TODAY

A powerful earthquake that struck eastern Indonesia has killed at least 51 people and forced about 5,000 people to evacuate, as rescue teams work to clear roads blocked by landslides and reach survivors still trapped under rubble.

The magnitude 7.7 earthquake struck at 5:58am local time on Saturday (21:58 GMT, Friday), with its epicentre about 68km (42 miles) north-northwest of the city of Ende, on Flores Island, East Nusa Tenggara province, according to the US Geological Survey, which put the depth at 10km (6.2 miles).

The earthquake, followed by some 341 aftershocks, is one of Indonesia’s deadliest in years.

A total of 36 people were seriously injured and 77 more suffered minor injuries, Deputy Health Minister Benjamin Paulus Octavianus told a televised meeting on Sunday.

More than 3,300 people in Sikka regency, one of the hard-hit areas, either fled their homes or were left stranded, taking shelter in a sports arena, according to Indonesia’s disaster mitigation agency, BNPB.

“The quake was massive, the shock was so strong, we were resting at home with family,” Nona, a 51-year-old resident of Talibura village, told the Reuters news agency. “There were 13 of us inside the house, and we all ran to save ourselves.”

In the port town of Maumere, some residents camped outside collapsed homes under tarpaulin tents, while others received treatment in a makeshift tent outside a local hospital.

“Almost all of Sikka’s residents didn’t dare stay indoors, so they slept on a porch or a tent outside,” Simon Sabandi, the region’s deputy chief, told news channel KompasTV.

Lieutenant General Suharyanto, the BNPB head, said the earthquake destroyed at least 157 houses and damaged nearly 200 more, forcing about 2,000 villagers in Nagekeo regency, the area closest to the epicentre, into temporary shelters.

He said three helicopters and a rescue vessel had been deployed to support the emergency response in a region where the scattered geography of small islands makes access difficult.

East Nusa Tenggara police chief Rudi Darmoko said the disaster had caused severe damage and building collapses across the province.

Rescue teams have yet to fully reach Nagekeo, where landslides have blocked roads and disrupted communications, said Fathur Rahman, head of the local search and rescue agency in Maumere, adding that a team was attempting to reach the area by ferry.

More than 3,500 military and police personnel have been deployed overall, Cabinet Secretary Teddy Indra Wijaya said. More than 1,300 homes have been damaged, and 20 petrol stations remain shut due to power outages, according to state energy firm Pertamina.

Officials are considering declaring a state of emergency for East Nusa Tenggara, which would unlock further resources and funding.

A tsunami warning issued immediately after the earthquake has since been lifted.

Reporting from Jakarta, Al Jazeera’s Jessica Washington said aftershocks could continue for “several days”, with authorities in the island’s northern areas ordering further evacuations as the true scale of the damage is still “emerging”.

She said several affected areas remain inaccessible to first responders and that local authorities have urged residents to stay away from shorelines and damaged buildings.

The same stretch of coastline was struck by a similarly powerful earthquake in December 1992, when the quake and the tsunami it triggered killed more than 2,500 people on Flores, Indonesia’s geophysics agency said.

Indonesia, a nation of some 290 million people spread across roughly 17,000 islands, sits on the Pacific “Ring of Fire”, making it one of the world’s most seismically active countries.

Romania’s Defence Ministry didn’t specify the origin of the drone but has previously blamed Russia for similar incidents.

Russian strikes on Ukraine have killed at least one person and wounded seven more while a Spanish jet has shot down a drone that entered Romanian airspace.

A woman was killed and six others wounded in a missile and drone attack on Kryvyi Rig, the hometown of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the region’s governor said early on Sunday.

Authorities in the Ukrainian capital also said Kyiv was “under ballistic missile attack” late on Saturday, with one person wounded and fires sparked at non-residential sites in the Obolonsky and Holosiivskyi districts.

Separately, Romania’s Defence Ministry reported on Sunday that a Spanish F-18 fighter jet pilot on a NATO air policing mission to Romania had shot down a drone illegally breaching its national airspace.

It is the fourth drone shot down in Romania this year.

