Africa

Somalia has signed a “military cooperation” agreement with Saudi Arabia, weeks after inking a similar deal with Qatar, as Mogadishu seeks regional support against Israel’s recognition of the breakaway region of Somaliland.

The memorandum of understanding was signed on Monday between Somali Minister of Defence Ahmed Moallim Fiqi and his Saudi counterpart, Prince Khalid bin Salman bin Abdulaziz, in Riyadh.

The agreement “aims to strengthen the frameworks of defense and military cooperation between the two countries, and includes multiple areas of common interest, serving the strategic interests of both parties”, Somalia’s Ministry of Defence said.

Prince Khalid confirmed the agreement in a post on X.

But neither country provided further details.

Last month, Somalia signed a defence pact with Qatar, aimed at “strengthening military ties and security collaboration”, according to the Somali state news agency.

The pact with Qatar “focuses on military training, the exchange of expertise, the development of defence capabilities, and enhanced security cooperation, in support of efforts to promote regional security and stability”, it said.

Doha said the agreement was “aimed at strengthening areas of joint cooperation in a way that serves mutual interests and enhances defense partnerships”.

The diplomatic offensive by Somalia comes amid growing tensions in the Horn of Africa region following Israel’s world-first recognition of Somaliland in December. Mogadishu has warned that Israel plans to set up a military base in the breakaway region, which could be used to launch attacks on neighbouring countries.

Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud told Al Jazeera last week that Mogadishu “will never allow” the establishment of an Israeli base in Somaliland and will “confront” any such move.

“We will fight in our capacity. Of course, we will defend ourselves,” he said. “And that means that we will confront any Israeli forces coming in, because we are against that and we will never allow that.”

A Somaliland official told Israel’s Channel 12 in January that an Israeli military base is “on the table”, though terms were still being negotiated.

Separately, Somalia also cancelled all agreements with the United Arab Emirates last month – including port operations, security and defence deals – citing “harmful actions” that undermine its “national unity and political independence”.

The move came amid reports that the UAE had facilitated Israel’s recognition of Somaliland’s independence.

The Gulf state, which normalised ties with Israel in 2020 under the Abraham Accords, has cultivated deep economic and security ties with Somaliland. These include a 30-year concession at the strategic Berbera port held by the UAE company DP World.

The UAE declined to sign a joint Arab-Islamic statement condemning Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, but it released a joint statement with the African Union in January pledging “support for Somalia’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, security and stability”.

Somalia’s break with the UAE coincided with a deterioration in Saudi Arabian-Emirati relations.

Tensions erupted in December when Saudi forces bombed what Riyadh described as a UAE weapons shipment to the separatist Southern Transitional Council in Yemen. Saudi Arabia also backed a call by Yemen’s internationally recognised government for Emirati forces in the country to withdraw.

The UAE denied the allegations.

Separately, Abu Dhabi has also been accused of supporting the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan, which has been battling the Sudanese Armed Forces for nearly three years.

Saudi Arabia, an ally of Khartoum, condemned the RSF on Saturday over attacks in Sudan’s Kordofan region, which have killed dozens of people, including women and children.

Riyadh also denounced “foreign interference” by unspecified parties in Sudan, saying the “continued influx of illegal weapons, mercenaries and foreign fighters” was prolonging the continuation of the nearly three-year-old war.

It did not name the parties.

Sudan, meanwhile, filed a case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice last year, accusing it of “complicity in genocide” allegedly committed by the RSF against the Masalit community in West Darfur state.

The UAE slammed the move as “nothing more than a cynical publicity stunt” and said it would seek the “immediate dismissal” of the case.

When Casey Wasserman boarded Jeffrey Epstein’s private jet for a two-week tour of Africa in 2002, he had little inkling he was embarking on a journey that could imperil his fortune.

The 28-year-old scion of Hollywood mogul Lew Wasserman was already the heir of a multimillion-dollar philanthropic foundation, the owner of a professional football team and the founder of a growing sports marketing firm. But many saw this as just the beginning for Wasserman, who seemed destined to follow his legendary grandfather as a business, political and culture titan.

He found an opportunity to step onto the world stage when former President Clinton invited him on a humanitarian trip to five African countries to promote AIDS/HIV prevention and economic development in nations racked by disease and war.

Wasserman, a prolific Clinton fundraiser whose grandfather helped him win the 1992 presidential election, was joined by others including his then-wife, Laura, actor Kevin Spacey, Epstein and his longtime companion Ghislaine Maxwell.

Casey Wasserman, then a 28-year-old owner of the LA Avengers, is photographed at his office in Beverly Hills in January 2003.

(Gary Friedman / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)

Revelations around that trip and Wasserman’s risque emails with Maxwell now threaten his legacy.

A trove of documents recently released by the U.S. Department of Justice offer new details about the journey to Africa and Wasserman’s intimate relationship with Maxwell — an entanglement that has jeopardized his leadership of the 2028 Los Angeles Olympic Games.

From left, former U.S. President Bill Clinton, then-AEG CEO of Timothy J. Leiweke and Casey Wasserman attend the Clinton Global Initiative (CGI) annual meeting in 2011 in New York City.

(Daniel Berehulak / Getty Images for AEG)

Wasserman boarded Epstein’s jet three years before the family of a 14-year-old girl in Palm Beach, Fla., reported she was molested by Epstein, triggering a decades-long investigation that resulted in Epstein’s 2008 conviction for procuring a child for prostitution and 2019 arrest for sex trafficking underage girls. Wasserman has not been linked to any of Epstein’s wrongdoings.

Wasserman has previously apologized for his correspondence with Maxwell and expressed regret for having any association with both her and Epstein.

In a statement to The Times on Sunday, he said the Africa trip was the only time he met Epstein. “Following that trip, where I never witnessed anything inappropriate, I did not speak to, see him or communicate with him ever again,” he said.

This undated photo released by the U.S. Department of Justice shows Ghislaine Maxwell, a longtime confidant of Jeffrey Epstein and convicted sex offender.

(U.S. Department of Justice via Associated Press)

For Wasserman, now 51, the most damaging of the files highlight his relationship with Maxwell, the Oxford University-educated daughter of British newspaper magnate Robert Maxwell. She was sentenced to 20 years in prison in 2022 for conspiring with Epstein to sexually abuse minors.

“I think of you all the time,” Wasserman wrote to Maxwell about five months after he and his wife left Africa. “So, what do I have to do to see you in a tight leather outfit?”

Maxwell, in turn, offered Wasserman a massage that can “drive a man wild.”

The scandal has roiled Los Angeles, where Wasserman serves as the face of the Olympics. Since the emails were released Jan. 30 by the federal government, some L.A. officials have demanded that he step down from the organizing committee of the LA28 Olympic and Paralympic Games. But he appears to still have the support of Olympic leaders and the LA28 board, at least for now.

Wasserman is one of L.A.’s most influential figures, presiding over a sports marketing and talent agency that represents professional athletes, including star Dodgers pitcher Yoshinobu Yamamoto, and scores of top musicians, such as Kendrick Lamar, Kacey Musgraves, Chappell Roan and Coldplay.

“Wasserman is in trouble,” longtime Los Angeles political observer Sherry Bebitch Jeffe said. “These Games are so important to Los Angeles — economically and politically. This will not be helpful to the city if this drumbeat continues and gets louder.”

Movie studio titan Lew Wasserman’s only grandson entered the world in 1974 as Casey Myers.

His parents, Lynne Wasserman and stockbroker Jack Myers, separated when he was 7. His father wasn’t much of a figure in his life and was later charged with money-laundering. Lew and his wife, Edie, filled the gap.

Lew R. Wasserman, chairman of MCA’s board of directors since 1973, is shown in December 1976 at an unknown location. Wasserman became president and chief executive officer of MCA Inc., later known as Universal Studios Inc., the major entertainment and communications company.

(Associated Press)

“Lew was disappointed he never had a son,” Lew Wasserman’s biographer Dennis McDougal told The Times in 2002. “In his typical fashion, by dint of his power and his money and his overbearing personality, he took what he wanted. He essentially stole Jack Myers’ son. By the time Casey was a teenager, the die was cast. He was Lew’s little boy.”

Like his famous grandfather, Casey was drawn to politics and one figure in particular: Bill Clinton.

In 1992, the then-governor of Arkansas was struggling for traction in his presidential bid and his campaign was heavily in debt when a stately door opened for him in Los Angeles.

Lew Wasserman, the godfather of modern-day Hollywood, was willing to help propel Clinton to the White House.

A larger-than-life figure, Wasserman was a onetime talent agent who clawed his way to the pinnacle of power by building an entertainment colossus with movie production, television, music and theme parks. His MCA Inc., which owned Universal, gave a young Steven Spielberg his break that became “Jaws.”

Lew and Edie Wasserman held a splashy fundraiser for Clinton in August 1992 at their Beverly Hills mansion adorned with Matisse and Degas paintings. Tom Cruise, Nicole Kidman and Kirk Douglas were among the stars who attended the $5,000-per-plate dinner.

Lew Wasserman and Edie Wasserman attend a party at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel in Beverly Hills on April 20, 1984.

(WWD / Penske Media via Getty Images)

“Lew figuratively — and literally — put his arm around Clinton, and that was very helpful,” said a former Clinton aide who was not authorized to speak publicly.

Clinton mingled with guests and gave a short speech, according to one former MCA agent who was there. Casey later told the Hollywood Reporter it was his first meeting with Clinton. He was just 18.

The event raised $1 million, according to a 1992 Times article. It also marked the beginning of a lasting friendship between the Wassermans and the Clintons — one that remains to this day, according to people close to the family.

As Wasserman aged, he was determined that his grandson would have the same high-level political access. “Lew loved Casey and he wanted him to meet a lot of the powerful people,” the former Clinton aide said.

At 21, Casey received his multimillion-dollar inheritance and changed his name to Wasserman. Two years later, he played golf with President Clinton at the Hillcrest Country Club.

After Clinton left the White House, the former president asked Lew Wasserman whether he would host a fundraising luncheon to promote the launch of his foundation.

“My grandfather said yes, ‘but only one thing: I will be there, but Casey is going to host at his house,’” Casey later said. “I was 26 at the time, and thankfully my wife — who wasn’t my wife yet — was around to help with the combined pressure of having the just ex-president and my grandparents there.

“We’ve since built an incredible friendship,” Casey said of Clinton. “I’ve been terribly lucky.”

