August

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSG) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARG), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s report here.

USS George Washington dropped anchor off the coast of Da Nang, Vietnam, on July 30, beginning a five-day port call. The carrier entered the South China Sea the prior week and conducted operations southwest of Luzon, Philippines, from July 24 to 28. This marks the fourth time a U.S. aircraft carrier has visited the country since normalizing relations in 1995 and the first time since 2023. The crew aboard George Washington welcomed the local community, hosting public tours and participating in local events. Guided-missile cruiser USS Robert Smalls and destroyer USS Shoup also arrived alongside the flattop.

“While our ship represents the high-end capabilities of the U.S. Navy, our visit here to Vietnam supports a U.S.-Vietnam relationship that continues to grow stronger across an increasingly broad range of subjects, reflecting our shared interest in a free and open Indo-Pacific,” the commanding officer of George Washington, Capt. Nicholas DeLeo, said. “Our Sailors are excited to step ashore, learn about Vietnam’s rich culture, and work side-by-side with the community here in Da Nang. It is through these personal connections that we build the trust necessary for a peaceful and prosperous region.”

The Theodore Roosevelt CSG returned to Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, on July 28, after completing the at-sea phase of exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2026. The large-scale exercise, which successfully concluded on July 31, brought 30 nations, 30,000 personnel, 30 surface ships, five submarines, and nearly 200 aircraft together to execute 2,400 sorties and respond to 5,000 scenario-based operational problem sets.

“No single nation can ensure security in the Pacific alone,” the commander of the RIMPAC Combined Task Force, Vice Adm. Jeff Jablon, said. “The network of allies and partners in the region is an asymmetric advantage. The work participating nations do at RIMPAC builds the combined and joint ability to deter conflict and supports all nations in exercising their sovereign rights and freedoms in the maritime domain.”

USS Theodore Roosevelt departed Pearl Harbor over the weekend and will head back to San Diego before deploying, likely to replace the Abraham Lincoln CSG in the Middle East, depending on how negotiations with Iran play out in the near term. Less than two weeks remain on the 60-day timetable initially agreed upon in the Memorandum of Understanding signed by both countries on June 17.

In the Middle East, U.S. forces, led by USS Abraham Lincoln and USS George H.W. Bush, “continue to strictly enforce the U.S. blockade against Iran,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) posted on X this morning. To date, CENTCOM has redirected 44 commercial vessels, disabled two by force, and boarded another two to ensure compliance. The pace of redirections is ramping up, with more vessels turned around in the past week (27) than in the first two combined (17). In audio released with the update, dock landing ship USS Comstock, part of the three-ship Boxer ARG – the only amphibious group in the region – issued a simple warning: “If you do not comply, we will compel compliance with force.”

Overall, three U.S. carriers are deployed, three are working up or at homeport in various states of readiness, four are in maintenance, and one is being used for training. One amphibious ready group is deployed, five are training or in port, and three are in maintenance availabilities.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@teamrecurrent.io

If your summer could use a little energy boost, forget the complicated smoothie — turn to one of these fresh book releases instead. From fast-paced World War II history to a slow-burn rescue in rural Wyoming, along with an art-world mystery and a punchy look at modern America, you’ll find something to galvanize your bedside book stack. Happy reading!

FICTION:

Appraisals: A Novel
By Claire Boyles
W. W. Norton: 288 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

While Boyles’ debut novel ostensibly follows the fate of an Eastern Colorado family farm, its deeper purpose involves showing how dire water resources are for all agricultural endeavors in the region. Maggie and her husband Fish have inherited their land from her grandparents, but they and their teenage daughter Ozzie all know that without irrigation, even defeating big development plans won’t make much of a difference to locals.

The Seekers of Deer Creek: A Novel
By Thao Thai
Mariner Books: 320 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

Vietnamese American sisters Vivi and Calla are also a curator and an artist. When their father dies and leaves behind a sketch that might be the work of renowned Vietnamese painter K.P. Lý, the siblings embark on a quest to find out whether Lý had connections to their family. Along the way they reexamine their difficult upbringing and find new ways to communicate that matter more than any artwork.

Etna: A Novel
By Paul Yoon
Scribner: 208 pp., $28
(Aug. 4)

Anyone who has seen “The Odyssey” with Matt Damon or is anticipating “Heart of the Beast” with Brad Pitt (about a veteran and his war dog), should pick up Yoon’s remarkable tale of a combat survivor in an alternate present who happens to be a former military dog named Etna. His adventures traversing a broken land of haunted people and animals may be less the stuff of future myth and more about trauma, but Yoon brilliantly creates voices for human and canine that make both more whole.

A Tender Age: A Novel
By Chang-Rae Lee
Riverhead: 368 pp., $30
(Aug. 11)

Jeon-Gi, known as J-G, is a relatively happy 10-year-old in 1976, until a neighbor’s attack on him fuels his own violent ideas. Although he gets a relatively easy sentence after threatening a classmate, J-G’s parents decide to send him to a Christian summer camp. Incidents there that might be sweet nostalgia for other kids only remind him of how different and lonely he feels inside. However, it’s J-G’s adult reason for sharing his experience that hits home.

Sunrise: A Novel
By Téa Obreht
Random House: 368 pp., $29
(Aug. 11)

Many, so so many, historical novels seek to tie a contemporary protagonist to a long-ago event or story; so so many fail to make the connections mean anything. That’s why Obreht’s superb and fascinating new book should earn a place on your 2026 reading list: She not only meaningfully connects the stories of a stranded young woman, an early-20th-century gunslinger, and a historical reenactor, but manages to make them illuminate each other.

NONFICTION:

Triage
By Claudia Rankine
Graywolf: 192 pp., $28
(Aug. 4)

The book’s epigraph says a great deal: “Any attempt to name and describe our lives will always seem unstable because all language is a form of triage.” Rankine’s new attempt at triage focuses on her long friendship with a person identified only as “the theorist.” Anecdotes and analysis are interspersed with photos of all sorts of sofas and couches, calling into question ideas about where and how we find respite and support — or not.

Your Fellow Americans: Dispatches Across the Country We Call Home
By Peter Santenello
Simon & Schuster: 336 pp., $30
(Aug. 4)

Santenello has over 4 million subscribers on YouTube, where he posts videos about every kind of place in America — rich and poor, renowned and hidden, busy and abandoned. Love or hate the author’s self-described nonpartisan approach, you’ll find this book surprising, particularly as it reveals how geography, climate and infrastructure affect community and communication. Think Anthony Bourdain crossed with Michael Moore.

Empire of Ashes: Truman, Hirohito, and the Descent into Total War
By James M. Scott
W. W. Norton & Co.: 528 pp., $42
(Aug. 4)

Historian Scott (“Black Snow”) creates a propulsive read about the last days of World War II, in which America’s development of the atomic bomb pushed against Japan’s aggressive majority, with tragic results that many — including the author — believe necessary. The contrast between President Harry S. Truman, who had been in office for a matter of weeks, and Emperor Hirohito, whose military seemed unstoppable, remains shocking.