Romania’s Defence Ministry did not specify the origin of ‌the ‌drone.

In July, a Romanian jet shot down a suspected Russian drone, and in May a stray drone injured two people in the Romanian city of Galati when it collided with a building.

Romania shares a 634km (394-mile) border with Ukraine and has repeatedly seen Russian drones breaching its airspace as Moscow escalates its bombing campaign against Ukrainian civilian and military infrastructure.

Escalating long-range strikes

Russia has maintained near-daily missile and drone strikes across Ukraine since launching its full-scale invasion in early 2022, with areas far from the front lines frequently coming under attack.

The war’s impact has also spread to key regional shipping lanes, with reports of mines and unmanned sea drones found floating in the Black Sea.

Civilian casualties in Ukraine hit their highest level since 2022 this July, with at least 437 killed and 2,610 injured, according to the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission.

Meanwhile, in Russia on Sunday, authorities reported a large-scale drone incursion from the Ukrainians.

Moscow officials said they had downed more than 100 drones heading towards the capital overnight.

Emergency services were deployed to sites where debris fell, Mayor Sergei Sobyanin said, adding that three people were wounded.

Ukraine has increasingly targeted military, industrial and logistical facilities deep inside Russia, arguing its strikes are a response to Moscow’s ongoing bombardment of Ukrainian towns and infrastructure.

Japan’s protest over Putin’s visit to the Kuril Islands is loud because its response is capped: Tokyo cannot meaningfully sanction the one Russian energy relationship — Sakhalin-2 LNG — it now depends on more than ever, after the Strait of Hormuz closure gutted its Gulf oil access and made that supply a load-bearing pillar of its energy security through at least December 2026.

On August 13th, Vladimir Putin toured a fish-processing plant on Iturup Island, the largest of the four southern Kuril Islands Japan calls its Northern Territories, with Sakhalin’s regional governor at his side. It was his first visit there in twenty-six years in power. He called the islands’ status “enshrined” as a permanent outcome of the Second World War and pointedly invoked the late Shinzo Abe, who spent years personally courting him toward a peace treaty that never materialised. Tokyo’s response was immediate: Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi called the visit “absolutely unacceptable,” and her Foreign Ministry says an “additional sanctions package” is under consideration. What went unmentioned is that this same government told Washington, in writing, ten months earlier that a full ban on Russian LNG would be “difficult.” That contradiction, not the visit itself, is the story.

The dispute is old: the Soviet Union seized the four islands in the war’s final days, and the missing peace treaty has been Tokyo and Moscow’s unfinished business for eighty years. What is new is the energy math surrounding it. Sakhalin-2, the LNG project sitting directly across the strait from where Putin stood, supplied Japan roughly 3.6–3.9 million tonnes last year — about 9% of its total LNG imports, and enough to make Japan the project’s largest single buyer. The US Treasury sanctions waiver permitting those imports, along with the Gazprombank clearing that finances them, was just extended to December 18th, 2026, pushed back from an original June deadline. Washington’s stated reason was blunt: global supply is “constrained amid the continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz.”

BEHIND THE VISIT

That closure is the piece most coverage of the Kuril visit leaves out. Since February 28th, when the US and Israel launched their air campaign against Iran, the Strait of Hormuz has been effectively shut, with roughly 20,000 mariners and 2,000 ships stranded and Brent crude spiking to $126 a barrel at its peak. Around 90% of Japan’s crude oil and 11% of its LNG normally transit Hormuz. Tokyo has spent 2026 losing its largest energy artery to a war in the Gulf, which means Sakhalin-2 has quietly gone from “one Russian supplier among several” to one of the few pillars still standing under Japan’s winter power grid. Putin picked this year, not an arbitrary one, to make his sovereignty claim visible on the ground.