Laura Ziffren and Wasserman Media Group CEO Casey Wasserman attend a luncheon honoring Casey at UCLA’s Pauley Pavilion on Nov. 18, 2015, in Westwood.

(Jesse Grant / Getty Images for National Football Foundation)

Casey Wasserman and his then-wife, Laura, set off for Africa on Epstein’s jet — an aircraft that would one day gain notoriety as the “Lolita Express” — the same year his family’s foundation donated $3 million to the Clinton Library Foundation.

Joining them was an eclectic crew: Clinton and his aides, Secret Service agents, actors Spacey and Chris Tucker, businessman Ronald Burkle, and former Secretary of Transportation Rodney Slater, along with Epstein and Maxwell.

Several unidentified young women were also on the plane.

Kevin Spacey poses for photographers on the red carpet for the film “Father Mother Sister Brother” at the Venice Film Festival in Venice, Italy, in August.

(Alessandra Tarantino / Invision / Associated Press)

According to newly released FBI notes based on a telephone interview with an emergency physician who traveled with the group, about four women ages 20 to 22 were on board. Their names were redacted from the file, but according to the physician, one young woman was a masseuse, another a model and a third described herself as a ballerina.

The physician, the report said, “thought it weird that Epstein flew with his former girlfriend, Maxwell, and four other women that no one knew why they were there as everyone else had a purpose.”

According to the FBI, the physician described the jet layout as a cockpit up front, then a seating area where Clinton and his staff sat, a kitchenette, another seating area with couches and a bedroom in the back with a sliding wooden door.

At one point, the physician told the FBI, one of the unidentified passengers shut Epstein’s bedroom door abruptly, as if they “did not want him to see or hear what was going on in that bedroom.” He also said he witnessed Epstein “grab and rub” an unidentified passenger’s buttocks.

There was no evidence that Wasserman or any other passengers — who largely stayed in the front of the cabin — witnessed any inappropriate behavior.

The group’s first stop was Ghana, where they launched a program with a Peruvian economist that would establish a legal property system for the poor. Next was Nigeria, and then Rwanda and Mozambique, where they visited AIDS clinics. In South Africa, they met Nelson Mandela to recognize a project to cut the country’s youth HIV/AIDS infection rate by half in five years.

Spacey told The Times he joined Clinton on the Africa trip to raise awareness and funds for HIV/AIDS, visit clinics and communities, and spend “an unforgettable day with Nelson Mandela.”

Financier (and future convicted sex offender) Jeffrey Epstein and his longtime confidant Ghislaine Maxwell at Mar-a-Lago in February 2000.

(Davidoff Studios Photography/Getty Images)

“The work — particularly helping ensure HIV-positive pregnant women received life-saving medication — remains one of the most meaningful experiences of my life,” he said in a statement. “It’s unfortunate that such important work has been overshadowed by the fact that the plane was provided by someone I did not know, had no association with, and never saw again.”

The Clinton Foundation did not respond to a request for comment. Clinton is scheduled to testify this month before a congressional committee — a historic appearance by a former president — to detail his dealings with Epstein.

“I have called for the full release of the Epstein files,” Clinton said Friday in a statement. “I have provided a sworn statement of what I know. And just this week, I’ve agreed to appear in person before the committee.”

After the trip, Wasserman and Maxwell kept in touch, sending each other salacious emails from various cities.

“Where are you, I miss you,” Wasserman wrote on April 1, 2003. “I will be in nyc for 4 days starting april 22 … can we book that massage now?”

“Umm — all that rubbing — are you sure you can take it?” Maxwell wrote on April 2. “The thought frankly is leaving me a little breathless. There are a few spots that apparently drive a man wild — I suppose I could practise them on you and you could let me know if they work or not?”

The pair also traded jokes. On April 6, Maxwell told him she was headed to London and could bring him back British staples: KitKat, cheddar cheese or baked beans. He passed.

“Ok, so that combo did not do it for you, what combo would then? she asked.

“You, me and not much else,” Wasserman replied.

In another exchange April 12, Maxwell told him that she was coming to L.A. and planned to stay at the Peninsula hotel in Beverly Hills. Wasserman replied with a smiley face.

A month after the racy exchanges, Laura Wasserman — daughter of Hollywood legal power broker Ken Ziffren, a close friend of Lew Wasserman — gave birth to the couple’s first child, a son.

Casey Wasserman launched his eponymous talent and marketing firm in 2002, a time when sports media were soaring and athletes increasingly were celebrities. He made a calculated decision to bypass the movie business, recognizing that he would always be measured against his grandfather’s success.

Over the next few decades, the Wasserman agency expanded into a major force in entertainment. Through strategic acquisitions, Wasserman now has about 4,000 employees and has branched out into television and music representation, acquiring a diverse portfolio of clients, including the Barenaked Ladies and the Dave Matthews Band.

His influence stretched further in 2014 when then-Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, a close friend, insisted that Wasserman’s fundraising skills and access to movers and shakers made him the perfect figure to lead L.A.’s effort to land the Summer Olympics. Three years later, L.A. secured the role as host of the 2028 Games.

Today, Wasserman is under extraordinary pressure to deliver a spectacular event to uphold the city’s tradition of excellence. The 1984 Games surpassed expectations and even turned a profit, projecting a unified and gleaming image of Los Angeles to the world.

Wasserman takes no salary as chairman of LA28, but he has received benefits, including travel and other expenses. The Games also will showcase, and perhaps boost the fortunes of, his agency’s numerous Olympic athlete clients.

His ties to corporate sponsors, politicians and sports figures have been viewed by civic leaders as crucial to the success of the Games.

Peter Chernin, former president of News Corp., left, and Casey Wasserman, chief executive officer of Wasserman Media Group, walk the grounds after a morning session during the Allen & Co. Media and Technology Conference in Sun Valley, Idaho, in 2015.

(David Paul Morris / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Even before the latest scandal, there were tensions between Wasserman and some Los Angeles politicians who are concerned that financial shortfalls in staging the $7-billion Summer Games will need to be covered by local taxpayers. Other host cities have been left with yawning deficits, prompting local political blowback. LA28 organizers have expressed confidence that the Games will be a success.

The relationship between the city and LA28 was further strained when the Daily Mail, a British tabloid, published allegations in 2024 that Wasserman was a “serial cheater” who’d carried on affairs with young female staff members. Wasserman, who separated from Laura in 2021, denied the allegations.

Wasserman, at the time, was in Paris for the 2024 Games.

The sports mogul — who had helped carry the torch at the 1984 Summer Olympics in L.A. when he was 10 — had been scheduled to join Mayor Karen Bass on the Paris stage during the flag handoff at the glitzy closing ceremony televised around the world.

But Bass, who does not have the personal relationship with Wasserman that her predecessors Garcetti and Antonio Villaraigosa did, instead stepped up to the stage alone. Then she was joined by gold-medal-winning gymnast Simone Biles, and they handed the flag to Tom Cruise.

Wasserman does not appear ready to bow to pressure from politicians, including Los Angeles County Supervisor Janice Hahn, who have called for him to step down as head of LA28.

Casey Wasserman, chair of the 2028 LA Olympics organizing committee, and President Trump look at Olympic medals during a signing ceremony at the White House in August.

(Kent Nishimura / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

“This is not about shaming him for his past indiscretions,” Hahn said. “This is about the message we are sending to Epstein survivors and to the world about our values — especially as we work to combat any sex trafficking associated with the Games.”

After the release of the latest Epstein documents, lawyers, art museum executives, a former U.K. ambassador and Slovakia’s national security advisor have resigned, apologized or stepped back from high positions. Britain’s King Charles III stripped his brother Andrew of his prince title and position in the royal family after earlier revelations of his involvement.

“The Epstein files have been so powerful in moving people off the stage,” Bebitch Jeffe said.

But Wasserman appears to still enjoy the support of LA28’s nearly three-dozen-member board, which includes actor Jessica Alba, former movie mogul Jeffrey Katzenberg, Lakers minority owner Jeanie Buss, former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy and former Trump White House aide Reince Priebus.

Ultimately, he could weather the Maxwell controversy, hoisting the Olympic flame in 2028 — just like he did as a boy.

Interest in gold has skyrocketed in recent weeks, with the price of one ounce hitting an all time high of $5,600 on January 29 before settling back to just under $5,000 on Sunday.

As economic conditions fluctuate and geopolitical tensions rise, more individuals are seeking gold as a secure investment.

In this visual explainer, Al Jazeera breaks down how gold value is determined, the prices of gold coins in different markets, and the countries holding the largest reserves.

How is the value of gold measured?

Understanding the value of a gold item requires knowing its weight in troy ounces alongside its purity in karats.

Weight (in troy ounces)

The weight of gold and other precious metals like silver and platinum is commonly measured in troy ounces (oz t). One troy ounce is equal to 31.1035 grammes.

At $5,000 per troy ounce, 1 gramme of gold is worth about $160, and a standard 400-troy-ounce (12.44kg) gold bar costs $2m.

Troy ounces are different from regular ounces, which weigh 28.35 grammes and are used to measure everyday items including foods.

Purity (in karats)

Karat or carat (abbreviated as “K” or “ct”) measures the purity of a gold item. Pure gold is 24 karats, while lower karats such as 22, 18, and 9 indicate that the gold is mixed with less expensive metals like silver, copper, or zinc.

To determine the purity of gold, jewellers are required to stamp a number onto the item, such as 24K or a numeric value like 999, which indicates it is 99.9 percent pure. For example, 18K gold will typically have a stamp of 750, signifying that it is 75 percent pure.

Some typical values include:

• 24 karat – 99.9% purity – A deep orange colour, is very soft, never tarnishes and is most commonly used for investment coins or bars
• 22 karat  – 91.6% purity – A rich orange colour, moderate durability, resists tarnishing and most often used for luxury jewellery
• 18 karat – 75% purity – A warm yellow colour, high durability, will have some dulling over time and most often used in fine jewellery
• 9 karat – 37.5% purity – A pale yellow colour, has the highest durability, dulls over time, used in affordable jewellery

Other karat amounts such as 14k (58.3% purity) and 10k (41.7% purity) are often sold in different markets around the world.

When you buy jewellery, the price usually depends on the day’s gold spot price, how much it costs to make, and any taxes.

If you know the item’s exact weight in grammes and the gold’s purity in karats, you can calculate the craftsmanship cost on top of that.