The People’s Historian: The Outsized Life of Howard Zinn
By Dave Zirin
Dutton: 320 pp., $33
(Aug. 4)

Recently a friend showed me a list of books recommended by a pundit and asked which one to read first. Without hesitation I told her she should pick up “A People’s History of the United States” by Howard Zinn, first published in 1980 and still the most comprehensive remedial tonic to received wisdom I know. Zirin’s lively biography of this activist should remind everyone that history isn’t just about facts and figures but also context and compassion.

The Rise and Fall of the Artificial State
By Jill Lepore
Liveright Publishing Corp.: 336 pp., $30
(Aug. 25)

Hannah Arendt, one of the 20th century’s defining political thinkers, posited that modern life was making “being human superfluous”; her learned successor Lepore warns that our present bears out that idea. One day scholars will teach Lepore’s work alongside Arendt’s, seeing that Lepore interrogates not simply a modern moment, but traces our current machine age back to the 17th-century conceit for artifice as improvement. According to her, the way out is to get back to nature. Meet you in the woods.

“I love to eat street food so much,” said Thaim chef-owner Ruethai Boonlieng. “I go back to Thailand all the time, and I always ask my friends, “Hey, don’t take me to the mall — take me to street food. It’s a true food for my soul, and people make the street food with care.”

Boonlieng’s Thaim is a portmanteau of “Thai” and “I am.” While some of her recipes are traditional — such as her mom’s preparation of Sukhothai pad Thai — others are modern spins, like brightening her sweet-spicy mango salad with fresh dill or turning her childhood favorite, egg tofu, into a deep-fried egg custard.

The chef grew up in Bangkok and learned to cook by watching her mother prepare home meals, then took pastry courses in Thailand as an adult. Boonlieng studied finance but entered the restaurant industry to help an aunt and a friend open a Thai restaurant — then discovered she loved it. She opened multiple restaurants in the Bay Area, then moved to Los Angeles to help open another and never wanted to leave.

As an owner of sweets-focused cafe U Dessert Story, with two locations in the Bay Area, Boonlieng wanted to incorporate some of her signature desserts at Thaim, too. Look for Thai tea panna cotta, matcha lava cakes and more.

Dinorah Figuera was allowed to return from exile thanks to her participation in this initiative. The same happens with some members of the opposition delegation

On August 1, representatives of Venezuela’s two rival legislatures sit down together under Washington’s supervision in the most concrete attempt to negotiate again since the Barbados talks of 2023. 

The talks, framed by Washington as the start of a transition, are driven by the Department of State and pair two delegations of ten. On one side sits the current National Assembly controlled by chavismo, led by its president Jorge Rodríguez. On the other is the Comisión Delegada of the National Assembly elected in 2015 — the last legislature the US and many other countries recognized as democratically legitimate. 

According to Dinorah Figuera, president of the Delegate Commission, the primary objective is laying out the institutional groundwork for a political transition: renovating Venezuela’s key state bodies, establishing a new National Electoral Council (CNE) capable of holding elections with credible guarantees, and extending to the Supreme Tribunal’s electoral and constitutional chambers. Figuera has said she hopes to deliver a transition proposal by December 2026, conveniently timed for the Trump administration to show a foreign-policy success just after the US midterm legislative election in November.

Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez first met on June 18, along with U.S. Chargé d’Affaires John Barrett, hours after Figuera returned to Caracas after years in exile. Those contacts were interrupted by the June 24 earthquakes, seeming as though the political track would freeze indefinitely behind the humanitarian emergency, especially as Delcy Rodríguez said on July 13 that the government had “no head” to think about elections while managing the disaster. 

The roots of Dinorah Figuera, the opposition’s co-chair, lie on the left. She belonged to the labor party La Causa R in the 1990s (then an important force in the rising Venezuelan Left) and served as deputy secretary of the Libertador municipality in Caracas under Aristóbulo Istúriz, who later jumped onto the chavista wagon. She eventually joined Primero Justicia and was re-elected as a lawmaker in 2015 before being forced into exile in 2018. Shortly after she led protests denouncing the death of party colleague Fernando Albán under SEBIN custody —a PJ councilman, key aide to Julio Borges and the godfather of Figuera’s daughter— she was threatened by the intelligence services and took shelter in the French Embassy of Caracas for 10 days before fleeing to Spain and receiving political asylum. 

Sources close to Primero Justicia describe Figuera as a principled politician willing to serve without seeking personal or financial gain from her sacrifices. She maintained a very low profile in this role until the State Department elevated her visibility several weeks ago.

While exiled in Spain, and following the collapse of the interinato, Figuera succeeded Juan Guaidó as the figure managing Venezuela’s overseas assets in the US via the 2015 National Assembly’s Comisión Delegada (recognized by Washington as Venezuela’s sole democratically elected institution until this year). Sources close to Primero Justicia describe Figuera as a principled politician willing to serve without seeking personal or financial gain from her sacrifices. She maintained a very low profile in this role until the State Department elevated her visibility several weeks ago. Figuera and US representatives have been undertaking preparatory meetings in Madrid for over two weeks, coordinated by Mauricio Claver-Carone, Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s principal interlocutor on Venezuela.

Figuera has called herself “an instrument” of the reinstitutionalization process. She acknowledges Edmundo González Urrutia as president-elect and María Corina Machado as the opposition’s leader, yet notes she holds “a different vision.” She is, in the role the State Department has cast for her, what Edmundo González was to Machado in 2024: a figure admitted by chavista institutions because she isn’t a threat, and little enough ambition to follow guidelines from influential people in the opposition alliance.

Jorge Rodríguez, her counterpart, is chavismo’s veteran negotiator and the brother of acting president Delcy Rodríguez. He led the government’s delegation in the Mexico talks of 2021–2022 and signed the 2023 Barbados Agreement on Maduro’s behalf. Before that, he was Chávez’s vice president, communications minister, and president of the CNE in 2005–2006. 

Up until yesterday, the opposition’s full roster was not yet public. The opposition’s ten were revealed in stages and through extraofficial communications. In June, El Pitazo confirmed six names: Dinorah Figuera, Juan Miguel Matheus, Ramón López, Jorge Millán, Marco Aurelio Quiñones and Sergio Vergara. The remaining four were disclosed on July 29th: Elimar Díaz, Julio César Moreno, Macario González and Desiré Barboza.

Six are from Primero Justicia: Figuera, constitutional lawyer Juan Miguel Matheus, engineer Ramón López, Caracas legislator Jorge Millán, and recent additions Elimar Díaz and Julio César Moreno. 

Four are from Voluntad Popular, Leopoldo López’s party: Marco Aurelio Quiñones; Táchira legislator Sergio Vergara; and late additions Macario González and Desiré Barboza. Nearly all have spent recent years in exile, or in González’ case, in detention. Several are returning only now, under the process’s complicit US security guarantee. 

For most of the last two years, Primero Justicia has effectively been two parties. After Henrique Capriles chose to participate in the 2025 regional and legislative elections, the party’s official leadership, aligned with Machado’s abstentionist line, expelled him, Tomás Guanipa, and others for legitimizing what it called a fraud. Both Tomás Guanipa and Capriles were elected members of the NA that Rodríguez presides over. What remained of Primero Justicia, keeping the party’s name and recognition, was the abstentionist wing, led by Juan Pablo Guanipa, with Julio Borges as coordinator and María Beatriz Martínez as president. 