The waiver renewal is the tell. Washington and Tokyo did not merely tolerate the Sakhalin-2 exemption through the Ukraine-sanctions years — they actively rebuilt it in 2026, in the middle of the Hormuz crisis, explicitly carving out maritime transport, financial clearing, and joint-operations funding through the end of the year. Putin then chose that same window, with that same regional government’s leadership standing next to him, to plant a public flag on the neighbouring islands. He is not testing whether Japan objects. He knows it will. He is testing whether the general logic of sanctioning Russia survives contact with the specific, recently-renewed exemption that keeps Japanese lights on. Compare that to 2010, when Dmitry Medvedev made the first-ever Russian presidential visit to the same islands: Tokyo protested loudly, recalled its ambassador briefly, and moved on within weeks, because no comparable energy dependency was on the table at the time. The script is recognisable. The stakes underneath it are not.

Takaichi’s own words undercut her “absolutely unacceptable” framing before she said it. In October 2025, briefing President Trump on the LNG relationship, she told him directly that a total ban on Russian gas “would be difficult” — an unusually candid admission from a leader now weighing a fresh sanctions package over the same relationship’s home islands. A prime minister who has already told Washington, on the record, that cutting the energy tie is impractical cannot now credibly threaten it without the threat being understood, in Moscow as much as in Tokyo, as theatre. What remains available is a narrow band of symbolic measures — travel restrictions, asset freezes on individuals connected to the visit or the regional administration — that let Tokyo be seen to act without touching a single LNG cargo.

The standard objection is that Japan has options: JERA, its largest buyer, points to a 30–35 million tonne portfolio and spot-market access, and Tokyo Electric-linked utilities cite early-stage interest in the $44 billion Alaska LNG project as a long-term alternative. That is capability, not near-term relief. Japanese firms remain openly cautious about Alaska LNG’s cost and logistics, with no binding offtake timeline in sight, and the global spot market Japan would lean on is the same market already absorbing cargoes redirected from Hormuz-blocked routes — tighter, not looser, than in a normal year. Sanctioning the actual molecules, rather than a list of names, risks the electricity-price and blackout warnings Japanese officials themselves used to justify keeping the Sakhalin-2 waiver alive in the first place.

THE SCENARIOS

Base case (~55%): Japan announces a narrow, largely symbolic sanctions package — individual travel bans and targeted asset freezes tied to the Far East regional government — while explicitly leaving Sakhalin-2 supply and Gazprombank clearing untouched, repeating the 2010 script almost exactly. The December 18th waiver renewal proceeds quietly, folded into the broader Hormuz-driven energy calculus, and Moscow reads the episode as confirmation that its Pacific energy leverage over Japan is durable regardless of who occupies the Kremlin’s chair on any given August.

Downside case: domestic backlash — the same “hardened public sentiment” Takaichi herself warned the visit would produce — pushes her government into a genuine review of the Sakhalin-2 exemption as its December deadline approaches, right as Hormuz remains tight heading into winter and Asian spot LNG prices stay elevated from redirected Gulf cargoes. The result is Japan’s first real taste of sanctions-driven energy pain from the Ukraine-era regime, a burden that has so far landed almost entirely on European households rather than Japanese ones, arriving in the worst possible month of the heating season and forcing utilities into the kind of emergency rationing talk Tokyo has avoided since 2022.

Upside case: Tokyo treats the compounding shock — Hormuz plus the Kuril visit landing in the same year — as the forcing function it has lacked for three years, converting Minister Yoji Muto’s long-stated goal of “steadily reducing dependence” on Russian LNG into actual contracted volume rather than a talking point: accelerated Alaska LNG offtake commitments, expanded US Gulf Coast term deals, and a public timeline for winding down Sakhalin-2 purchases that uses the December waiver deadline as a hard exit ramp instead of an automatic renewal. Even here, the earliest realistic substitution volumes arrive on a multi-year timeline, not by next winter.

THE AFTERMATH

Putin’s flag on Iturup was never really a test of Japan’s territorial resolve — Tokyo’s position on the Northern Territories has not moved in eighty years and was never going to move now. It was a test of whether that resolve has any economic weight behind it at the one moment Japan’s alternatives are thinnest.

Watch for: what actually happens to the Sakhalin-2 waiver around December 18th, not the sanctions package announced this week. A quiet renewal, carved out exactly as before, will tell you Japan’s outrage and Japan’s energy security are now permanently on separate tracks — and that Moscow understands the gap between them better than Tokyo would like to admit.

