residual democratic legitimacy of the 2015 National Assembly. The question is not merely whether they can reach an agreement. It is whether two actors whose authority is partial, externally enabled and detached from the country’s current popular leadership can legitimize a transition roadmap whose broad contours appear to have already been decided in Washington—and whether anything they sign can survive without María Corina Machado’s endorsement.

Everyone involved acknowledges that the mechanism was promoted by the United States. What nobody has explained clearly is what kind of mechanism it actually is. Is this a negotiation between two autonomous Venezuelan parties? Is it a broader national dialogue? Or is it an implementation process for a transition whose direction Donald Trump and Marco Rubio have already chosen?

The distinction matters because both sides are selling versions of the process that exaggerate their freedom to negotiate. The opposition presents it as the beginning of a democratic transition. Primero Justicia has listed substantial objectives: a new electoral authority and calendar, the restoration of political parties, an end to political disqualifications, the liberation of political prisoners, the dismantling of the repressive apparatus, freedom of expression and an independent Supreme Court.

Chavismo presents the same process as a necessary concession to preserve peace, obtain sanctions relief and protect the revolution. In its telling, sitting down with the opposition is not surrender but adaptation. “Dialogue does not mean capitulation,” Diosdado Cabello has insisted.

Neither story is entirely realistic.

The opposition may negotiate how political life is reopened and how future elections are organized. Still, it does not appear free to reopen Washington’s decision that stabilization and institutional reconstruction will precede an electoral transfer. Trump accepted Delcy’s continued presidency and has publicly argued that Venezuela is not yet prepared for another election, so the opposition is unlikely to be permitted to demand the immediate transfer of power it once said had already been decided by the 2024 presidential election.  

Delcy’s room for maneuver is also limited. She cannot seriously defend all the old red lines of chavismo: no foreign supervision, no negotiated reform of state institutions, no conditions on sanctions relief and no binding electoral horizon. The existence of an American-sponsored process involving the 2015 Assembly already violates much of the sovereignty theater through which the revolution previously justified itself.

Her real prohibitions are more practical. She cannot accept a settlement that fractures the military, dismantles the governing coalition, exposes its leadership without guarantees, or leaves chavismo incapable of competing in the order that follows. This is regime learning: not preserving the revolution exactly as it existed, but reducing the meaning of survival till it becomes achievable. If chavismo retains its organization, protects much of its elite and remains a viable electoral force, it can describe retreat as continuity.

The opposition is conducting a retreat of its own. It once insisted that the sovereignty expressed in 2024 had already resolved who should govern Venezuela. It is now negotiating the conditions under which Venezuelans may be allowed to decide that question again.

The two sides are not choosing freely between victory and defeat. They are negotiating the distance between two defeats and deciding which concessions each can successfully rename as victory.

Washington’s role goes well beyond providing the room and the refreshments. Delcy Rodríguez is interim president because the United States chose continuity under Maduro’s vice president over an immediate transfer of power to the leadership produced by the 2024 election. Venezuelan institutions administered the oath, but American recognition made that continuity politically viable.

Dinorah Figuera’s return to relevance followed an equally American route. She did not reemerge because a renewed domestic constituency demanded her leadership or because the forces behind the 2024 campaign selected her as their representative. One of her first consequential official appearances after years of political obscurity was a meeting with Michael Kozak at the State Department. She later returned to Venezuela at Washington’s invitation and became Jorge Rodríguez’s counterpart.

Washington helped produce both sides of the table. It accepted Delcy as the administrator of the interim order and activated Dinorah as the institutional representative needed to negotiate with it.

That does not make either woman a simple American puppet. Delcy controls the state machinery required to implement or sabotage any agreement. Dinorah can withhold the opposition stamp Washington needs to sell Trump’s latest South American peace project. But both operate inside a structure whose outer limits appear to have been drawn elsewhere.

The revival of the 2015 National Assembly is understandable. Delcy possesses effective authority but lacks democratic legitimacy. Her government can implement reforms and enforce agreements. What it cannot provide by itself is a convincing democratic chain of authorization.

The 2015 Assembly offers the missing signature. It remains, at least internationally, Venezuela’s last legitimately constituted national institution. Its participation can make institutional appointments, economic agreements and the broader reopening of the country look less like arrangements reached exclusively between Washington and the surviving chavista elite. That matters to governments, creditors and corporations seeking reassurance that future democratic authorities will not repudiate everything agreed during the interim.