You typically cannot negotiate the spot gold price, but you can often haggle over the craftsmanship costs.

The price of gold has quadrupled over the past 10 years

Gold has been valued for thousands of years, serving various functions, from currency to jewellery. The precious metal is widely regarded as a safe haven asset, particularly in times of economic uncertainty or market volatility.

Up until 1971, the United States dollar was physically defined by a specific weight of gold. Under the classical gold standard, for nearly a century, from 1834 until 1933, you could walk into a bank and exchange $20 for an ounce of gold.

In 1933, amid the Great Depression, the price was raised to $35 per ounce to stimulate the economy.

In 1971, under President Richard Nixon, gold was decoupled from the dollar, and its price began to be determined by market forces.

Over the past 10 years, the price of gold has quadrupled from $1,250 in 2016 to around $5,000 today.

How is the price of gold determined in different countries?

Gold is priced globally based on the spot market, where one troy ounce is traded in US dollars on exchanges such as London and New York. Local prices vary as the dollar rate is converted into domestic currencies, and dealers add premiums for minting, distribution and demand.

Taxes and import duties further influence the final cost: India adds 3 percent GST, while the United Kingdom and United Arab Emirates impose none on gold investments.

Different countries produce unique gold bullion coins and bars, each with its own distinct features and cultural significance. Notable examples include the Gold Eagle from the US, the Gold Panda from China, and the Krugerrand from South Africa.

Which countries have the most gold reserves?

The US leads global gold reserves with 8,133 tonnes, nearly equal to the combined total of the next three countries. Germany is in second place with 3,350 tonnes, and Italy comes in third with 2,451 tonnes.

The graphic below shows the top 10 countries with the largest gold reserves.

In recent months, Addis Ababa has accused Eritrea of supporting rebel fighters on Ethiopian soil.

Ethiopia’s ‌foreign minister has accused neighbouring Eritrea of military aggression and of supporting armed groups inside Ethiopian territory, amid growing tensions between the neighbours.

The two longstanding foes had waged war against each other between 1998 and 2000, but signed a peace deal in 2018 and became allies during Ethiopia’s two-year war against regional authorities in the northern Tigray region.

But Eritrea was not a party to the 2022 agreement that ended the Tigray conflict, and relations between the two nations have plunged into acrimony since then.

In recent months, Addis Ababa has accused Eritrea of supporting rebel fighters on Ethiopian soil – allegations Asmara denies.

In a letter dated Saturday, February 7, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Gedion Timothewos told his Eritrean counterpart Osman Saleh Mohammed that Eritrean forces had occupied Ethiopian territory along parts of their shared border for an extended period.

He also accused Eritrea of providing material support to armed groups operating inside Ethiopia.

“The incursion[s] of Eritrean troops further into Ethiopian territory … are not just provocations but acts of outright aggression,” his letter said.

Timothewos demanded that Asmara “withdraw its troops from Ethiopian territory and cease all forms of collaboration with rebel groups”.

He also said that Ethiopia remained open to dialogue if Eritrea respected its territorial integrity. He said Addis Ababa was willing to engage in good-faith negotiations on all matters of mutual interest, including maritime affairs and access to the Red Sea through the Eritrean port of Assab.

There was no immediate comment from Eritrea on the letter.

Eritrea, which gained independence in 1993 after decades of armed conflict with Ethiopia, has however, bristled at repeated public declarations by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed that his landlocked country has a right to sea access. Many in Eritrea, which lies on the Red Sea, view his comments as an implicit threat of military action.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud responds to Israel’s recognition of Somaliland – a self-governing Somali territory, allegations of a possible Israeli military presence near the Red Sea and shifting power dynamics in the Horn of Africa. He addresses criticism by the United States as well as President Donald Trump’s remarks on Somalia, growing ties with regional allies and fears of wider instability as tensions rise between Israel, Iran and their rivals. At home, Mohamud faces pressing questions over security, human rights, media freedom and whether he will seek a third term ahead of crucial elections.

Global markets rarely reveal their vulnerabilities quietly. They do so when shipping lanes come under threat, energy prices surge, or supply chains fracture. Few regions illustrate this reality more starkly than the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, which are now among the world’s most contested maritime corridors. What unfolds along these waters no longer remains local. It shapes economic security across the Arab world and far beyond.

Yet, amid growing attention to this strategic corridor, one factor remains persistently underestimated: Somalia.

For decades, Somalia was viewed primarily through the lens of conflict and fragility. That narrative no longer reflects today’s reality. The country is undergoing a consequential transition, moving away from prolonged instability, rebuilding state institutions, and re-emerging as a sovereign actor with growing regional relevance. Situated at the intersection of the Arab world, Africa, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden, Somalia is not peripheral to regional stability; it is central to it.

Geography alone explains much of this significance. With the longest coastline in mainland Africa, Somalia lies adjacent to the Bab al-Mandeb passage connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the wider Indian Ocean. A substantial share of global maritime trade and energy shipments passes through this corridor. Disruptions along Somalia’s coast, therefore, have immediate implications for shipping reliability, energy markets, and food security — issues of direct concern to Gulf states and Arab economies.

For the Arab world, Somalia should be understood not as distant terrain but as a front-line partner in regional security. Stability along Somalia’s coastline helps contain threats before they reach the Arabian Peninsula, whether in the form of violent extremism, illicit trafficking networks, piracy, or the entrenchment of hostile external military presences along Africa’s eastern flank.

Somalia is not attempting to build stability from scratch. Despite persistent challenges, tangible progress has been made. Federal governance structures are functioning. National security forces are undergoing professionalisation. Public financial management has improved. Diplomatically, Somalia has reasserted itself within the Arab League, the African Union, and multilateral forums. These gains continue to be built on daily and reflect a clear commitment to sovereign statehood, territorial unity, and partnership rather than dependency. Somalia today seeks strategic alignment grounded in mutual interest, not charity.

Somalia’s relevance also extends beyond security. Its membership in the East African Community integrates the country into one of the world’s fastest-growing population and consumer regions. East Africa’s rapid demographic expansion, urbanisation, and economic integration position Somalia as a natural bridge between Gulf capital and African growth markets.

There is a clear opportunity for Somalia to emerge as a logistics and transshipment gateway linking the Gulf, the Red Sea, East Africa and the Indian Ocean. With targeted investments in ports, transport corridors, and maritime security, Somalia can become a critical node in regional supply chains supporting trade diversification, food security, and economic resilience across the Arab world.

At the heart of Somalia’s potential is its dynamic population. More than 70 percent of Somalis are aged below 30. This generation is increasingly urban, digitally connected, and entrepreneurial. Somali traders and business networks already operate across Southern and Eastern Africa, spanning logistics, finance, retail, and services. A large and dynamic diaspora across the Gulf, Europe, North America, and Africa further amplifies this reach through remittances, investment, and transnational expertise.

None of these momentums, however, can be sustained without security. A capable, nationally legitimate Somali security sector is the foundation for durable stability, investment confidence, and regional integration.

For Gulf states and the wider Arab world, supporting Somalia’s security sector is therefore not an act of altruism. It is a strategic investment in a reliable stabilising partner. Effective Somali security institutions contribute directly to safeguarding Red Sea and Gulf of Aden maritime corridors, countering transnational terrorism before it reaches Arab shores, protecting emerging logistics infrastructure, and denying external actors opportunities to exploit governance vacuums. Such support must prioritise institution-building, Somali ownership, and long-term sustainability, not short-term fixes or proxy competition.

The stakes are rising. The Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden are entering a period of heightened strategic contestation. Fragmentation along their African coastline poses a direct risk to Arab collective security. Recent developments underscore this urgency.

Israel’s unilateral recognition of the northern Somali region of Somaliland, pursued outside international legal frameworks and without Somali consent, is widely viewed as an attempt to secure a military foothold along these strategic waters, risking the introduction of the Arab-Israeli conflict into the Gulf’s security environment.

Even more troubling are emerging narratives advocating the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, with proposals to relocate them to Somaliland against their will. Such ideas, whether formally advanced or not, represent grave violations of international law and human dignity. Exporting the consequences of occupation and war onto African soil would not resolve conflict; it would multiply it.

For the Arab world, this should serve as a wake-up call. Allowing external actors to fragment sovereign states or instrumentalise fragile regions for unresolved conflicts carries long-term consequences. Somalia’s unity and stability, therefore, align squarely with core Arab strategic interests and with longstanding Arab positions on sovereignty, justice and self-determination.

Somalia is ready to be part of the solution. With calibrated strategic support, particularly in security sector development and logistics infrastructure, Somalia can emerge as a cornerstone of Red Sea and Gulf of Aden stability, a gateway to East Africa, and a long-term partner for the Arab world.

The question is no longer whether Somalia matters in the regional and global Red Sea and Gulf of Aden discussions and plans. It is whether the region will act on that reality before others do.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Somalian President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has slammed Israel’s “interference” in his country, saying its recognition of the breakaway region of Somaliland has further increased instability and weakened international order.

In an exclusive interview with Al Jazeera broadcast on Saturday, Mohamud said Somalia “will never allow” the establishment of an Israeli base in Somaliland and will “confront” any such move.

He also warned that the proposed Israeli base could be used as a springboard to attack neighbouring countries.

Mohamud’s comments came amid a regional outcry over Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decision in December to recognise Somaliland, a breakaway part of Somalia comprising the northwestern portion of what was once the British Protectorate.

The territory sits astride one of the world’s most critical maritime choke routes, flanked by multiple conflicts in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East.

Israel’s move made it the first country in the world to recognise Somaliland as an independent state and came months after The Associated Press news agency reported that Israeli officials had contacted parties in Somaliland to discuss using the territory for forcibly displacing Palestinians amid Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

Israel and Somaliland have denied the claims, but a Somaliland official from the country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation told Israel’s Channel 12 in January that an Israeli military base is “on the table and being discussed”, though its establishment depends on the terms.

Somalia has denounced Israel’s move as an attack on its territorial integrity and unity, a position backed by most African and Arab leaders, and urged Netanyahu to withdraw the recognition.

But Somaliland’s leader, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, known as Cirro, has welcomed Israel’s diplomatic move, praising Netanyahu for his “leadership and commitment to promoting stability and peace” in the region.