It feels inconsiderate of Ariana Grande to bring her Eternal Sunshine tour to the UK at the tail end of the year’s fifth heatwave. Haven’t we suffered enough already?

But the fans packed into London’s O2 arena on Saturday night didn’t seem to care about the heat and the sweat.

They came ready to dance. Thousands of them, dressed in cat ears, bridal gowns and elaborate floral headpieces.

They scream when she references rumours she’s back together with her ex, Ricky Alvarez. And they bounce in unison when she plays colourful club anthems like Into You and Break Free.

It’s the first time Grande has played in the UK since 2019, partly because of Covid, but also because of her Oscar-nominated role in the movie musical Wicked.

She rewards fans with a few of Glinda’s signature hair tosses, external and, more importantly, a two-hour show that highlights the incredible agility of the star’s voice.

Sure, the production has all the paraphernalia a major pop tour – big sets, plumes of smoke, inspired choreography – but there are long stretches where it’s just Grande on stage with her band. Her stunning, four octave vocals come first. Everything else is a distant second. And rightly so.

If you dig around on Grande’s YouTube channel, there’s a famous video of her recording the song Positions, external, directing her sound engineers as she layers vocal harmonies and ad libs, finding new note combinations on the fly.

It’s a bravura performance that showcases her facility with melody and arrangement – and she essentially recreates it live on stage at the O2.

After the opening run of songs, she hushes the audience and spends two minutes looping her voice. First the lyric, “I don’t care what people say, it’s true”, in high and low registers. Then she adds short phrases: “Won’t break. Can’t Shake. Deep breaths…. Tight chest. Life. Death. Rewind.”

They become the backbone of the next song, Eternal Sunshine.

They’re also the backstory of the whole show.

Gombe, Nigeria – On a weekday morning in Pantami District, Gombe, the streets fill with the familiar rush of motorcycles carrying students, workers and traders across the city. But increasingly, some pass almost silently – a subtle sign of a transport shift driven not by climate policy, but by Nigeria’s soaring fuel prices.

One pedestrian did not realise a motorcycle was behind him until the rider sounded its horn. Unlike the petrol-powered bikes that dominate Nigerian roads, the electric motorcycle moved almost noiselessly and produced no exhaust fumes.

Electric motorcycles are gradually appearing across Gombe as riders seek relief from rising fuel costs following President Bola Tinubu’s removal of Nigeria’s fuel subsidy in May 2023, forcing many to rethink how they travel and earn a living.

The bikes, which typically cost about 1 million naira (about $735), remain out of reach for many households. But those who have made the switch say the savings on fuel and maintenance are significant.

Subsidy shock

Tinubu announced the end of Nigeria’s longstanding petrol subsidy during his inauguration on May 29, 2023, triggering a sharp increase in fuel prices across the country.

In Gombe, petrol now sells for about 1,365 naira ($1) per litre (0.26 gallons), compared with roughly 200 naira (15 cents) before the subsidy was removed. The increase has driven up transport costs and squeezed household budgets across Nigeria.

The economic pressure has coincided with growing concern about the environmental impact of the country’s ageing fleet of petrol-powered motorcycles and vehicles. According to the World Bank, road transport is a major contributor to air pollution in Nigerian cities, with vehicle emissions adding significantly to levels of harmful particulate matter.

A cheaper ride

For Ayuba Abubakar, a farmer and resident of Gombe, the switch to an electric motorcycle was prompted by a friend’s visit earlier this year.

After buying the bike, he rode from Gombe to Kumo and back and was surprised by how little battery power the journey consumed.

“I usually spend the day moving around Gombe without charging,” Ayuba told Al Jazeera. “When I travel to remote areas, I charge it.”

Ayuba said he has been using the bike for about three months and has so far avoided the mechanical problems that often come with petrol-powered motorcycles.

“My charger once burned out because I didn’t use a stabiliser,” he said. “Apart from that, I’ve had no major maintenance costs.”