But legal usefulness is not political legitimacy.

The Assembly elected in 2015 was a broad and plural legislature supported by millions of Venezuelans. The body negotiating today is a diminished delegated commission represented by only part of the coalition that originally composed it. Its leaders possess little independent national recognition, and the institution itself is deeply unpopular.

Its problem is not merely that it cannot enforce its decisions. For years, it often declined to act at all. It preserved itself as a constitutional necessity while withdrawing from political life, avoiding renewal and becoming increasingly detached from the society it claimed to represent. It remained alive enough to retain recognition and administer assets, but too frozen to lead.

It has now thawed itself back into relevance because Washington needs its pedigree.

Democratic legitimacy cannot simply be placed in constitutional cryogenic storage and reheated intact. The 2015 Assembly survived by refusing to die. It did not spend those years proving that it knew what to do next.

Primero Justicia has tried to bridge that gap by claiming that the delegated commission represents the sovereignty expressed in the 2024 election. But the commission was not elected in 2024, was not selected by the leadership of that campaign and does not represent the full coalition that supported it. The same communiqué reaffirms the leadership of María Corina Machado and Edmundo González while welcoming their willingness to observe a process they have publicly refused to buy into sight unseen.

The contradiction is striking. The people said to embody the country’s current democratic mandate are assigned the role of observers while an older institutional remnant claims to negotiate in their name.

Yet María Corina is not simply outside the process. She may be formally locked out of the negotiating room, but continues to have a relationship with both Trump and Rubio, based at least on her perceived importance. Dinorah has procedural access to the table. María Corina retains strategic access to the people who arranged it.

That may be intentional. Keeping Machado outside allows the delegated commission to absorb the least attractive compromises over sequencing, guarantees and appointments. It preserves her political capital for the moment when the settlement requires popular endorsement. If the process succeeds, she can validate its results without defending every concession. If it fails, she can truthfully say that she neither designed nor controlled it.

But Washington may be delusional if it believes Dinorah Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez can emerge from a closed room, announce an agreement and expect Venezuelan society to accept it without Machado’s endorsement. Their signatures may produce legal validity. Washington may provide international recognition. Foreign corporations may decide that the arrangement offers enough reassurance to begin investing.

Neither Dinorah nor Jorge can manufacture a national constituency.

The mechanism is an attempt to assemble a legitimacy that none of its participants possesses alone. Delcy supplies control of the state. The 2015 Assembly supplies constitutional pedigree. Washington supplies leverage and guarantees. María Corina supplies contemporary popular legitimacy. The problem is that the last component remains outside the formal process and has not promised to endorse whatever it produces.

August 1 does not need to resolve Venezuela’s political crisis. It does need to establish whether this mechanism can produce anything beyond the language of its communiqués. Its credibility will not come from another declaration of democratic intentions, but from evidence that someone can compel chavismo to share power with forces outside its orbit. The first test is not simply whether the parties promise another election. As chavismo reminds us at every opportunity, Venezuela has held plenty of those. The real test is whether the country can move credibly beyond replacing red chavismo with a poorly disguised blue version of the same political order.

The first meaningful agreement should not merely tell Venezuelans when they might vote. It should begin dismantling the police state we somehow cannot escape, even under American tutelage. Without the freedom to speak, organize, report and return without fear, another election would merely place a democratic label over the same machinery of control.

The organizers must also explain what they are asking the country to trust. If this is a negotiation, they should say what remains negotiable. If it is a dialogue, they should identify who participates and what authority the table possesses. If it is an implementation mechanism, Washington should disclose the roadmap being implemented. And if it is genuinely a transition, someone must eventually announce the date on which the interim order ends.

Venezuela cannot stand another communiqué because communiqués allow everyone to declare intentions without assuming ownership. Dinorah Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez may be able to sign an agreement. Washington may guarantee it. María Corina Machado may eventually persuade Venezuelans to give it a chance.

But only results can turn it into a transition.

Hope may be vigilant. Legitimacy is less patient.

RYANAIR is known for budget-friendly flights – and they’re getting even cheaper in its flash sale.

From now until 23.59 tonight there are deals to be had on its 235 routes – some fares for travel in August are as little as £14.