The delegation Washington seated is drawn substantially from the faction of Primero Justicia most doctrinally opposed to negotiating an electoral path with chavismo. The party has tried to hold both positions: in its July 27 statement it backed the dialogue as a route toward free elections while, in the same breath, ratifying its support for Machado. 

Who’s Who?

Juan Miguel Matheus (PJ, Carabobo) is a lawyer with a PhD in constitutional and parliamentary law behind the Estatuto que rige la Transición a la Democracia, the legal framework that underpinned Guaidó’s 2019 interim presidency. Elected for Carabobo in 2015, he was among the sharpest critics of the 2017 Constituent Assembly, calling it fraudulent. He is in exile in Austin and coordinates PJ’s board of directors. 

Ramón López (PJ, Distrito Capital) is an engineer and the former vice president of Venezuela’s Colegio de Ingenieros. López sat in the 2015 Assembly and the Parlasur, Mercosur’s parliament. Exiled in Spain after being threatened by Diosdado & Co., he became PJ’s international spokesperson. He flew back to Caracas alongside Figuera on June 18 for the meetings that launched the process..

Jorge Millán (PJ, Distrito Capital) is an industrial engineer and administrator. Millán is PJ’s Caracas coordinator and one of the opposition’s longtime specialists on the collapse of the national electric system. In 2019, the Constituent Assembly ordered his prosecution on charges including treason and instigation to insurrection. When Maduro issued him a pardon in 2020, Millán rejected it, arguing he had committed no crime and that Maduro had no legitimacy to pardon anyone. 

Elimar Díaz (PJ, Zulia) is the delegation’s youngest member. Díaz began in Manuel Rosales’s Un Nuevo Tiempo before moving to Primero Justicia, where she is now national political coordinator and PJ’s political vice-president in Zulia.

Julio César Moreno (PJ, Falcón) has the thinnest public record of the ten. Moreno was elected to the 2015 Assembly for Falcón and is counted among Primero Justicia’s delegates.

Marco Aurelio Quiñones (VP, Anzoátegui) was elected for Anzoátegui in 2015. In his early career, he was close to Capriles and Borges in Primero Justicia and then crossed to Voluntad Popular in late 2016, becoming a close ally of Guaidó. In December 2024 the exiled Assembly swore him in as second vice president, filling the seat left by Auristela Vásquez’s resignation and making him the highest-ranking officer of the 2015 legislature at the table after Figuera.

Sergio Vergara (VP, Táchira) is a founding member of Voluntad Popular alongside Leopoldo López and Daniel Ceballos. He was elected for Táchira in 2015 with nearly 76% of his circuit’s vote. He served as acting mayor of San Cristóbal after Ceballos was jailed in 2014, and has been in exile since 2019, when the SEBIN raided his home in connection with the Roberto Marrero case. He is also among the signatories of the document tied to the failed Jordan Goudreau incursion, asking for a military foreign intervention.

Macario González (VP, Lara) is a veteran Lara politician and former mayor of Barquisimeto’s Iribarren municipality. González was detained by the SEBIN in September 2025 as he left a university in Barquisimeto, held incommunicado, in what Voluntad Popular denounced as a forced disappearance for what he says was 68 days without charge, judicial hearing, or explanation. He was released near midnight on November 19, 2025, hours after the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted him precautionary measures. He has publicly held Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello politically responsible for his detention.

Capriles, now sitting in the Rodríguez-controlled national assembly, cautioned that a negotiation excluding Machado “will be condemned to fail.” 

Desiré Barboza (VP, Zulia) was an alternate deputy for Zulia in the 2015 Assembly and is Voluntad Popular’s regional coordinator there. Like most of the delegation, she has built her recent political life in exile and within the structures of the 2015 legislature.

On the ‘chavista’ side, only Jorge Rodríguez has been named to the time of writing. While the opposition’s ten were leaked or rumored until confirmed, the radio silence from those representing the current national assembly clashes awkwardly with Diosdado Cabello’s boasts of chavista unity. Francisco Arias Cárdenas, 1992 coup veteran and former Zulia governor, urged Rodríguez’s delegation to consult the PSUV’s base and submit any agreement to the Venezuelan public, warning that dialogue must not become a matter of simply following Washington’s instructions. 

The positions around the table

Primero Justicia and Un Nuevo Tiempo have called August 1 a “historic opportunity,” with PJ setting conditions: free, fair elections and the restoration of popular sovereignty. Voluntad Popular was the first to back the US initiative outright. But Acción Democrática’s Henry Ramos Allup has warned against any process that sidelines the coalition and Machado. Capriles, now sitting in the Rodríguez-controlled national assembly, cautioned that a negotiation excluding Machado “will be condemned to fail.” 

Machado and González stated their own position on July 26, claiming they will neither participate in nor obstruct the process, having taken no part in its “design, construction and functioning,” and will judge it by concrete, verifiable results: institutional recovery, the release of political prisoners, guarantees without exclusions, a presidential electoral calendar, and respect for popular sovereignty. 

Dinorah Figuera has a signature with limited value

“Venezuela cannot stand another communiqué” has become something of a political meme, but it captures the central problem with the process beginning on August 1. Washington has assembled a negotiation between an interim president whose continued rule it chose to preserve and an opposition counterpart it helped revive, hoping to combine Delcy Rodríguez’s control of the state with the residual democratic legitimacy of the 2015 National Assembly. The question is not merely whether they can reach an agreement. It is whether two actors whose authority is partial, externally enabled and detached from the country’s current popular leadership can legitimize a transition roadmap whose broad contours appear to have already been decided in Washington—and whether anything they sign can survive without María Corina Machado’s endorsement.

Everyone involved acknowledges that the mechanism was promoted by the United States. What nobody has explained clearly is what kind of mechanism it actually is. Is this a negotiation between two autonomous Venezuelan parties? Is it a broader national dialogue? Or is it an implementation process for a transition whose direction Donald Trump and Marco Rubio have already chosen?

The distinction matters because both sides are selling versions of the process that exaggerate their freedom to negotiate. The opposition presents it as the beginning of a democratic transition. Primero Justicia has listed substantial objectives: a new electoral authority and calendar, the restoration of political parties, an end to political disqualifications, the liberation of political prisoners, the dismantling of the repressive apparatus, freedom of expression and an independent Supreme Court.

Chavismo presents the same process as a necessary concession to preserve peace, obtain sanctions relief and protect the revolution. In its telling, sitting down with the opposition is not surrender but adaptation. “Dialogue does not mean capitulation,” Diosdado Cabello has insisted.

Neither story is entirely realistic.

The opposition may negotiate how political life is reopened and how future elections are organized. Still, it does not appear free to reopen Washington’s decision that stabilization and institutional reconstruction will precede an electoral transfer. Trump accepted Delcy’s continued presidency and has publicly argued that Venezuela is not yet prepared for another election, so the opposition is unlikely to be permitted to demand the immediate transfer of power it once said had already been decided by the 2024 presidential election.  

Delcy’s room for maneuver is also limited. She cannot seriously defend all the old red lines of chavismo: no foreign supervision, no negotiated reform of state institutions, no conditions on sanctions relief and no binding electoral horizon. The existence of an American-sponsored process involving the 2015 Assembly already violates much of the sovereignty theater through which the revolution previously justified itself.