He estimates that the bike has saved him about 5,000 naira ($3.7) a week in fuel expenses.

“Even with those savings, the price needs to come down for most Nigerians to afford it,” he added.

Ahmed Aminu, another rider in Gombe, told Al Jazeera that he no longer spends money on engine oil, while Yakubu Sule, who also owns an electric motorcycle, told Al Jazeera that he chose it largely because of its quiet operation.

Power constraints

Despite the enthusiasm of early adopters, unreliable electricity remains one of the biggest obstacles to wider use of electric motorcycles.

Nigeria’s electricity supply is notoriously inconsistent, and many households receive only a few hours of power each day. The challenge has become more pronounced under Nigeria’s service-based tariff system, which classifies customers into bands according to the amount of electricity they receive.

For Muhammad Abubakar, chief executive officer of Sustenaa, a clean-energy company, the problem is fundamental.

“If we end up charging these bikes with generators, then what’s the point?” Abubakar told Al Jazeera. “We will just be moving the emissions from the exhaust pipe to the generator pipe, and we are back to square one.”

He argues that solar-powered battery-swap stations are a more realistic solution than relying on riders to charge their motorcycles at home.

Abubakar also warned that Nigeria must plan for battery recycling as electric mobility expands. He called on the government to reduce import duties on electric-bike components, support battery-swap operators, establish recycling standards and integrate electric mobility into existing solar mini-grid projects.

For now, electric motorcycles remain a niche option in Gombe. But as fuel prices remain high and battery-swap infrastructure slowly expands, the quiet motorcycles appearing on the city’s streets may offer a glimpse of how economic pressure is beginning to reshape transport across Nigeria.

“When you look at how many bikes are pumping out smoke daily across Lagos, Kano and Port Harcourt, air pollution levels are alarming,” he said. “Even if we start with a fraction of the commercial bike fleets, the improvement in air quality could become visible relatively quickly.”

Yemen’s Ministry of Information denounces Houthi attacks on Marib as ‘escalation’ that threatens lives and increases suffering.

Yemen’s Houthis have launched several strikes on the government-held city of Marib, also hitting residential neighbourhoods, according to local authorities.

The group hit the city with four ballistic missiles and four drones on Saturday, causing several injuries and damage to homes, vehicles and property, Marib’s provincial authority said.

A fifth ballistic missile later in the day also injured one person, Marib governorate officials said on X.

A sixth ballistic missile was launched by the Houthis towards Marib overnight, officials added early on Sunday.

It described the strikes as part of an “ongoing assault that threatens the lives of civilians, displaced persons’ camps, and residential neighbourhoods”.

Marib hosts the largest number of internally displaced people in Yemen, with more than two million of the roughly five million Yemenis forced from their homes over the course of the war living there.

Video footage verified by Al Jazeera showed destruction in the aftermath of Saturday’s strikes.

Yemen’s Ministry of Information said on X that the continued targeting of Marib’s densely populated areas marked a dangerous “escalation” that threatens lives and increases suffering.

The attacks on Marib came alongside clashes further south, where Yemeni government forces claimed drone strikes killed three fighters from the Iran-backed Houthis on Saturday, including field commanders, and wounded others along the Maqbanah front west of Taiz.

A separate strike destroyed a Houthi military vehicle in Jabal al-Zuhayb, killing several more fighters, a military source told the Yemeni News Agency (Saba).

The attacks are part of a rapid escalation that has gripped Yemen since early August, when Houthi missile and drone strikes on military camps in Marib and Hadramout killed at least 30 government soldiers, the deadliest single episode of the conflict in years.

Days later, Houthi missiles killed at least two civilians and wounded 14 in Marib, and further strikes killed seven people in the port city of al-Makha (Mocha).

The Houthis, backed by Iran, control much of Yemen’s northern territory, including the capital, Sanaa.

United Nations Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg warned the UN Security Council on Thursday that Yemen faces its highest risk of returning to full-scale war since the UN-brokered truce of April 2022, as fighting has intensified on multiple fronts and threatens to unravel more than four years of relative calm.