The cheap Ryanair flights can be booked on the website or app for this summer up until the end of October.

Some of the cheapest flights still available in August include routes from Bournemouth Airport to Edinburgh from £14.09.

Other bargain flights include ones from Edinburgh to Belfast which start from £13.79.

Over 100 routes are on sale from London Stansted including one-way flights in August to Copenhagen from £15.99.

PARK UP

Epic UK holiday parks with waterparks, theme parks & Spoons pubs from £3pp a night

HOL YES

Cheapest summer for holidays in YEARS – with August breaks still on sale for £188pp

Also under £20 in August are flights to Fez, Carcassone, Pula, Limoges and Milan.

There are 22 routes on sale from London Luton – some of the cheapest include one-way flights to Alicante in August for as little as £19.99.

Other flights for £19.99 include routes to Majorca – the popular Balearic island with beautiful beaches.

From Manchester Airport there are 50 routes available with cheap flights through the summer into autumn.

In October, some of the cheapest flights are to Santander with one-way tickets from £15 – also you can head to Zagreb from £22 and Pisa from £18.

There are deals available from 22 airports including London Gatwick to Aberdeen, Teeside, Norwich and Leeds Bradford.

Ryanair’s Director of Comms, Jade Kirwan, said: “July Pay Day means one thing – it’s time to book your next summer getaway!”

“Whether you’re dreaming of a last-minute beach escape, a sun-soaked city break, or simply need a well-deserved getaway, Ryanair’s 24-hour July pay day flash sale has you covered with fares from as little as £19.99 for travel throughout August.

“Book before 23:59 tonight (Wed, 29 Jul) on the Ryanair App.”

BOOKING a family holiday this summer doesn’t have to mean blowing your budget.

If you’re looking for 30C heat, short flights, and family-friendly resorts all for a cheap price, we’ve got your back.

Despite August being peak school summer holiday season, we’ve managed to find sunny island getaways that are shockingly cheap.

From Canary Island escapes to quiet Greek coastlines, we’ve tracked down five week-long family holidays that all come in at under £290pp.

Gran Canaria – £263pp

Puerto Rico in Gran Canaria is a lively beach resort with golden sand beaches, vibrant nightlife, and August temps of up to 30°C.

Perched high on a scenic hilltop, the villa-style Nido del Aguila boasts four swimming pools, including two dedicated kids zones.

Read more on cheap holidays

GO GREEK

Super cheap Greek island holidays – with an entire week away from £185pp

COSTA LITTLE

Major budget airline to launch MEGA cheap holiday packages from the UK

Spacious self-catering apartments come with private terraces, while sizzling poolside BBQs, bike rentals, and evening performances keep everyone entertained.

Best of all, you’re just a five-minute stroll from the Europa Centre’s lively shops, with your pick of two beaches waiting down the hill.

Book a seven-night stay at the Nido del Aguila from August 18 for £263pp

Tenerife – £245pp

Santa Ursula shows off a more relaxed side to Tenerife, with dramatic ocean cliffs and lush green landscapes.

It’s perfect for escaping the mega resort chaos, while still putting you just a 10-minute drive from the beaches of Puerto de la Cruz.

Positioned on a cliffside, Coral La Quinta Park Suites offers jaw-dropping views of Mount Teide and the Atlantic.

Grab local snacks and cheap wine from the supermarket just a minute away for DIY tapas on your private balcony, then spend your days bouncing between the subtropical pool and the on-site mini-golf course.

Book a seven-night stay at the Coral La Quinta Park Suites from August 19 for £245pp

Lanzarote – £255pp

Costa Teguise is one of Lanzarote’s most popular family resorts, pairing year-round sunshine with breezy golden beaches and a laid-back coastal vibe.

It’s ideal for sun-seekers who want easy access to watersports, golf, and oceanfront dining.

Just a two-minute stroll from the sands of Playa Bastian, Molino De Guatiza Apartments is a quiet, 36-room complex made for real relaxation.

You can kick back with a drink from the pool bar or take an easy 10-minute walk into the resort centre for lively bars and tapas.

Book a seven-night stay at the Molino De Guatiza Apartments from August 18 for £255pp

Crete – £289pp

Plakias on Crete’s south coast swaps tacky tourist traps for traditional family-run tavernas, dramatic mountain views, and quiet beaches.