‘We will defend ourselves’

In his interview with Al Jazeera, Mohamud described Israel’s diplomatic manoeuvre as a “reckless, fundamentally wrong and illegal action under international law”.

He also pledged to fight back against any Israeli military presence in Somaliland.

“We will fight in our capacity. Of course, we will defend ourselves,” he said. “And that means that we will confront any Israeli forces coming in, because we are against that and we will never allow that.”

The Israeli recognition represents a dramatic shift in Somaliland’s fortunes after years of diplomatic isolation.

The region seceded from Somalia during a brutal civil war that followed decades under the hardline government of Siad Barre, whose forces devastated the north. While large parts of Somalia descended into chaos, Somaliland stabilised by the late 1990s.

Somaliland has since developed a distinct political identity, with its own currency, flag and parliament. But its eastern regions remain disputed by communities that do not back the separatist programme in the capital, Hargeisa.

In recent years, Somaliland developed ties with the United Arab Emirates – a signatory to the Abraham Accords with Israel – and Taiwan as it sought international acceptance.

In his interview, Mohamud said Israel’s move “interfering with Somalia’s sovereign and territorial integrity” also “undermines stability, security and trade in a way that affects the whole of Africa, the Red Sea and the wider world”.

He added that Israel’s deadly use of force against Palestinians in Gaza cannot be separated from what is happening in Somaliland, adding that it reflects the weakening of the foundations of global governance.

“Key among the global concerns is the weakening of the established rules-based international order. That order is not intact any more,” Mohamud said.

He warned that institutions created after World War II “are under grave threat”, as “the mighty is right” increasingly replaces adherence to international law.

The United States, meanwhile, has yet to signal a major shift on the question of Somaliland.

But in August, US President Donald Trump – who has previously lobbed insults at Somalia and Mohamud – suggested he was preparing to move on the issue when asked about Somaliland during a White House news conference.

“Another complex one, but we’re working on that one – Somaliland,” he said.

Crypto markets came under pressure this week when the price of the world’s most popular cryptocurrency, Bitcoin, tumbled to its lowest level in more than a year.

On Thursday afternoon, the price of Bitcoin fell below $66,000 and was hovering at about $62,900 on Friday morning.

The fall in the price of the digital asset kicked off in the last weekend of January, when it fell below $80,000.

In October last year, Bitcoin hit an all-time peak of more than $127,000 before falling back to about $90,000 in December.

Following its latest tumble, Bitcoin is currently down by about 30 percent more since the start of the year.

Here’s what we know about what’s going on in the world of cryptocurrency:

Why is the price of Bitcoin falling?

Volatility in other markets is one of the main drivers.

Analysts say a sell-off of global stocks amid geopolitical uncertainty and recent volatility in the price of gold and silver are part of the reason for the drastic fall in the price of Bitcoin.

“Institutional demand has reversed materially,” CryptoQuant, an organisation which provides analysis of global markets to cryptocurrency investors, wrote in a report on Wednesday.

The report noted that US exchange-traded funds (ETFs) – a form of pooled investment – which had been buying up Bitcoin last year, are selling it this year.

Deutsche Bank analysts wrote in a note to clients this week that these ETFs “have seen billions of dollars flow out each month since the October 2025 downturn”, referring to investors in the funds cashing out of them.

Furthermore, they added that specialised US spot Bitcoin ETFs suffered outflows of more than $3bn in January this year, following outflows of about $7bn and $2bn in November and December 2025, respectively.

“This steady selling in our view signals that traditional investors are losing interest, and overall pessimism about crypto is growing,” the analysts said.

Adam Morgan McCarthy, product specialist at Kaiko, an organisation that provides crypto market data and analyses, told Al Jazeera: “The fall in Bitcoin prices has been largely tied to less interest in the markets and lower trading volumes. This leads to less liquidity, so any move higher or lower is exacerbated.”

He explained that the crypto market relies heavily on “hype-driven” cycles where people buy due to a fear of “missing out” on an opportunity.

“This hype forms the foundation of trading volumes, and that is what we mean by liquidity. Essentially, more trading volumes mean more liquidity, as it makes it easier to quickly buy and sell Bitcoin,” he said.

“Right now, that foundation is disappearing and this tends to happen during bear markets or ‘crypto winters’, making it much harder to effectively trade assets, and they become even less appealing then. So it’s quite a vicious circle that leads to these downward spirals,” he added.

A “crypto winter” is an extended period of declining or stagnant prices, something that can be driven by worsening macroeconomic conditions or tightening market regulations, among other reasons.

Volatility in gold and silver prices in the past two weeks has also dampened market sentiment, affecting the price of cryptocurrencies. Analysts say geopolitical instability and the prospects of a rising US dollar have led investors to sell precious metals, resulting in the sudden downturn.

Then, last week, prices came back sharply, with the price of gold hitting a record peak of almost $5,595 an ounce, while silver hit an all-time high of nearly $122.

But this peak did not last long, and this week, the prices of these precious commodities plunged – again – with gold falling to $4,872.83 per ounce on Thursday and silver falling to $77.36 an ounce.

Other cryptocurrencies like Ether, the second-largest cryptocurrency, have also fallen. The price of Ether has fallen by 19 percent this week, closing at $1,854 late on Thursday.

Does this mean ‘crypto-friendly’ policies in the US aren’t working?

The price of Bitcoin soared after United States President Donald Trump’s return to the White House last year, with analysts expecting he would adopt a “crypto-friendly” regulatory regime.

At a Bitcoin conference in July 2024, as part of his pre-election rally, Trump had said the US is the “crypto capital of the planet” and pledged to also create a Bitcoin “strategic reserve” if he became president.

In March 2025, on taking office, Trump announced his government would create a national strategic crypto reserve which would include five cryptocurrencies – Bitcoin and Ether as well as smaller currencies XRP, Cardano and Solana.

In July last year, Trump also announced the GENIUS Act, a new cryptocurrency legislation that would establish regulations and consumer protections for “stablecoin”, a type of cryptocurrency whose value is linked to a fixed currency or commodity.

Then, last month, the US also unveiled draft legislation that would create a regulatory framework for cryptocurrency, which, if signed into law, would clarify financial regulators’ jurisdiction over the cryptocurrency sector.

The US president has a personal interest as his family owns the cryptofirm World Liberty Financial (WLFI).

Last March, WLFI launched its own “stablecoin” – a dollar-pegged cryptocoin backed by US treasuries – called USD1.

But the president’s personal interest in cryptocurrencies and supportive policies have not shielded the digital asset from external market factors.

Have we seen ‘crypto winters’ before?

Yes.

A crypto winter was triggered after Bitcoin peaked in December 2017 and then tumbled in December 2018 due to intense regulatory crackdowns in the US, Canada and other countries, among other reasons.

Another such winter occurred in November 2022 after a peak in October 2021, due to the FTX currency exchange scandal. In November that year, crypto exchange FTX initiated US bankruptcy proceedings after a liquidity crisis prompted intervention from regulators around the world.

In a Thursday briefing note, analysts at Kaiko said the downward trend in prices “truly accelerated” after Trump appointed Kevin Warsh as the new Federal Reserve Chair.

Warsh will replace Jeremy Powell, who Trump has lambasted for not lowering interest rates.

The Kaiko briefing note stated: “Powell’s recent announcement on January 28th that interest rates would remain unchanged, combined with the appointment of the new Chairman, constituted a true turning point, acting as a catalyst for a sharp acceleration of the decline. The reaction was all the more pronounced given that the crypto market, particularly sensitive to changes in the macroeconomic regime, was already weakened,” the report said.

What will happen next?

Hougan noted that crypto winters typically last for about 13 months and assured investors that the current “winter” will not last for long.

“As a veteran of multiple crypto winters, I can tell you that the end of those crypto winters feels a lot like now: Despair, desperation, and malaise. But there is nothing about the current market pullback that’s changed anything fundamental about crypto,” he said in his report.

“I think we’re going to come roaring back sooner rather than later. Heck, it’s been winter since January 2025. Spring is surely coming soon,” he added.

A Congolese miner told Al Jazeera he saw his friends around him die as the mine they were working in collapsed in heavy rains, trapping dozens underground for hours. Rescuers pulled Grace Barata alive from the mud the following day.

Drew Binsky has visited all 197 countries in the world and has recently shared his top three African destinations, offering a comprehensive travel guide for those considering a trip to the continent

American YouTuber Drew Binsky, who has journeyed through all 54 African countries, has unveiled his top three picks, providing travel advice and handy tips for those eager to explore the continent. The content creator has set foot in all 197 countries worldwide, culminating his global tour with a visit to Saudi Arabia in 2021.

After recent trips to Australia and New Zealand with his parents, Drew has traversed every country in Africa and shared a snapshot of his five preferred destinations.

Drew hinted that his choices might surprise those contemplating a trip to Africa, remarking: “It might even make you book a flight out here to experience the adrenaline rush for yourself.”

Tanzania clinched the top spot on his African list, with Drew lauding the Hadzabe tribe as the “coolest people ever.”

Ethiopia claimed second position, with Drew confessing he was “obsessed” with the nation, while Namibia completed the top three, reports the Express.

Tanzania

The East African country of Tanzania, home to more than 66 million people, reigned supreme in Drew’s rankings, and the footage clearly illustrates why. This marked Drew’s fourth visit to the nation, where he admitted: “I could not get enough of this place right now,” according to the Express.

After spending time with the Hadzabe, among the last remaining hunter-gatherer communities in Africa, Drew ventured into Serengeti National Park to observe the zebra and wildebeest migration. His travels then led him to the famed Ngorongoro Crater in northern Tanzania, designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

He observed: “I’ve never seen a crater in my life that’s this big. I mean, it goes on forever.”

Drew also travelled to Mount Kilimanjaro, the world’s highest free-standing mountain, before heading to Zanzibar, which he described as having some of the “most beautiful beaches in the world.”

He continued: “If you can only visit one country in Africa, let it be Tanzania. It’s safe, the streets are clean, there are no scams here, everyone’s super nice, they speak English — you will absolutely love it.”

Ethiopia

Ethiopia, with a population exceeding 128 million, secured second place in Drew’s rankings. He praised the nation’s “many amazing cultures” and revealed he has visited nine times, urging travellers to explore beyond the capital, Addis Ababa.

Drew highlighted locations including Dire Dawa in the east and the ancient city of Harar, a UNESCO-recognised site steeped in Somali heritage.