Her real prohibitions are more practical. She cannot accept a settlement that fractures the military, dismantles the governing coalition, exposes its leadership without guarantees, or leaves chavismo incapable of competing in the order that follows. This is regime learning: not preserving the revolution exactly as it existed, but reducing the meaning of survival till it becomes achievable. If chavismo retains its organization, protects much of its elite and remains a viable electoral force, it can describe retreat as continuity.

The opposition is conducting a retreat of its own. It once insisted that the sovereignty expressed in 2024 had already resolved who should govern Venezuela. It is now negotiating the conditions under which Venezuelans may be allowed to decide that question again.

The two sides are not choosing freely between victory and defeat. They are negotiating the distance between two defeats and deciding which concessions each can successfully rename as victory.

Washington’s role goes well beyond providing the room and the refreshments. Delcy Rodríguez is interim president because the United States chose continuity under Maduro’s vice president over an immediate transfer of power to the leadership produced by the 2024 election. Venezuelan institutions administered the oath, but American recognition made that continuity politically viable.

Dinorah Figuera’s return to relevance followed an equally American route. She did not reemerge because a renewed domestic constituency demanded her leadership or because the forces behind the 2024 campaign selected her as their representative. One of her first consequential official appearances after years of political obscurity was a meeting with Michael Kozak at the State Department. She later returned to Venezuela at Washington’s invitation and became Jorge Rodríguez’s counterpart.

Washington helped produce both sides of the table. It accepted Delcy as the administrator of the interim order and activated Dinorah as the institutional representative needed to negotiate with it.

That does not make either woman a simple American puppet. Delcy controls the state machinery required to implement or sabotage any agreement. Dinorah can withhold the opposition stamp Washington needs to sell Trump’s latest South American peace project. But both operate inside a structure whose outer limits appear to have been drawn elsewhere.

The revival of the 2015 National Assembly is understandable. Delcy possesses effective authority but lacks democratic legitimacy. Her government can implement reforms and enforce agreements. What it cannot provide by itself is a convincing democratic chain of authorization.

The 2015 Assembly offers the missing signature. It remains, at least internationally, Venezuela’s last legitimately constituted national institution. Its participation can make institutional appointments, economic agreements and the broader reopening of the country look less like arrangements reached exclusively between Washington and the surviving chavista elite. That matters to governments, creditors and corporations seeking reassurance that future democratic authorities will not repudiate everything agreed during the interim.

But legal usefulness is not political legitimacy.

The Assembly elected in 2015 was a broad and plural legislature supported by millions of Venezuelans. The body negotiating today is a diminished delegated commission represented by only part of the coalition that originally composed it. Its leaders possess little independent national recognition, and the institution itself is deeply unpopular.

Its problem is not merely that it cannot enforce its decisions. For years, it often declined to act at all. It preserved itself as a constitutional necessity while withdrawing from political life, avoiding renewal and becoming increasingly detached from the society it claimed to represent. It remained alive enough to retain recognition and administer assets, but too frozen to lead.

It has now thawed itself back into relevance because Washington needs its pedigree.

Democratic legitimacy cannot simply be placed in constitutional cryogenic storage and reheated intact. The 2015 Assembly survived by refusing to die. It did not spend those years proving that it knew what to do next.

Primero Justicia has tried to bridge that gap by claiming that the delegated commission represents the sovereignty expressed in the 2024 election. But the commission was not elected in 2024, was not selected by the leadership of that campaign and does not represent the full coalition that supported it. The same communiqué reaffirms the leadership of María Corina Machado and Edmundo González while welcoming their willingness to observe a process they have publicly refused to buy into sight unseen.

The contradiction is striking. The people said to embody the country’s current democratic mandate are assigned the role of observers while an older institutional remnant claims to negotiate in their name.

Yet María Corina is not simply outside the process. She may be formally locked out of the negotiating room, but continues to have a relationship with both Trump and Rubio, based at least on her perceived importance. Dinorah has procedural access to the table. María Corina retains strategic access to the people who arranged it.

That may be intentional. Keeping Machado outside allows the delegated commission to absorb the least attractive compromises over sequencing, guarantees and appointments. It preserves her political capital for the moment when the settlement requires popular endorsement. If the process succeeds, she can validate its results without defending every concession. If it fails, she can truthfully say that she neither designed nor controlled it.

But Washington may be delusional if it believes Dinorah Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez can emerge from a closed room, announce an agreement and expect Venezuelan society to accept it without Machado’s endorsement. Their signatures may produce legal validity. Washington may provide international recognition. Foreign corporations may decide that the arrangement offers enough reassurance to begin investing.

Neither Dinorah nor Jorge can manufacture a national constituency.

The mechanism is an attempt to assemble a legitimacy that none of its participants possesses alone. Delcy supplies control of the state. The 2015 Assembly supplies constitutional pedigree. Washington supplies leverage and guarantees. María Corina supplies contemporary popular legitimacy. The problem is that the last component remains outside the formal process and has not promised to endorse whatever it produces.

August 1 does not need to resolve Venezuela’s political crisis. It does need to establish whether this mechanism can produce anything beyond the language of its communiqués. Its credibility will not come from another declaration of democratic intentions, but from evidence that someone can compel chavismo to share power with forces outside its orbit. The first test is not simply whether the parties promise another election. As chavismo reminds us at every opportunity, Venezuela has held plenty of those. The real test is whether the country can move credibly beyond replacing red chavismo with a poorly disguised blue version of the same political order.

The first meaningful agreement should not merely tell Venezuelans when they might vote. It should begin dismantling the police state we somehow cannot escape, even under American tutelage. Without the freedom to speak, organize, report and return without fear, another election would merely place a democratic label over the same machinery of control.

The organizers must also explain what they are asking the country to trust. If this is a negotiation, they should say what remains negotiable. If it is a dialogue, they should identify who participates and what authority the table possesses. If it is an implementation mechanism, Washington should disclose the roadmap being implemented. And if it is genuinely a transition, someone must eventually announce the date on which the interim order ends.

Venezuela cannot stand another communiqué because communiqués allow everyone to declare intentions without assuming ownership. Dinorah Figuera and Jorge Rodríguez may be able to sign an agreement. Washington may guarantee it. María Corina Machado may eventually persuade Venezuelans to give it a chance.

But only results can turn it into a transition.

Hope may be vigilant. Legitimacy is less patient.

RYANAIR is known for budget-friendly flights – and they’re getting even cheaper in its flash sale.

From now until 23.59 tonight there are deals to be had on its 235 routes – some fares for travel in August are as little as £14.

The cheap Ryanair flights can be booked on the website or app for this summer up until the end of October.

Some of the cheapest flights still available in August include routes from Bournemouth Airport to Edinburgh from £14.09.

Other bargain flights include ones from Edinburgh to Belfast which start from £13.79.

Over 100 routes are on sale from London Stansted including one-way flights in August to Copenhagen from £15.99.

PARK UP

Epic UK holiday parks with waterparks, theme parks & Spoons pubs from £3pp a night

HOL YES

Cheapest summer for holidays in YEARS – with August breaks still on sale for £188pp

Also under £20 in August are flights to Fez, Carcassone, Pula, Limoges and Milan.