There are plenty of breath-taking landscapes to explore, like sheltered white sand coves and Kourtaliotiko Gorge, which has a waterfall you can swim beneath plus a chapel built into the rock face.

With just 12 rooms on the whole property, Sunrise Hotel & Apartments is about as low-key as a Greek getaway gets.

That means zero fighting for sunbeds by the pool, a handy splash zone for the kids, and a poolside bar for grabbing a cold drink before taking a dip.

Book a seven-night stay at the Sunrise Hotel & Apartments from August 12 for £289pp

Fuerteventura – £249pp

If you like to skip the long transfer coach after landing, Caleta de Fuste sits just ten minutes from the airport around a broad, sheltered bay.

It’s got everything you need for the ideal family holiday: 26C sunshine, relaxex bars and restaurants, and beaches with calm, shallow waters.

The BLUESEA Puerto Caleta is a traditional whitewashed complex centreed around a palm-lined swimming pool.

Here, you’re a five-minute stroll from the nearest beach and only two minutes from the local supermarket – ideal for stocking up your modern apartment’s kitchenette.

Book a seven-night stay at the BLUESEA Puerto Caleta from August 7 for £249pp

Prices correct at the time of publication.

NEW YORK — Shohei Ohtani’s throwing program has stalled, with the Dodgers star canceling a bullpen session the team had tentatively scheduled for Saturday.

“Just doesn’t feel 100%,” manager Dave Roberts said of Ohtani’s left knee. “And because I think that the last ‘pen that he had, there was a little bit of regression. So we want to make sure that that doesn’t happen again.”

It was going to be Ohtani’s second bullpen since receiving an orthovisc injection in his knee on July 12. He threw a roughly 30-pitch side session on Wednesday.

It’s unclear when he’ll throw off the mound next. But Roberts said he’s still optimistic that Ohtani will return to the rotation sometime in August.

“It was obviously not ideal, him throwing his last bullpen and going backwards, essentially,” Roberts said. “So obviously that’s disappointing because you throw a bullpen to continue to build up. So that was disappointing. But as far as worry, concern, we don’t have any of that.”

Roberts described a “fluid” process, with plenty of input from Ohtani, as he and Dodgers continue to navigate the knee issue. Because only pitching seems to be aggravating the injury, Ohtani will continue to play at designated hitter.

“From his words, the hitting, the running, as he has done the last couple nights, doesn’t affect him,” Roberts said. “So I can only go by what he and the training staff are telling me. So, unless I hear otherwise, that hitting compromises his health, then I’m going to keep putting him in the lineup.”

The Dodgers had initially hoped the injection and time off leading up to the All-Star break would allow him to get past the discomfort in his knee and not have to worry about managing it for the rest of the season.

Though Ohtani feels better than he did before the break, according to Roberts, the team wasn’t envisioning this kind of start-and-stop buildup.

The schedule does the Dodgers some favors. The off day Monday allows them to get through this coming week without filling Ohtani’s spot in the rotation. But in order to keep all their starters on a six- to seven-day rotation, they’ll have to find a replacement — whether that be a bullpen day or another starter — by the first week of August.

Starting pitcher Blake Snell (arthroscopic elbow surgery) is on track to be close to a return from the injured list by then. In his second rehab start this month, he threw 2⅔ innings (49 pitches) for triple-A Oklahoma City on Friday.

He’ll be targeting four innings in his next start, according to Roberts. When asked if he’d need another rehab outing after that, Roberts said: “Let’s just get through that next one. Get through four innings and kind of read and react from there.”

Injury updates

Dodgers teammates Kiké Hernández, left, and Shohei Ohtani laugh after a win over the Philadelphia Phillies at Dodger Stadium on May 29.

(Ronaldo Bolanos / Los Angeles Times)

The Dodgers are set to welcome back utility player Kiké Hernández (strained left oblique) and closer Edwin Díaz (arthroscopic elbow surgery) from the injured list early in next week’s homestand.

Hernández is set to be activated Tuesday, as the Dodgers open a three-game series against the Seattle Mariners, Roberts said. And Díaz likely will return Wednesday, sliding back into the closer role that Tanner Scott has held in his absence.