He stated: “You have Lalibela, which is an amazing ancient Christian rock formation. And speaking of religion, Ethiopia is split between Islam and Christianity, and they have a really interesting branch of Christianity that’s really unique.”

The YouTuber also travelled to Tigray in northern Ethiopia, trekking to ancient churches carved into the mountainsides. His journey included the town of Gandha, notable for its significant Jewish community, and the Omo Valley in south-western Ethiopia, home to “some of the most incredible tribes in the world with fascinating traditions.”

He added: “Ethiopia has the best food in Africa. The best coffee in the world is there. I can go on and on about Ethiopia.”

Namibia

Completing Drew’s top three was Namibia, a south-west African nation with a population of just under three million. It is the world’s second least densely populated country, behind only Mongolia.

Drew said: “It’s one of the only places in the world where you can find beautiful sand dunes that intersect exactly with the ocean. Now I can finally see why everyone always falls in love with Namibia — this place is as good as it gets.”

His trip included a visit to Etosha National Park before heading to Windhoek, which he described as a “cool capital city.”

He remarked: “The people are so lovely and friendly, they speak great English.”

Lastly, Drew visited Sossusvlei, praising its “incredible nature” and the sight of trees emerging from the sand dunes. He added: “And of course, you have the Himba tribe near the Angola border in Namibia. They have the clay hair, and they’re just so cool. I really love visiting the tribes in Africa — it’s so enriching and so amazing to appreciate their cultures and traditions.”

Armed men burned homes and shops in Woro, a remote village in north-central Kwara State bordering Niger State, authorities say.

Armed men have killed at least 35 people and burned homes and shops in Woro, a remote village in Nigeria’s north-central Kwara State, authorities said.

“This morning, I was told that 35 to 40 dead bodies were counted,” Sa’idu Baba Ahmed, a local lawmaker in the Kaiama region, told the AFP news agency on Wednesday.

“Many others escaped into the bush with gunshots,” Ahmed said, adding that more bodies could be found.

It was the deadliest assault ‍this ⁠year in the district bordering Niger State, which armed gangs have attacked increasingly.

Villagers fled into the surrounding bushland as the armed men attacked Woro, Ahmed told ‌the Reuters news agency by phone. Several people were still missing, he said.

The attack was confirmed by police, who did not provide casualty figures. The state government blamed the attack on “terrorist cells”.

Banditry and armed ‌attacks on rural communities have surged across ‌northwest and north-central ⁠Nigeria in recent years as gangs raid villages, kidnap residents and loot livestock.

Before we see elephants at Elephant Valley in the San Diego Zoo Safari Park, we come face to face with destruction, only the wreckage is beautiful. A long, winding path takes guests around and under felled trees. Aged gray tree hunks form arches, for instance, over bridges that tower over clay-colored paths with hoof prints.

The design is meant to reorient us, to take us on a trail walked not by humans but traversed and carved by elephants, a creature still misunderstood, vilified and hunted for its cataclysmic-like ability to reshape land, and sometimes communities.

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“It starts,” says Kristi Burtis, vice president of wildlife care for the Safari Park, “by telling the story that elephants are ecosystem engineers.”

Elephant Valley will open March 5 as the newest experience at the Escondido park, its aim to bring guests closer than ever to the zoo’s eight elephants, which range in age from 7 to 36, while more heavily focusing on conservation. The centerpiece of the 13-acre-plus parkland is a curved bridge overlooking a savanna, allowing elephants to walk under guests. But there are also nooks such as a cave that, while not previewed at a recent media event, will allow visitors to view elephants on their level.

In a shift from, say, the Safari Park’s popular tram tour, there are no fences and visible enclosures. Captive elephants remain a sometimes controversial topic, and the zoo’s herd is a mix of rescues and births, but the goal was to create a space where humans are at once removed and don’t impede on the relative free-roaming ability of the animals by keeping guests largely elevated. As an example of just how close people can get to the herd, there was a moment of levity at the event when one of the elephants began flinging what was believed to be a mixture of dirt and feces up onto the bridge.

An aerial view of Elephant Valley at the San Diego Zoo Safari Park, home to eight elephants.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

“Our guests are going to be able to see the hairs on an elephant,” says Kristi Burtis, vice president of wildlife care for the Safari Park.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

“Our guests are going to be able to see the hairs on an elephant,” Burtis says. “They can see their eyes. They can see the eyelashes. They can see how muscular their trunks are. It’s really going to be a different experience.”

Elephant Valley, complete with a multistory lodge with open-air restaurants and bars, boasts a natural design that isn’t influenced by the elephant’s African home so much as it is in conversation with it. The goal isn’t to displace us, but to import communal artistry — Kenyan wood and beadwork can be found in the pathways, resting spaces and more — as a show of admiration rather than imitation.

“We’re not going to pretend that we’re taking people to Africa,” says Fri Forjindam, now a creative executive with Universal’s theme parks but previously a lead designer on Elephant Valley via her role as a chief development officer at Mycotoo, a Pasadena-based experiential design firm.

“That is a slippery slope of theming that can go wrong really fast,” she adds. “How do we recognize where we are right now, which is near San Diego? How do we populate this plane with plants that are indigenous to the region? The story of coexistence is important. We’re not extracting from Africa, we’re learning. We’re not extracting from elephants, we’re sharing information.”

But designing a space that is elephant-first yet also built for humans presented multiple challenges, especially when the collaborating teams were aiming to construct multiple narratives around the animals. Since meetings about Elephant Valley began around 2019, the staff worked to touch on themes related to migration and conservation. And there was also a desire to personalize the elephants.

“Where can we also highlight each of the elephants by name, so they aren’t just this huge herd of random gray creatures?” Forjindam says. “You see that in the lodge.”

Two of eight elephants eat during an Elephant Valley preview.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

That lodge, the Mkutano House — a phrase that means “gathering” in Swahili — should provide opportunities for guests to linger, although zoo representatives say reservations are recommended for those who wish to dine in the space (there will also be a walk-up, to-go window). Menus have yet to be released, but the ground floor of the structure, boasting hut-like roofing designed to blend into the environment, features close views of the elephant grazing pool as well as an indoor space with a centerpiece tree beneath constellation-like lighting to mimic sunrises and sunsets.

Throughout there are animal wood carvings and beadwork, the latter often hung from sculptures made of tree branches. The ceiling, outfitted with colorful, cloth tapestries designed to move with the wind, aims to create less friction between indoor and outdoor environments.

There are, of course, research and educational goals of the space as well. The Safari Park works, for instance, with the Northern Rangelands Trust and Loisaba Conservancy in Kenya, with an emphasis on studying human-elephant conflict and finding no-kill resolutions. Nonprofits and conservation groups estimate that there are today around 415,000 elephants in Africa, and the African savanna elephant is listed as endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature.

Water areas in Elephant Valley have been redesigned with ramps and steps to make it easier for the elephants to navigate. The hope is to inspire play.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

Studies of the zoo’s young elephants is shared with the Reteti Elephant Sanctuary in the hopes of delivering care to elephant youth to prevent orphanage. Additionally, the Safari Park has done extensive examination into the endotheliotropic herpes virus. “The data that we collect from elephants here, you can’t simply get from elephants in the wild,” Burtis says.

One of the two entrances to Elephant Valley is outfitted with bee boxes; bees are known to be a natural elephant deterrent and can help in preventing the animals from disrupting crops or communities. To encourage more natural behavior, the plane is outfitted with timed feeders in an attempt to encourage movement throughout the acreage and establish a level of real-life unpredictability in hunting for resources. Water areas have been redesigned with ramps and steps to make it easier for the elephants to navigate.

The view from Elephant Valley’s Mkutano House, a two-story dining destination in the new space at the San Diego Zoo Safari Park.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

With Elephant Valley, Forjindam says the goal was to allow visitors to “observe safely in luxury — whatever that is — but not from a position of power, more as a cohabitor of the Earth, with as much natural elements as possible. It’s not to impose dominance. Ultimately, it needed to feel natural. It couldn’t feel like a man-made structure, which is an antiquated approach to any sort of safari experience where animals are the product, a prize. In this experience, this is the elephant’s home.”

And the resulting feel of Elephant Valley is that we, the paying customers, are simply their house guests.

The 10th edition of the ICC Men’s Twenty20 World Cup gets under way on February 7, with 20 teams competing for the prize.

Defending champions India will be led by Suryakumar Yadav, who replaced Rohit Sharma as captain after he retired from the T20 format.

The cohosts, alongside England and the West Indies, will be aiming to become the first country to win three T20 World Cup trophies.

Rashid Khan’s Afghanistan will look to emulate their performance from 2024, while Pakistan will hope their journey does not stop at the group stage.

Here are the 20 teams and their squads for the T20 World Cup:

Afghanistan

Rashid Khan (captain), Ibrahim Zadran, Rahmanullah Gurbaz (wicketkeeper), Mohammad Ishaq (wicketkeeper), Sediqullah Atal, Darwish Rasooli, Shahidullah Kamal, Azmatullah Omarzai, Gulbadin Naib, Mohammad Nabi, Noor Ahmad, Mujeeb Ur Rahman, Zia Ur Rahman Sharifi, Fazalhaq Farooqi, Abdullah Ahmadzai

Australia

Mitchell Marsh (captain), Xavier Bartlett, Cooper Connolly, Pat Cummins, Tim David, ‍Cameron Green, Nathan Ellis, Josh Hazlewood, Travis Head, Josh Inglis (wicketkeeper), Matthew Kuhnemann, Glenn Maxwell, Matthew Short, Marcus Stoinis, Adam Zampa

Canada

Dilpreet Bajwa (captain), Navneet Dhaliwal, Shreyas Movva (wicketkeeper), Ravinderpal Singh, Yuvraj Samra, Kanwarpal Tathgur, Ajayveer Hundal, Nicholas Kirton, Saad Bin Zafar, Shivam Sharma, Harsh Thaker, Dilon Heyliger, Kaleem Sana, Ansh Patel, Manjot Buttar

England

Harry Brook (captain), Rehan Ahmed, Jofra Archer, Tom Banton, Jacob Bethell, Jos Buttler (wicketkeeper), Sam Curran, Liam Dawson, Ben Duckett, Will Jacks, Jamie Overton, Adil Rashid, Phil Salt (captain), Josh Tongue, Luke Wood