There are 22 routes on sale from London Luton – some of the cheapest include one-way flights to Alicante in August for as little as £19.99.

Other flights for £19.99 include routes to Majorca – the popular Balearic island with beautiful beaches.

From Manchester Airport there are 50 routes available with cheap flights through the summer into autumn.

In October, some of the cheapest flights are to Santander with one-way tickets from £15 – also you can head to Zagreb from £22 and Pisa from £18.

There are deals available from 22 airports including London Gatwick to Aberdeen, Teeside, Norwich and Leeds Bradford.

Ryanair’s Director of Comms, Jade Kirwan, said: “July Pay Day means one thing – it’s time to book your next summer getaway!”

“Whether you’re dreaming of a last-minute beach escape, a sun-soaked city break, or simply need a well-deserved getaway, Ryanair’s 24-hour July pay day flash sale has you covered with fares from as little as £19.99 for travel throughout August.

“Book before 23:59 tonight (Wed, 29 Jul) on the Ryanair App.”

BOOKING a family holiday this summer doesn’t have to mean blowing your budget.

If you’re looking for 30C heat, short flights, and family-friendly resorts all for a cheap price, we’ve got your back.

Despite August being peak school summer holiday season, we’ve managed to find sunny island getaways that are shockingly cheap.

From Canary Island escapes to quiet Greek coastlines, we’ve tracked down five week-long family holidays that all come in at under £290pp.

Gran Canaria – £263pp

Puerto Rico in Gran Canaria is a lively beach resort with golden sand beaches, vibrant nightlife, and August temps of up to 30°C.

Perched high on a scenic hilltop, the villa-style Nido del Aguila boasts four swimming pools, including two dedicated kids zones.

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Spacious self-catering apartments come with private terraces, while sizzling poolside BBQs, bike rentals, and evening performances keep everyone entertained.

Best of all, you’re just a five-minute stroll from the Europa Centre’s lively shops, with your pick of two beaches waiting down the hill.

Book a seven-night stay at the Nido del Aguila from August 18 for £263pp

Tenerife – £245pp

Santa Ursula shows off a more relaxed side to Tenerife, with dramatic ocean cliffs and lush green landscapes.

It’s perfect for escaping the mega resort chaos, while still putting you just a 10-minute drive from the beaches of Puerto de la Cruz.

Positioned on a cliffside, Coral La Quinta Park Suites offers jaw-dropping views of Mount Teide and the Atlantic.

Grab local snacks and cheap wine from the supermarket just a minute away for DIY tapas on your private balcony, then spend your days bouncing between the subtropical pool and the on-site mini-golf course.

Book a seven-night stay at the Coral La Quinta Park Suites from August 19 for £245pp

Lanzarote – £255pp

Costa Teguise is one of Lanzarote’s most popular family resorts, pairing year-round sunshine with breezy golden beaches and a laid-back coastal vibe.

It’s ideal for sun-seekers who want easy access to watersports, golf, and oceanfront dining.

Just a two-minute stroll from the sands of Playa Bastian, Molino De Guatiza Apartments is a quiet, 36-room complex made for real relaxation.

You can kick back with a drink from the pool bar or take an easy 10-minute walk into the resort centre for lively bars and tapas.

Book a seven-night stay at the Molino De Guatiza Apartments from August 18 for £255pp

Crete – £289pp

Plakias on Crete’s south coast swaps tacky tourist traps for traditional family-run tavernas, dramatic mountain views, and quiet beaches.

There are plenty of breath-taking landscapes to explore, like sheltered white sand coves and Kourtaliotiko Gorge, which has a waterfall you can swim beneath plus a chapel built into the rock face.

With just 12 rooms on the whole property, Sunrise Hotel & Apartments is about as low-key as a Greek getaway gets.

That means zero fighting for sunbeds by the pool, a handy splash zone for the kids, and a poolside bar for grabbing a cold drink before taking a dip.

Book a seven-night stay at the Sunrise Hotel & Apartments from August 12 for £289pp

Fuerteventura – £249pp

If you like to skip the long transfer coach after landing, Caleta de Fuste sits just ten minutes from the airport around a broad, sheltered bay.

It’s got everything you need for the ideal family holiday: 26C sunshine, relaxex bars and restaurants, and beaches with calm, shallow waters.

The BLUESEA Puerto Caleta is a traditional whitewashed complex centreed around a palm-lined swimming pool.

Here, you’re a five-minute stroll from the nearest beach and only two minutes from the local supermarket – ideal for stocking up your modern apartment’s kitchenette.

Book a seven-night stay at the BLUESEA Puerto Caleta from August 7 for £249pp

Prices correct at the time of publication.

NEW YORK — Shohei Ohtani’s throwing program has stalled, with the Dodgers star canceling a bullpen session the team had tentatively scheduled for Saturday.

“Just doesn’t feel 100%,” manager Dave Roberts said of Ohtani’s left knee. “And because I think that the last ‘pen that he had, there was a little bit of regression. So we want to make sure that that doesn’t happen again.”

It was going to be Ohtani’s second bullpen since receiving an orthovisc injection in his knee on July 12. He threw a roughly 30-pitch side session on Wednesday.

It’s unclear when he’ll throw off the mound next. But Roberts said he’s still optimistic that Ohtani will return to the rotation sometime in August.

“It was obviously not ideal, him throwing his last bullpen and going backwards, essentially,” Roberts said. “So obviously that’s disappointing because you throw a bullpen to continue to build up. So that was disappointing. But as far as worry, concern, we don’t have any of that.”

Roberts described a “fluid” process, with plenty of input from Ohtani, as he and Dodgers continue to navigate the knee issue. Because only pitching seems to be aggravating the injury, Ohtani will continue to play at designated hitter.

“From his words, the hitting, the running, as he has done the last couple nights, doesn’t affect him,” Roberts said. “So I can only go by what he and the training staff are telling me. So, unless I hear otherwise, that hitting compromises his health, then I’m going to keep putting him in the lineup.”

The Dodgers had initially hoped the injection and time off leading up to the All-Star break would allow him to get past the discomfort in his knee and not have to worry about managing it for the rest of the season.

Though Ohtani feels better than he did before the break, according to Roberts, the team wasn’t envisioning this kind of start-and-stop buildup.

The schedule does the Dodgers some favors. The off day Monday allows them to get through this coming week without filling Ohtani’s spot in the rotation. But in order to keep all their starters on a six- to seven-day rotation, they’ll have to find a replacement — whether that be a bullpen day or another starter — by the first week of August.

Starting pitcher Blake Snell (arthroscopic elbow surgery) is on track to be close to a return from the injured list by then. In his second rehab start this month, he threw 2⅔ innings (49 pitches) for triple-A Oklahoma City on Friday.

He’ll be targeting four innings in his next start, according to Roberts. When asked if he’d need another rehab outing after that, Roberts said: “Let’s just get through that next one. Get through four innings and kind of read and react from there.”

Injury updates

Dodgers teammates Kiké Hernández, left, and Shohei Ohtani laugh after a win over the Philadelphia Phillies at Dodger Stadium on May 29.

(Ronaldo Bolanos / Los Angeles Times)

The Dodgers are set to welcome back utility player Kiké Hernández (strained left oblique) and closer Edwin Díaz (arthroscopic elbow surgery) from the injured list early in next week’s homestand.