Tyler Glasnow (back spasms) threw about 25 pitches in a one-inning live batting practice session Friday, Roberts said. He’s scheduled to throw to batters again next week.

We know from statements issued by the 2015 National Assembly Delegated Commission, the 2026 National Assembly, and the State Department that August 1 was set as the launching date of a roadmap leading to a political transition in Venezuela.

The incentives for the various actors to accelerate or delay this political negotiation process are clear. The Venezuelan interim government (as the State Department statement refers to it) will have an interest in delaying the process as much as possible to prolong its time in power and preserve the current state of affairs. For the 2015 National Assembly Delegated Commission, it offers a window of opportunity to gain relevance and demonstrate its ability to accelerate the agenda that Dinorah Figuera announced before any other actor. The Trump administration will want this process to proceed at a pace that does not jeopardize its control of the country until the elections (and perhaps even after). It is in María Corina Machado’s best interest for the situation to develop in a way that allows her to gain control and create the conditions for her to be the opposition candidate in the upcoming presidential elections.

Other, less prominent actors will try to influence the process. We have already seen AD leader Henry Ramos Allup trying to position himself, for example, to defend Machado’s participation, as did Henrique Capriles, and other voices will surely emerge along those lines in the coming days. Those aspiring to a new National Assembly and new elections for governorships and mayoralties will certainly also try to influence the process.

But let’s turn to the most relevant conversation, with just under two weeks until August 1: what could be the institutional path to achieving this political transition through free elections?

A new National Electoral Council (CNE)

Since the elections are administered by the National Electoral Council, it would seem that the first step should be, precisely, to elect a new CNE board.

Choosing a reliable one could be the first challenge. What has been offered previously is insufficient: a majority of three or four people close to or allied with the government and one or two “independents” or those close to the opposition. A board is needed that complies with Article 296 of the Constitution, composed of “five people not affiliated with political organizations.”

This CNE must begin with an essential task: the purging and updating of the Permanent Electoral Registry. It is crucial that Venezuelans abroad be allowed to vote and that the necessary logistical and diplomatic conditions be established to make this possible.

A new Supreme Court

Under the Venezuelan constitutional system, the decisions of the CNE can be subject to judicial review by the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ). Directly by the Electoral Chamber. Indirectly by the Constitutional Chamber.

Therefore, the appointment of new justices to both the Electoral Chamber and the Constitutional Chamber is necessary at the outset of this process. Article 263 of the Constitution clearly outlines the requirements for becoming a Supreme Court Justice. In May of this year, the Supreme Court Law was amended to increase the number of justices from 20 to 32. The Constitutional Chamber (the most important chamber) is composed of seven justices. This increase means that 12 new justices must be elected. Furthermore, a significant number of the current 20 justices are of retirement age.

This, as with the CNE, is debated and decided in the National Assembly, whose majority is controlled by Jorge Rodríguez. It would have to be a decision by chavismo, or the result of a political rupture, for the political rights of the non-government-controlled population to be considered both when electing CNE board members and when appointing Supreme Court justices. This relates to the next point.

Restoring civil and political rights

For several years, Venezuela’s main political parties and actors were subjected to confiscation and persecution through various administrative measures, such as those issued by the Comptroller General of the Republic to disqualify candidates, and even judicial measures to replace the boards of directors of opposition parties like COPEI, Primero Justicia, and Acción Democrática. It is essential to compile a report detailing all these measures and establish an action plan to reverse them, allowing political parties and leaders to operate and return to Venezuela.

Then, reforms must be made to those laws and administrative regulations that, long before January 3rd, restricted freedom of expression and the conditions for holding elections, such as the Constitutional Law Against Hatred, the Simón Bolívar Law, and the Law of the Comptroller General of the Republic. The same must be done with respect to the resolutions of the CNE that have restricted political and civic participation in the electoral processes. Furthermore, cases where it has been argued that the 2026 Amnesty Law is inapplicable, such as that of María Corina Machado, must be reviewed.

Given that the incentives of the actors in this process are not and will not be aligned, as shown above, it is crucial to immediately establish timelines for the phases of the process, beginning August 1. This will allow us to gauge the level of commitment among the parties to move forward with the transition.

There are certainly conditions attached to this process that are not public, and that will shape its phases and pace. However, we must begin a public conversation about ideas for addressing this crucial phase of political life starting August 1.