India

Suryakumar Yadav (captain), Abhishek Sharma, Sanju Samson (wicketkeeper), Tilak Varma, Hardik Pandya, Shivam Dube, Axar ‍Patel, Rinku Singh, Jasprit Bumrah, Harshit Rana, Arshdeep Singh, Kuldeep Yadav, Varun Chakaravarthy, Washington Sundar, Ishan Kishan (wicketkeeper)

Ireland

Paul Stirling (captain), Ross Adair, Ben Calitz, Harry Tector, Tim Tector, Lorcan Tucker (wicketkeeper), Mark Adair, Curtis Campher, Gareth Delany, George Dockrell, Matthew Humphreys, Josh Little, Ben White, Barry McCarthy, Craig Young

Italy

Wayne Madsen (captain), Harry Manenti, Jon-Jon Trevor Smuts, Grant Stewart, Ben Manenti, Ali Hasan, Marcus Campopiano, Thomas Draca, Jaspreet Singh, Crishan Kalugamage, Gian-Piero Meade, Anthony Mosca, Justin Mosca, Syed Naqvi, Zain Ali

Namibia

Gerhard Erasmus (captain), Jan Balt, Zane Green (wicketkeeper), Malan Kruger, Dylan Leicher, Louren Steenkamp, Jan Frylinck, Jan Nicol Loftie-Eaton, Willem Myburgh, Johannes Jonathan Smit, Jack Brassell, Max Heingo, Bernard Scholtz, Ben Shikongo, Ruben Trumpelmann

Nepal

Rohit Paudel (captain), Aarif Sheikh, Aasif Sheikh (wicketkeeper), Dipendra Singh Airee, Basir Ahamad, Kushal Bhurtel, Sundeep Jora, Lokesh Bam, Gulshan Jha, Karan KC, Sompal Kami, Sandeep Lamichhane, Sher Malla, Lalit Rajbanshi, Nandan Yadav

Netherlands

Scott Edwards (captain, wicketkeeper), Noah Croes, Michael Levitt, Max O’Dowd, Colin Ackermann, Bas de Leede, Zach Lion-Cachet, Saqib Zulfiqar, Roelof van der Merwe, Aryan Dutt, Fred Klaassen, Kyle Klein, Logan van Beek, Tim van der Gugten, Paul van Meekeren

New Zealand

Mitchell Santner (captain), Finn Allen, Michael Bracewell, Mark Chapman, Devon Conway (wicketkeeper), Jacob Duffy, Lockie Ferguson, Matt Henry, Daryl Mitchell, Adam Milne, James Neesham, Glenn Phillips, Rachin Ravindra, Tim Seifert (wicketkeeper), Ish Sodhi

Oman

Jatinder Singh (captain), Hammad Mirza (wicketkeeper), Vinayak Shukla (wicketkeeper), Jay Odedra, Mohammad Nadeem, Nadeem Khan, Karan Sonavale, Wasim Ali, Hassnain Shah, Jiten Ramanandi, Shafiq Jan, Shah Faisal, Shakeel Ahmed, Sufyan Mehmood, Ashish Odedara

Pakistan

Salman Ali Agha (captain), Abrar Ahmed, Babar Azam, Faheem Ashraf, Fakhar Zaman, Khawaja Nafay (wicketkeeper), Mohammad Nawaz, Salman Mirza, Naseem Shah, Sahibzada Farhan, Saim Ayub, Shaheen Shah Afridi, Shadab Khan, Usman Khan (wicketkeeper), Usman Tariq

Scotland

Richie Berrington (captain), Tom Bruce, Matthew Cross (wicketkeeper), Michael Jones, Finlay McCreath, George Munsey, Michael Leask, Brendon McCullen, Brad Currie, Chris Greaves, Safyaan Sharif, Mark Watt, Brad Wheal, Oliver Davidson, Zainullah Ihsan

South Africa

Aiden Markram (captain), Corbin Bosch, Dewald Brevis, Quinton de Kock (wicketkeeper), Tony de Zorzi, Donovan Ferreira, Marco Jansen, George Linde, Keshav Maharaj, Kwena Maphaka, David Miller, Lungi Ngidi, Anrich Nortje, Kagiso Rabada, Jason Smith

Sri Lanka

Dasun Shanaka (captain), Pathum Nissanka, Kamil Mishara, Kusal Mendis (wicketkeeper), Kusal Janith Perera, Kamindu Mendis, Charith Asalanka, Janith Liyanage, Pavan Rathnayake, Wanindu Hasaranga, Dunith Wellalage, Maheesh Theekshana, Dushmantha Chameera, Matheesha Pathirana, Eshan Malinga

USA

Monank Patel (captain), Jessy Singh, Andries Gous (wicketkeeper), Shehan Jayasuriya, Milind Kumar, Shayan Jahangir, Saiteja Mukkamala, Sanjay Krishnamurthi, Harmeet Singh, Nosthush Kenjige, Shadley van Schalkwyk, Saurabh Netravalkar, Ali Khan, Mohammad Mohsin, Shubham Ranjane

Zimbabwe

Sikandar Raza (captain), Brian Bennett, Ryan Burl, Brendan Taylor (wicketkeeper), Graeme Cremer, Bradley Evans, Clive Madande (wicketkeeper), Tinotenda Maposa, Tadiwanashe Marumani, Wellington Masakadza, Tony Munyonga, Tashinga Musekiwa, Blessing Muzarabani, Dion Myers, Richard Ngarava

Moscow ‘strongly condemns’ attack on airport in the capital, Niamey, where 20 rebels were killed, and four soldiers were wounded.

Russian soldiers helped repel an attack claimed by the ISIL (ISIS) armed group on Niger’s main airport in the capital, Niamey, last week, according to Moscow’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

“The attack was repelled through the joint efforts of the Russian Ministry of Defence’s African Corps and the Nigerien armed forces,” Russia’s Foreign Ministry said on Monday.

Niger’s governing military earlier said that “Russian partners” had helped to fend off the rare assault on the capital, which saw 20 attackers, including a French national, killed and four army soldiers wounded.

At least 11 fighters were also captured, Niger’s state television reported.

“Moscow strongly condemns this latest extremist attack,” the Foreign Ministry added in the statement, according to Russia’s state TASS news agency.

“A similar attack took place in September 2024 on the international airport in the capital of Mali. According to available information, external forces providing instructor and technical support are involved,” the ministry said, according to TASS.

Niger’s military chief, Abdourahamane Tchiani, visited the Russian military base in Niamey to express “personal gratitude for a high-level of professionalism” by Russian forces in defending the airport, the ministry added.

ISIL claimed responsibility for the “surprise and coordinated attack” on the airbase at the Diori Hamani international airport near Niamey on the night of January 28.

A video published online through the ISIL-affiliated media Amaq showed several dozen attackers with assault rifles firing near an aircraft hangar and setting ablaze one plane before leaving on motorbikes.

Ulf Laessing, the head of the Sahel programme at Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation, told The Associated Press news agency that the sophistication and boldness of the attack, including the possible use of drones by the attackers, suggest that the assailants may have had inside help.

Previous successful attacks in the region appear to have increased the group’s confidence, leading them to target more sensitive and strategically important sites, Laessing said.

Niger’s military had initially accused Benin, France and the Ivory Coast of sponsoring the attack on the airport, which also houses a military base. The military, however, did not provide evidence to substantiate its claim.

Ivory Coast’s Foreign Ministry denied the allegation and summoned Niger’s ambassador to relay its protest. Benin also denied the claim, describing it as “not very credible”.

France has yet to comment.

Niger is a former colony of France, which maintained a military presence in the country until 2023.

Russia rarely comments on its military activity in the Sahel region, where Moscow has been increasing its influence in recent years.

Facing isolation since its invasion of Ukraine, Russia has tried to build new military and political partnerships across Africa.

Apart from Niger, Russian troops or military instructors have been reported to be deployed in Burkina Faso, Equatorial Guinea, the Central African Republic and Libya.

Russia’s African Corps has taken over from the Wagner mercenary force across the continent. According to Moscow, the corps helps ” fighting terrorists” and is “strengthening regional stability” in the Sahel.

Niger’s authorities have been fighting the Al-Qaeda-linked Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) and the ISIL affiliate in the Sahel (EIS) for the past decade.

The attack comes amid fears of a return to conflict following clashes between government troops and Tigrayan forces.

One person has been killed and another injured in drone strikes in Ethiopia’s ‍northern Tigray ‍region, a senior Tigrayan official and a humanitarian worker said, in another sign of renewed conflict between regional and federal forces.

The Tigrayan official on Saturday said the drone strikes hit two Isuzu trucks near Enticho and Gendebta, two places in Tigray about 20km (12 miles) apart.

The official said the Ethiopian National Defence Force launched the strikes, but ​did not provide evidence.

A local humanitarian worker confirmed the strikes had happened. Both asked not to be named, the Reuters news agency reported.

It was not immediately clear what the trucks were carrying.

TPLF-affiliated news outlet Dimtsi Weyane posted pictures on Facebook that ‌it said showed the trucks damaged in the strikes. It said the trucks were transporting food ‌and cooking items.

Pro-government activists posting on ⁠social media said the trucks were carrying weapons.

Ethiopia’s national army fought fighters from the Tigray People’s ⁠Liberation Front (TPLF) for two years until late 2022, in a war ​researchers say killed hundreds of thousands through direct violence, the ‍collapse of healthcare and famine.

Fighting broke out between regional and national forces in Tsemlet in the disputed territory of western Tigray earlier this week, an area claimed by forces from the neighbouring Amhara region.

Tension has been brewing over the presence of troops from Amhara and the neighbouring country of Eritrea in Tigray, violating a peace deal in November 2022 that ended the war.

Last year, the head of Tigray’s interim administration established by Addis Ababa was forced to flee Mekele, the regional capital, amid growing divisions within the TPLF, which controlled all of Ethiopia before being displaced by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

Addis Ababa accuses the group of forging ties with neighbouring Eritrea and “actively preparing to wage war against Ethiopia”.

Earlier this week, national carrier Ethiopian Airlines cancelled flights to Tigray, where residents rushed to try to withdraw cash from banks.

The Tigray ‌war ended in 2022, but disagreements have continued over a range of issues, including contested territories in western ‍Tigray, and the delayed disarmament of Tigray forces.

The province is also suffering the effects of United States President Donald Trump’s funding cuts to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) last year, which was once Ethiopia’s largest source of humanitarian aid.