Hernández is set to be activated Tuesday, as the Dodgers open a three-game series against the Seattle Mariners, Roberts said. And Díaz likely will return Wednesday, sliding back into the closer role that Tanner Scott has held in his absence.

Tyler Glasnow (back spasms) threw about 25 pitches in a one-inning live batting practice session Friday, Roberts said. He’s scheduled to throw to batters again next week.

We know from statements issued by the 2015 National Assembly Delegated Commission, the 2026 National Assembly, and the State Department that August 1 was set as the launching date of a roadmap leading to a political transition in Venezuela.

The incentives for the various actors to accelerate or delay this political negotiation process are clear. The Venezuelan interim government (as the State Department statement refers to it) will have an interest in delaying the process as much as possible to prolong its time in power and preserve the current state of affairs. For the 2015 National Assembly Delegated Commission, it offers a window of opportunity to gain relevance and demonstrate its ability to accelerate the agenda that Dinorah Figuera announced before any other actor. The Trump administration will want this process to proceed at a pace that does not jeopardize its control of the country until the elections (and perhaps even after). It is in María Corina Machado’s best interest for the situation to develop in a way that allows her to gain control and create the conditions for her to be the opposition candidate in the upcoming presidential elections.

Other, less prominent actors will try to influence the process. We have already seen AD leader Henry Ramos Allup trying to position himself, for example, to defend Machado’s participation, as did Henrique Capriles, and other voices will surely emerge along those lines in the coming days. Those aspiring to a new National Assembly and new elections for governorships and mayoralties will certainly also try to influence the process.

But let’s turn to the most relevant conversation, with just under two weeks until August 1: what could be the institutional path to achieving this political transition through free elections?

A new National Electoral Council (CNE)

Since the elections are administered by the National Electoral Council, it would seem that the first step should be, precisely, to elect a new CNE board.

Choosing a reliable one could be the first challenge. What has been offered previously is insufficient: a majority of three or four people close to or allied with the government and one or two “independents” or those close to the opposition. A board is needed that complies with Article 296 of the Constitution, composed of “five people not affiliated with political organizations.”

This CNE must begin with an essential task: the purging and updating of the Permanent Electoral Registry. It is crucial that Venezuelans abroad be allowed to vote and that the necessary logistical and diplomatic conditions be established to make this possible.

A new Supreme Court

Under the Venezuelan constitutional system, the decisions of the CNE can be subject to judicial review by the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ). Directly by the Electoral Chamber. Indirectly by the Constitutional Chamber.

Therefore, the appointment of new justices to both the Electoral Chamber and the Constitutional Chamber is necessary at the outset of this process. Article 263 of the Constitution clearly outlines the requirements for becoming a Supreme Court Justice. In May of this year, the Supreme Court Law was amended to increase the number of justices from 20 to 32. The Constitutional Chamber (the most important chamber) is composed of seven justices. This increase means that 12 new justices must be elected. Furthermore, a significant number of the current 20 justices are of retirement age.

This, as with the CNE, is debated and decided in the National Assembly, whose majority is controlled by Jorge Rodríguez. It would have to be a decision by chavismo, or the result of a political rupture, for the political rights of the non-government-controlled population to be considered both when electing CNE board members and when appointing Supreme Court justices. This relates to the next point.

Restoring civil and political rights

For several years, Venezuela’s main political parties and actors were subjected to confiscation and persecution through various administrative measures, such as those issued by the Comptroller General of the Republic to disqualify candidates, and even judicial measures to replace the boards of directors of opposition parties like COPEI, Primero Justicia, and Acción Democrática. It is essential to compile a report detailing all these measures and establish an action plan to reverse them, allowing political parties and leaders to operate and return to Venezuela.

Then, reforms must be made to those laws and administrative regulations that, long before January 3rd, restricted freedom of expression and the conditions for holding elections, such as the Constitutional Law Against Hatred, the Simón Bolívar Law, and the Law of the Comptroller General of the Republic. The same must be done with respect to the resolutions of the CNE that have restricted political and civic participation in the electoral processes. Furthermore, cases where it has been argued that the 2026 Amnesty Law is inapplicable, such as that of María Corina Machado, must be reviewed.

Given that the incentives of the actors in this process are not and will not be aligned, as shown above, it is crucial to immediately establish timelines for the phases of the process, beginning August 1. This will allow us to gauge the level of commitment among the parties to move forward with the transition.

There are certainly conditions attached to this process that are not public, and that will shape its phases and pace. However, we must begin a public conversation about ideas for addressing this crucial phase of political life starting August 1.

Two Weeks in August’s cast is led by none other than a Call the Midwife legend.

Two Weeks in August is drawing to a close, but the BBC has already revealed what’s stepping in to fill the gap.

Call the Midwife star Jessica Raine heads up the cast of black comedy Two Weeks in August, an eight-part series following a group of old friends who reunite for a well-deserved holiday in Greece.

However, a stolen kiss triggers a “chain reaction of infidelity, breakdowns, and escalating chaos”.

The final two 45-minute episodes air tonight, Saturday, June 27, on BBC One, with the complete boxset also available to watch on BBC iPlayer.

Ahead of its BBC One broadcast, it has now been confirmed that not one but two programmes will be stepping into its coveted Saturday primetime slot next week.

The first of the two shows taking over from Two Weeks in August on Saturday, July 4, at the slightly earlier time of 8.30pm, is The Weakest Link.

With comedian Romesh Ranganathan assuming hosting duties from the iconic Anne Robinson, celebrity contestants will include JLS star JB Gill, actress Helen Flanagan and singer Toyah Willcox.

The Weakest Link will run for 45 minutes before BBC News and Weather, paving the way for the second replacement programme at 9.30pm.

Rounding off the evening, football enthusiasts will be treated to Match of the Day Live: Fifa World Cup 2026, as the BBC broadcasts coverage of the second round-of-16 match at the Philadelphia Stadium in the US.

The official description reads: “Lionel Messi made his 1,000th career appearance and scored a 789th career goal as he inspired Argentina to a 2-1 victory over Australia at this stage in Qatar in 2022.

“Julian Alvarez capitalised on an error by Aussie goalkeeper Mathew Ryan to double Argentina’s lead in the second-half, but the Socceroos halved the deficit when Craig Goodwin’s strike took a huge deflection off Enzo Fernández with a little under 15 minutes left, and if not for the excellence of Argentine goalkeeper Emiliano Martínez could have found a late equalizer.”

Match of the Day’s broadcast will run for three hours, with the special edition due to wrap up at 12.30am.

Two Weeks in August is available to stream on BBC iPlayer.

British heavyweight Moses Itauma will return to action on 29 August to face Filip Hrgovic at London’s O2 Arena.

Itauma claimed an impressive win over Jermaine Franklin in March to stretch his unbeaten record to 14-0 and retain the WBA International and WBO Inter-Continental titles.

That has earned the 21-year-old his first headline fight against Hrgovic, who won bronze for Croatia at the 2016 Olympics and now has a 21-1 professional record.

“This fight is the litmus test Moses is ready for and it is the one he wanted,” said promoter Frank Warren.

Hrgovic stopped Dave Allen in Doncaster last month and the 34-year-old then called for southpaw Itauma.