Humanitarian organisations say up to 80 percent of the population is in need of emergency support, and funding shortfalls are placing a strain on the health system.

The African Union’s chairperson, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, on Friday urged all parties to “exercise maximum restraint” and “resolve all outstanding issues through constructive dialogue”.

He emphasised the importance of preserving the “hard-won gains achieved under the AU-led Permanent Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (COHA)” signed in Pretoria in 2022.

After several years of suspension, political parties in Burkina Faso have been formally dissolved by the military government, which has also seized all their assets in a move analysts say is a major blow for democracy in the West African nation.

In a decree issued on Thursday, the government, led by Captain Ibrahim Traore, scrapped all laws which established and regulated political parties, accusing them of failing to comply with guidelines.

The troubled West African nation is struggling with violence from armed groups linked to ISIL (ISIS) and al-Qaeda. It is one of a growing number of West and Central African nations to have undergone coups in recent years.

Traore seized power in September 2022, eight months after an earlier military coup had already overthrown the democratically elected President Roch Marc Kabore.

Despite strong criticism by rights groups and opposition politicians of his authoritarian approach, 37-year-old Traore has successfully built up an online cult-like following among pan-Africanists, with many likening him to the late Burkinabe revolutionary leader, Thomas Sankara.

Traore’s anti-colonial and anti-imperial pronouncements are often shown in high-definition, AI-generated videos that have gained him widespread admiration across the internet.

But the decision to ban political parties does not sit well for democracy, Dakar-based analyst Beverly Ochieng of the Control Risks intelligence firm, told Al Jazeera.

“The military government will [remain] highly influential, especially after a recent decree appointing Traore in a supervisory capacity in the judiciary,” Ochieng said, referring to a December 2023 constitutional change which placed courts directly under government control.

Going forward, “there will be very limited division of powers or autonomy across the civic and political space,” Ochieng said, adding that the military government will likely keep extending its stay in power.

Why have political parties been banned?

The Burkinabe government claims the existing political parties were not following the codes which established them.

In a televised statement following a Council of Ministers meeting on Thursday, when the new decree was approved, Interior Minister Emile Zerbo said the decision was part of a broader effort to “rebuild the state” after alleged widespread abuses and dysfunction in the country’s multiparty system.

A government review, he said, had found that the multiplication of political parties had fuelled divisions and weakened social cohesion in the country.

“The government believes that the proliferation of political parties has led to excesses, fostering division among citizens and weakening the social fabric,” Zerbo said.

He did not give details of the political parties’ alleged excesses.

How did political parties operate in the past?

Before the 2022 coup, which brought the current military leadership to power, Burkina Faso had more than 100 registered political parties, with 15 represented in parliament after the 2020 general elections.

The largest was the ruling People’s Movement for Progress (MPP), which had 56 of 127 seats in parliament. It was followed by the Congress for Democracy and Progress, with 20 seats, and the New Era for Democracy with 13 seats.

But the civilian government faced months of protests as thousands took to the streets to demonstrate against growing insecurity from armed groups in large parts of the country.

In 2022, Traore took power, promising to put an end to violence by armed groups. He also promised the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) bloc that his government would hold elections by 2024.

But political parties were banned from holding rallies after the 2022 coup and, a month before the 2024 deadline, Traore’s government postponed elections to 2029 after holding a national conference, which was boycotted by several political parties.

Burkina Faso, along with Mali and Niger, withdrew from ECOWAS to form the Alliance of Sahel States, a new economic and military alliance in January last year. They also withdrew from the International Criminal Court (ICC).

In July 2025, Traore’s government dissolved the Independent National Electoral Commission, saying the agency was too expensive.

Has insecurity worsened under Traore?

Landlocked Burkina Faso is currently grappling with several armed groups which have seized control of land in the country’s north, south and west, amounting to about 60 percent of the country, according to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies (ACSS).

The most active groups are the al-Qaeda-backed Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and Islamic State Sahel Province (ISSP), which also operate in neighbouring Mali and Niger.

The groups want to rule over territory according to strict Islamic laws and are opposed to secularism.

By December 2024, all three Alliance of Sahel States countries had cut ties with former colonial power France and instead turned to Russian fighters for security support after accusing Paris of overly meddling in their countries.

Between them, they expelled more than 5,000 French soldiers who had previously provided support in the fight against armed groups. A smaller contingent of about 2,000 Russian security personnel is now stationed across the three countries.

But violence in Burkina Faso and the larger Sahel region has worsened.

Fatalities have tripled in the three years since Traore took power to reach 17,775 – mostly civilians – by last May, compared with the three years prior, when combined recorded deaths were 6,630, the ACSS recorded.

In September, Human Rights Watch accused JNIM and ISSP of massacring civilians in northern Djibo, Gorom Gorom and other towns, and of causing the displacement of tens of thousands since 2016.

HRW has also similarly accused the Burkinabe military and an allied militia group, Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland, of atrocities against civilians suspected of cooperating with armed groups. In attacks on northern Nondin and Soro villages in early 2024, the military killed 223 civilians, including 56 babies and children, HRW said in an April 2024 report.

Mali and Niger have similarly recorded attacks by the armed groups. Malian capital Bamako has been sealed off from fuel supplies by JNIM fighters for months.

On Wednesday night, the Nigerien military held off heavy attacks on the airport in the capital city, Niamey. No armed group has yet claimed responsibility.

Is the civic space shrinking in Burkina Faso?

Since it took power, the government in Ouagadougou has been accused by rights groups of cracking down on dissent and restricting press and civic freedoms.

All political activities were first suspended immediately after the coup.

In April 2024, the government also took aim at the media, ordering internet service providers to suspend access to the websites and other digital platforms of the BBC, Voice of America and HRW.

Meanwhile, authorities have forced dozens of government critics into military service and sent them to fight against armed groups. Several prominent journalists and judges have been arrested after speaking out against increasingly restrictive rules on press and judiciary freedom.

Abdoul Gafarou Nacro, a deputy prosecutor at the country’s High Court, was one of at least five senior members of the judiciary to be forcibly conscripted and sent to fight armed groups in August 2024 after speaking out against the military government. Nacro’s whereabouts are currently unknown.

In April 2025, three abducted journalists resurfaced in a social media video 10 days after they went missing, in one example. All three – Guezouma Sanogo, Boukari Ouoba, and Luc Pagbelguem – were wearing military fatigues in an apparent forced conscription. They have all since been released.

However, several others, including some opposition politicians, are still missing.

Kurmin Wali, Nigeria – Like most Sundays in Kurmin Wali, the morning of January 18 began with early preparations for church and, later on, shopping at the weekly market.

But by 9:30am, it became clear to residents of the village in the Kajuru local government area of Nigeria’s Kaduna State that this Sunday would not be a normal one.

Gunmen known locally as bandits arrived in the village in numbers, armed with AK47 rifles.

They broke down doors and ordered people out of their homes and the village’s three churches.

They blocked the village exits before taking people and marching dozens into the forest at gunpoint.

Some captives were taken from church, while others were forcibly kidnapped as gunmen moved from house to house.

In one house, more than 30 members of an extended family were abducted.

Jummai Idris, a relative of the family that was taken, remains inconsolable.

She was home the day of the attack and did not go out.

“When I heard shouting, I took two children and we hid behind a house. That was how they [the bandits] missed us,” she told Al Jazeera.

“But I heard every shout, every cry and footstep as they picked up people from our house and surrounding houses,” she added, between sobs.

With tears streaming down her face, Idris recounts how she kept calling out the names of her missing family members – men, women and children.

Her house sits on the edge of the village, close to a bandits’ crossing point.

“I don’t know what they are doing to them now. I don’t know if they’ve eaten or not,” she said.

A total of 177 people were abducted that day. Eleven escaped their captors, but about a quarter of Kurmin Wali’s population remains captive.

Initially, state officials denied the attack had taken place.

In the immediate aftermath, Kaduna’s police commissioner called reports a “falsehood peddled by conflict entrepreneurs”.

Finally, two days later, Nigeria’s national police spokesman, Benjamin Hundeyin, admitted an “abduction” had indeed occurred on Sunday. He said police had launched security operations with the aim of “locating and safely rescuing the victims and restoring calm to the area”.

Uba Sani, Kaduna state’s governor, added that more than just rescuing the abductees, the government was committed to ensuring “that we establish permanent protection for them”.

There has been a police presence in Kurmin Wali since then. But it is not enough to reassure villagers.

Locals say the police are not there to protect the village, but merely to compile the names of victims they for days denied existed.

At the premises of Haske Cherubim and Seraphim Movement Church, the largest church in the village, days after the attack, a rust-coloured door lay on the floor, pulled off its hinges. Inside the mud-brick building, the site was chaotic.

Plastic chairs overturned in panic were strewn around the room – just as the kidnappers had left them.

‘Only the recklessly bold can stay’

The church building was where the captors brought everyone before marching them into the forest surrounding the village.

Residents said the gunmen divided themselves into different groups, targeting homes and churches in the village.

Maigirma Shekarau was among those taken before he managed to escape.

“They tied us, beat us up, before arriving us into the bush. We trekked a long distance before taking a break,” he said of his journey with his captors.

Shekarau, a father of five, was holding his three-year-old daughter when he and others were taken.

“When we reached an abandoned village, I ducked inside a room with my little daughter when the attackers weren’t looking. I closed the door and waited. After what seemed like eternity, and sure they were gone, I opened the door and walked back home, avoiding the bush path,” he said, now back in the village.

But on returning home, his heart sank. He and his three-year-old were the only ones who made it home. The rest of the family is still held by the kidnappers.

Standing in a parched field of long dried grass, Shekarau says the village no longer feels like home.

The village chief was also taken, but managed to escape. He now presides over a community hopeful for the return of the missing – but too scared to stay.

“Everyone is on edge. People are confused and don’t know what to do. Some haven’t eaten. There are entire families that are missing,” said Ishaku Danazumi, the village chief.

Danazumi says the kidnappers regularly visit and loot the village grain stores and the villagers’ possessions, including mobile phones.

Two days after the attack, residents said the bandits rode through their village again.

On that day, the community also received a ransom demand.

“They accused us of taking 10 motorcycles they hid in the bush to evade soldiers who operated here the week before,” Danazumi said. “But we didn’t see those bikes.”

The chief said the captors told him the return of the 10 bikes was a precondition for the return of his people.