He and Hrgovic are first and second in the WBO rankings, respectively, and the winner at the O2 is set to be first in line for a shot at Daniel Dubois’ WBO belt.

Hrgovic’s only defeat came against Dubois in June 2024 and he has since beaten three British fighters – Joe Joyce, David Adeleye and Allen.

His bout with Itauma had been earmarked for 25 July, until compatriot Anthony Joshua arranged to face Kristian Prenga on that date.

With the largest Olympic and Paralympic Games in history approaching, LA28 announced Monday it will open volunteer applications on July 14, the two-year mark before the Olympics officially begin.

LA28 is searching for 60,000 volunteers to work during an Olympics that will feature more than 11,000 athletes across 15 days of competition. Volunteer responsibilities range from welcoming and guiding spectators and athletes, to specialized roles, including medical care and language translation. While the majority of Games-time volunteer opportunities are in the L.A. area, volunteers are needed for every Olympic venue city: Oklahoma City will host softball and canoe slalom events, and soccer preliminaries will be held in New York, Columbus, Nashville, St. Louis, San José and San Diego.

Applicants can specify their preferred location, their special skills and whether they would like to volunteer for the Olympics or Paralympics.

The Olympics, which run from July 14-30, 2028, have a volunteer period from March to August. The Paralympics, which open on Aug. 15, 2028 and close on Aug. 27, needs volunteers from August to September. Games-time volunteers must be available to complete at least 10 nonconsecutive shifts of approximately eight hours each during each Games period and must be 18 years or older.

“Volunteers are the backbone of the Games,” LA28 chief executive officer Reynold Hoover said in a statement. “They are a friendly face who helps welcome the world, create memorable experiences and bring the Olympic and Paralympic spirit to life. Their passion and energy will help define LA28 for athletes, fans and communities across the region.”

LA28’s volunteer program started in 2025 with community-based opportunities. LA28 volunteers have already worked with local nonprofits on beach, street and trail cleanups, habitat restoration and fresh food packing. Volunteering in the community through the LA28 program is not required to earn a spot for the Games, but the experience can strengthen an applicant’s chance.

Updates about the LA28 volunteer program are available at la28.org/volunteer, where potential volunteers can register their interest to automatically receive more information about the Games-time application process when it opens.

Briton Chantelle Cameron will meet American Mikaela Mayer in a light-middleweight world title unification bout in Birmingham on 29 August.

Cameron, 35, beat Michaela Kotaskova to win the vacant WBO title in April and is aiming to add Mayer’s WBC and WBA belts to her collection.

Fellow Briton Caroline Dubois is also on the all-female Most Valuable Promotions card at BP Pulse, when she defends her WBC and WBO lightweight belts against American Amelia Moore.

Northampton fighter Cameron has 22 wins from 23 fights as a professional, including a victory over Ireland’s Katie Taylor in 2023.

“I’ve always said I want the biggest fights in women’s boxing, and there isn’t a bigger fight right now than me against Mikaela Mayer,” Cameron said.

“We’re both top-five pound-for-pound fighters, we’re both world champions, and we’re both coming to win.”

Mayer, 35, last fought in October when beating Mary Spencer and has a record of 22 wins in 24 bouts.

Dubois, 25, is yet to lose in 14 fights – winning 13 and drawing one – and has picked up five stoppage victories along the way.

The Londoner put on a classy performance to become a unified lightweight champion when beating fellow Briton Terri Harper on points in April.

“I am looking forward to representing the UK on this card and defending my unified title,” Dubois said.

“The goal is to fight for more belts at the end of the year so I need to focus and take care of business with a big win in Birmingham.”

Moore, 36, will be aiming to pull off a major upset in just her fifth fight as a professional.

The travel expert says ‘thousands upon thousands’ of Brits have had their holidays ruined

Travel expert Simon Calder has issued a stark message to anyone who is going abroad in June, July and August. Many Brits are counting down to their summer holidays and the peak travel season.

However, Simon has urged everyone to do a vital check before travelling to avoid “wrecked holidays”. Simon explained that “thousands upon thousands” of people have already been caught out and missed their booked holidays.

He took part in a discussion on BBC Radio 2, where a holidaymaker explained that he had been turned away from his flight at the boarding gate.

James Luton was due to fly to Portugal last week for his 50th birthday but was denied boarding at the airport gate because his passport was issued more than 10 years ago, even though it was not expired.

Brits heading to the EU or Schengen areas cannot have passports older than 10 years when they arrive at their holiday destination. It must also be valid for at least three months after the day you plan to return home.

Simon appeared on the show to urge everyone with holidays booked to check their passports before it is too late. He said: “Unfortunately, he [James] is just one of thousands upon thousands of people who have fallen foul of this.

“As we speak, there will be people who have headed to the airport, and the same thing happened to them. It is just absolutely miserable.”

Simon urged: “You must remember, if you are going to the EU apart from Ireland, you cannot have a passport older than 10 years on the day you enter. It is the only part of the world that cares about when your passport is issued.

“Everywhere else only cares about the expiry date. Please, if you are going away in June, July and August please check that your passport is going to comply.

“Has it had its 10th birthday on the day you plan to go away, and has it got at least three months left on the date you plan to leave? That way, we can hopefully avoid too many more wrecked holidays.”

Before 2018, passports could remain valid for as long as 10 years and nine months.

This was because months remaining on old passports were rolled over to new passports, but the system was discontinued in 2018.

The problem mainly affects those holding burgundy passports, as anyone with a blue passport received it in 2020 or later.

It is still worth checking children’s blue passports, as they are typically only valid for five years.

Erin Patterson was found guilty of killing three family members as she served them a lunch laced with poisonous fungi.

An Australian court has confirmed that an appeal hearing for Erin Patterson, commonly referred to as the “mushroom murderer,” will be held in August.

The Supreme Court of Victoria announced on Friday that the hearing will take place on August 19 and 20. Patterson’s lawyers formally applied to appeal her life sentence in November, arguing that there had been a “substantial miscarriage of justice” during her trial.

Patterson was sentenced to life in prison in September after being found guilty of murdering three of her estranged husband’s relatives by serving them a lunch laced with poisonous fungi.

During the two-day hearing, the court will also consider an appeal from prosecutors, who argue that her sentence, which allows her to be considered for parole after 33 years, is “manifestly inadequate”.

Prosecutors unsuccessfully argued during the trial that her sentence should have been life imprisonment without parole.

In July, a jury found Patterson guilty of killing her estranged husband’s parents after serving them a lunch of beef Wellington laced with toxic mushrooms.

The case attracted worldwide attention, with more than 250 journalists registering for updates from the court, and the judge deciding to broadcast the sentencing live.

Both Gail Patterson and Donald Patterson died in August 2023. Patterson was also found guilty of murdering Gail’s sister, Heather Wilkinson, who died that same month, and of attempting to kill Wilkinson’s husband, Ian. He spent seven weeks in hospital following the poisoning and received a liver transplant.

Patterson is appealing her conviction on seven grounds, including what her lawyers described as a “fundamental irregularity” relating to the sequestration of the jury, who stayed in the same hotel as key figures in the case, including a police witness and two prosecutors.