But deep inside, he knows, more demands will follow.

In the village, residents wait in their thatch and mud-brick houses, hoping for their loved ones to return.

But because of fear and the tense situation, many are leaving the farming community.

“Anyone thinking about remaining in this village needs to reconsider,” said Panchan Madami, a resident who also survived the attack.

“Only the recklessly bold can stay with the current state of security here.”

Villagers said that before the January 18 attack, 21 people kidnapped by the bandits were returned to them after a ransom was paid. But just two days later, a quarter of the village was taken.

“It will be stupid to stay here, hoping things will be OK,” added Madami.

The government says it will establish a military post to protect the community from further attacks. But that is not comforting enough for Idris, who has also made up her mind to leave.

“I’m not coming back here,” she said, gathering her belongings to leave the village where she grew up and married. “I just hope the rest of my family gets back.”

‘They should be ready to hear us roar,’ says military ruler Tiani, who thanked Russian troops for defending airbase.

Niger’s military government has accused France, Benin and Ivory Coast of sponsoring an assault on a military base at Niamey’s international airport, while thanking “Russian partners” for repelling the attack.

General Abdourahamane Tiani, who seized power in a 2023 coup, made his claims on state television on Thursday, blaming France’s President Emmanuel Macron, Benin’s Patrice Talon and Ivory Coast President Alassane Ouattara. He did not offer any evidence to back up those claims.

France, Benin and Ivory Coast have not commented on the claims yet.

The military leader made those claims after visiting the airbase at Diori Hamani International Airport, located some 10km (six miles) from the presidential palace, where explosions and shootings were reported on Wednesday night into Thursday.

Defence Minister Salifou Modi said the attack lasted “about 30 minutes”, before an “air and ground response”. The defence ministry said four military personnel were injured and 20 attackers were killed, with state television saying that a French national was among them.

Eleven people were arrested, it added.

“We have heard them bark, they should be ready to hear us roar,” said Tiani in comments that reflected the recent deterioration of Niger’s relations with France and neighbouring nations that he views as French proxies in the region.

Tiani also thanked Russian troops stationed at the base for “defending their sector”, confirming his nation’s growing ties with Moscow, which has provided military support to tackle a rebellion linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL.

Neither of the armed groups has so far claimed responsibility.

Niger has been led by General Tiani since a coup that overthrew the elected civilian president, Mohamed Bazoum, in July 2023.

The country, which is allied with Sahel neighbours Mali and Burkina Faso in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), has struggled to contain the rebellion, which has killed thousands and displaced millions in the three nations.

Interior Minister says multiplication of political parties has fuelled divisions and weakened social cohesion.

Burkina Faso’s military-led government has issued a decree dissolving all political parties that had already been forced to suspend activities after a coup four years ago.

The West African nation’s council of ministers passed the decree on Thursday amid the government’s ongoing crackdown on dissenting voices as it struggles to contain insurgencies linked to al-Qaeda and ISIL (ISIS).

Burkina Faso‘s Interior Minister Emile Zerbo said the decision was part of a broader effort to “rebuild the state” after alleged widespread abuses and dysfunction in the country’s multiparty system.

Zerbo said a government review found that the multiplication of political parties had fuelled divisions and weakened social cohesion.

The decree disbands all political parties and political formations, with all their assets now set to be transferred to the state.

Before the coup, the country had more than 100 registered political parties, with 15 represented in parliament after the 2020 general election.

Burkina Faso is led by Captain Ibrahim Traore, who seized power in a coup in September 2022, eight months after an earlier military coup had overthrown democratically elected President Roch Marc Kabore.

The country’s military leaders have cut ties with former colonial ruler France and turned to Russia for security support.

In 2024, as part of its crackdown on dissent, the government ordered internet service providers to suspend access to the websites and other digital platforms of the BBC, Voice of America and Human Rights Watch.

As it turned away from the West, Burkina Faso joined forces with neighbouring Mali and Niger, also ruled by military governments, in forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in a bid to strengthen economic and military cooperation.

Rwanda began the inter-state arbitration proceedings under the asylum partnership agreement in November.

Rwanda has taken legal action against the United Kingdom’s refusal to disburse payments under a now-scrapped, controversial agreement for Kigali to receive deported asylum seekers, according to a Rwandan official and UK media reports.

Rwanda launched arbitral proceedings against the UK through the Hague-based Permanent Court of Arbitration on Tuesday. It is seeking 50 million pounds ($68.8m) in compensation after the UK failed to formally terminate the controversial agreement about two years ago, The Telegraph newspaper reported.

“Rwanda regrets that it has been necessary to pursue these claims in arbitration, but faced with the United Kingdom’s intransigence on these issues, it has been left with no other choice,” Michael Butera, chief technical adviser to the minister of justice, told the AFP news agency.

Butera added that Kigali had sought diplomatic engagement before resorting to legal action.

The programme to remove to East Africa some people who had arrived in the UK via small boats was agreed upon in a treaty between London and Kilgali. It was intended as a deterrent for those wanting to come to the UK in the same manner.

However, just four volunteers ultimately arrived in Rwanda.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer scrapped the deal – brokered by former Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s Conservative government in 2022 – when he took office in July 2024, declaring it “dead and buried”.

London had already paid Kigali 240 million pounds ($330.9m) before the agreement was abandoned, with a further 50 million pounds ($68.9m) due in April.

Starmer’s official spokesman told reporters on Tuesday, “We will robustly defend our position to protect British taxpayers.”

Last year, the UK suspended most financial aid to Rwanda for backing the M23 group’s offensive in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Kigali labelled the move “punitive”.

The agreement faced a string of legal challenges, culminating in a November 2023 ruling by the UK Supreme Court that it was illegal under international law.

Rwanda began the interstate arbitration proceedings under the asylum partnership agreement in November, according to the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s website, which lists the case status as pending.

Immigration has been an increasingly central political issue since the UK left the European Union in 2020, largely on a promise to “take back control” of the country’s borders.

Some 37,000 asylum seekers, including people fleeing Syria and Afghanistan, crossed the English Channel in 2024, and more than 40,000 in 2025 – the highest number since 2022, when nearly 46,000 people crossed. Dozens have died attempting the journey.

The UK government says it has removed 50,000 undocumented people living in the country.

In September, the UK and France implemented a “one-in-one-out” migrant deal aimed at returning asylum seekers to France while accepting those with UK family ties. However, the policy has faced criticism regarding its effectiveness. NGOs and charity groups have also described the scheme as a “cruel” move designed to restrict asylum rights.

Demanding the release of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, South Africa’s largest trade union marched to the US consulate in Johannesburg on Saturday, January 24.

“In defending Venezuela, we defend the sovereignty of all nations,” concluded the memorandum read aloud outside the consulate by Irvin Jim, general secretary of the over 460,000 members-strong National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA).

“It is Venezuela today … It will be South Africa tomorrow,” Jim warned in his address to the demonstration. US President Donald Trump, who has bombed parts of Nigeria after concocting a false story about a “Christian Genocide” in the country, has also been spinning tales about a “White Genocide” underway in South Africa.

“This is not a joke,” NUMSA warned in a statement. “Donald Trump can easily use the lie of a White genocide in South Africa to invade South Africa, capture South Africa’s president and transport him to a jail in the US, and declare that he is now in charge of our country and all its natural wealth, whilst controlling all trade and natural wealth … After the US criminal military invasion of Venezuela, it is foolish to ignore” this threat to South Africa.

“There is a madman in the White House”

“There is a madman in the White House. There is a fascist in the White House,” NUMSA’s president, Andrew Chirwa, said in his opening address to the demonstration. “Today, it is Venezuela that was attacked by this international criminal. Tomorrow it is” Cuba, Iran, Nigeria,  South Africa. “All over the world this man” is baying “for blood.”

In parallel, the Trump administration is also attempting to strangle South Africa’s economy, threatening to exclude it from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which provides tariff-free access to the US market, on which the country’s automotive sector is heavily dependent.

“Our members and workers across various sectors are losing jobs” because “he has imposed 30% tariffs against South Africa,” Jim added in his speech.

Stressing the need for “an anti-imperialist front to mobilize the workers” across party and union affiliations, Jim said that NUMSA “will soon be convening a political colloquium”, inviting all progressive political parties. “It is about time to unite the working class … behind a  revolutionary agenda,” as South Africa faces increasing US aggression.  

South Africa punished for taking the genocidal state of Israel to the ICJ

South Africa, the union maintains, “is being punished by Trump for taking the genocidal state of Israel to the International Court of Justice (ICJ).” Reaffirming that “this was the correct position … in defense of the people of Palestine,” NUMSA called on the South African government not to cave in to the pressure by Leo Brent Bozell III, Trump’s new ambassador to South Africa.

At his Senate confirmation hearing, he had stated that if appointed, “I would press South Africa to end proceedings against Israel,” and the ICJ itself to stop what he deemed a “lawfare” against Israel.

“If he continues to insult our national sovereignty … by demanding that South Africa must withdraw its case in the ICJ against Israel,” NUMSA insists, “the South African government must act swiftly, and ensure that he packs his bags and leaves the country.”

The South African government must also “continue to demand the release of Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro and Comrade Cilia Flores in all international forums,” added the memorandum, which was also copied to the Minister of International Relations.

Demanding that the football governing body “cancel all World Cup matches in the US this year,” a copy of the memorandum was also sent to the FIFA President.

It further called on the African Union (AU) and the BRICS to urgently convene and formulate a coordinated and collective response to the US imperialist aggression.

“No country is safe from America’s greedy appetite”

Recalling the European leaders defending unipolarity under the cover of “rules-based order” at last year’s G20 summit in South Africa, the US had boycotted Alex Mashilo, spokesperson of the South African Communist Party (SACP) said in his address to the protest: “Little did they know that just after a few weeks, that unipolar power will turn against them and demand Greenland.”

Under “the mad Trump administration”, NUMSA emphasized in its statement, “no country is safe from America’s greedy appetite”.

​The US has now even “become extremely dangerous to itself” and “its citizens”, with Trump “brutalizing the American people daily” using “his personal ‘Gestapo’ police commonly known as ICE.”  ​

Expressing “solidarity with American citizens who are being brutalized by ICE,” NUMSA insisted, “This is a moment when all people of the world, including well-meaning US citizens and all South Africans, must unite” against imperialism.

Source: People’s Dispatch