Patterson’s lawyers also argue that several pieces of evidence presented during the trial were either irrelevant or unfairly prejudicial, and that the prosecution’s cross-examination of her was “unfair and oppressive”.

Patterson maintains her innocence, arguing that the poisoning was accidental.

Ricky Martin had to stop his concert Thursday in Montenegro after someone in the audience “discharged tear gas toward the stage,” causing an “abrupt” interruption to the show as fans retreated and got any needed medical attention, the singer’s publicist said in a statement posted on Instagram.

The show did go on.

“As a precautionary measure, Ricky Martin and his entire team exited the stage while security personnel and local authorities worked to contain the situation and ensure the safety of those in attendance,” the statement said.

“We didn’t understand what was happening,” one shaken Montenegran concertgoer said on Instagram during the outdoor show. “Suddenly, people started pushing each other, and we smelled pepper spray. Many people quickly covered their mouths and left the area. I don’t know if there’s still anyone in the area right now. I didn’t see what the police did. I can hear that the concert has started again, but I left the area. I hope everyone is OK.”

Whether the substance was tear gas — which, incidentally, is a powder, not a gas — or pepper spray is unclear. Both substances have similarly irritating effects, despite different ingredients. Tear gas is typically employed by law enforcement for crowd control while pepper spray is often used by individuals for self-defense, according to hazmat and crime-scene cleanup company Bio Recovery, which operates mainly in the American south. Both substances can disperse widely in the air.

Martin, 54, decided to resume the show once authorities said everything was back under control even though “members of the artist’s team advised against continuing the performance,” the publicist’s statement explained.

The headlining performance, which was part of festivities marking the 20th anniversary of Montenegro’s restored independence following the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, came as the “Livin’ la Vida Loca” singer gets ready to embark on a European tour with dates in Italy, Switzerland, Germany, Czechia, Poland, Hungary, Istanbul and more from June into August.

Also Friday, Martin announced he would join the U.K.’s Heritage Live Festivals with a show Aug. 22 at the Royal Sandringham Estate in Norfolk with Sugababes, Olly Alexander and Sophie Castillo. It will be his only U.K. show in 2026. Other artists appearing in Heritage Live shows in July and August include UB40, Lionel Richie and Eric Clapton.

“The rise of Latin music as a global force has been phenomenal, and we’re thrilled to welcome one of the true pioneers who helped bring it to a massive international audience,” Giles Cooper of Heritage Live Festivals told the BBC. “It’s set to be an incredible party.”

Martin, who hails from Puerto Rico, joined Bad Bunny’s all-Spanish halftime show at Super Bowl LX in February with a 30-second cameo in a scene invoking the cover of the latter singer’s album “Debí Tirar Más Fotos.” Clad in all white, Martin sat in a white chair and dove into “Lo Que Le Pasó a Hawaii,” a ballad that implores Puerto Ricans, should the opportunity arise, to resist compromises that Hawaiians made when those islands became a U.S. state in 1959.

Two Weeks in August made its debut tonight with a star-studded cast

The Two Weeks in August cast have shared the significance over a hidden detail in the show’s opening scenes.

Written and created by Sally4Ever’s Catherine Shepherd, the new ‘witty and painfully relatable’ series follows a group of friends reuniting for a summer holiday. However, the idyllic getaway is soon thrown into chaos thanks to an illicit kiss.

In episode one, viewers are introduced to each of the friends with married couple Zoe and Dan, played by Jessica Raine and Damien Molony, clearly struggling as they attempt to put past events behind them.

The family of four, who have brought their children on the trip, are also struggling with money as is highlighted when Jess, played by Antonia Thomas, suggests they all put €200 each in the kitty.

Things go from bad to worse when Zoe and Dan are tasked with preparing food that evening with their lavish friends wanting seafood, which provides another tense expense for the struggling couple as they opt for store bought fish as opposed to fresh market produce.

Talking about the scenes with the Mirror, Jessica Raine and Damien Molony, who play Zoe and Dan, pointed out a significant hidden detail in the opening moments of the show.

Damien, 42, said: “We had a great opportunity to rehearse before we went out with Tom George, our director. We talked a lot about their past and about their relationship and the fact that, you know, they probably hadn’t had sex in about a year.

“That was a really kind of good starting point to go: ‘Oh, something’s really not right here.’ We would do some improvisations about the journey to the airport in England and what that must have been like.

“Jess had this incredible line in the improv about having to pack pasta in our luggage because we knew we wouldn’t be able to afford food on the island. So much so that they actually put it in the scene.

“So when Jessica opens her suitcase in that first scene on packing, there is pasta in the bag” to which Jessica, 44, added: “Three bags!”

Damien continued: “It was kind of those little details that started to kind of… because in TV, you don’t get that opportunity to rehearse or to really explore the world around the scenes.

“So that was really, really thrilling, and it really informed the rest of the kind of scenes that we shared together because this couple goes on a huge journey.”

Meanwhile, Jess said: “The journey of the fish is really good and I think that’s also a really good point to make about our show is the financial differences in the couples. I don’t think we see that very much.

“We often see a lot of very rich people going on holiday, but I love the reality. I mean, a lot of people are in that position where you’re like, I can’t afford €200 for the kitty and the look that we give each other, we’re just like: ‘Holy moly, this is, we’re way out of our depth’ and they don’t feel able to say.”

The drama is only going to get more intense for the couple and their friends as a synopsis teases: “Set in Greece, Two Weeks in August tells the story of a woman who goes on holiday with her family and friends to rediscover joy in her life. But, here in paradise, what starts with an illicit kiss quickly turns the dream vacation into a nightmare.

“Zoe begins to act on her deepest desires and the holiday she hoped for becomes a reckoning for a group of adults who refuse to grow up. When they discover they are trapped on the island, and become faced with real life-or-death situations, the group soon turn on each other to find out who is to blame.

“Is Zoe responsible for the drama and destruction around her or, as heaven turns to hell, are bigger forces at play? We are in Greece after all, the land of the ancient Gods…”

Two Weeks In August airs Saturday nights on BBC One and BBC iPlayer.

Barbara Palvin and Dylan Sprouse are expecting their first child together.

The model debuted her baby bump Thursday at the 2026 Cannes Film Festival, where she walked the red carpet for the premiere of “Parallel Tales” along with her husband.

The couple posed for photos at the event, drawing attention to their gestating bundle of joy by framing and caressing Palvin’s belly. According to TMZ, the baby is due around August or September.

Palvin and Sprouse also took to Instagram to share their happy news. Included in the slideshow they posted Thursday is what appears to be a sonogram image of a fetus in a womb, throwing a “rock on” hand signal.

“High School Musical” star Vanessa Hudgens, who appeared alongside Sprouse in “The Suite Life of Zack & Cody” in 2006, was among the couple’s well-wishers on social media.

“Rock on little family,” Hudgens wrote in her comment, which also included a heart emoji.

The former Disney Channel star and Victoria’s Secret model first met at a party in 2017. In a 2018 video for Vogue Australia, Palvin shared that Sprouse was her first boyfriend in six years and described him as a “perfect guy” who is “very kind and gentle.” The couple tied the knot in 2023.

In April, Sprouse tackled a trespasser at his Hollywood Hills home after Palvin spotted “the creepy” intruder. Palvin called the police, and Sprouse held the suspect down until they arrived.