Democrats in the United States have approved a shakeup to their 2028 presidential primary calendar as the party looks to take back the White House.

During a meeting on Saturday in Austin, Texas, Democratic National Committee (DNC) members voted to overhaul which states have the first say in picking the party’s presidential nominee.

South Carolina will once again take centre stage as the party’s first official nominating contest, with its Democratic primary scheduled for January 22, 2028.

Nevada will go second on February 1, followed by New Hampshire on February 8. New Mexico, Michigan and Virginia will round out the early states over the course of that month.

The new calendar formalises a change that began during the last presidential election cycle in 2024, when the national Democratic Party similarly put South Carolina at the front of its primary lineup.

The 2028 primaries set up a more competitive calendar for Democrats, giving greater influence to states with more racial diversity, in an effort to better represent the party’s key constituencies.

Debate over primary calendar

But plans to reshape the primary calendar have been met with controversy in the past.

In 2024, for instance, local leaders in New Hampshire defied party leaders by holding a state-run primary ahead of the first party-led vote in South Carolina. As justification, New Hampshire officials cited a state law requiring their primary to be the first in the nation.

There was also pushback in Iowa, whose state caucus had ushered in the primary season for decades.

Iowa Democrats warned that moving the state lower in the party’s calendar could send the wrong signal to rural voters, who often feel overlooked in national politics and tend to lean rightward.

Still, proponents of the calendar change argue that it will help the Democratic primaries better mirror the overall population of the US.

South Carolina has normally been Democrats’ first contest in the southern US, and it has a significant population of Black voters. Roughly a quarter of the state identifies as Black, according to census estimates.

Nevada and New Mexico, meanwhile, have large Latino or Hispanic populations, with 31 percent and 49 percent of their residents identifying as such, respectively. All three states will be at the forefront of the primary calendar, come 2028.

DNC Chairman Ken Martin took to social media on Saturday to tout the changes as capturing the demographic shifts in the country.

“These states reflect the diversity of America and will help ensure our nominee is best positioned to take back the White House in 2028,” Martin wrote on X.

Ongoing party feud

Iowa and New Hampshire both have overwhelmingly white electorates, and critics have long argued the two states have played outsized roles in shaping presidential elections.

Notching early victories in the party primaries can help a candidate build momentum, and that, in turn, can help presidential hopefuls secure party nominations.

Former Vermont Governor Howard Dean, who led the DNC from 2005 to 2009, told The Associated Press (AP) news agency that the calendar changes will make for a more representative nominating process.

“These states look more like the country,” Dean said, pointing to places like South Carolina and Nevada, “whereas Iowa and New Hampshire don’t”.

But it remains uncertain how the new calendar could affect the growing intra-party feud between progressive and more moderate, establishment candidates.

Democrats in Michigan, one of the states given a boost in the calendar shakeup, narrowly voted earlier this month to select progressive Abdul El-Sayed as their Senate nominee.

Given that Michigan will now have an earlier say in the voting process, some experts have speculated that the swing state could help progressives assert greater influence over the party overall.

But other states given more prominence in the 2028 lineup have a more moderate streak.

South Carolina, for instance, favoured then-candidate Joe Biden in the 2020 primaries over his more progressive opponents, Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.

“I think our primary voters up north are probably a little different than primary voters in South Carolina,” Boyd Brown, a former DNC member from South Carolina, told AP.

Here is the full list of the six states that will have the first say in Democrats’ 2028 presidential primaries:

• South Carolina: January 22, 2028
• Nevada: February 1, 2028
• New Hampshire: February 8, 2028
• New Mexico: February 15, 2028
• Michigan: February 22, 2028
• Virginia: February 29, 2028

President Donald Trump has given the U.S. Navy and the Pentagon 60 days to draw up a plan for installing steam-powered catapults and hydraulic elevators on the future Ford class aircraft carrier USS Doris Miller. On and off for nearly a decade now, Trump has talked about ordering the Navy to abandon the Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) catapults and Advanced Weapons Elevators (AWE) that are currently at the core of the Ford class design. The EMALS and AWEs have struggled with reliability and maintenance issues, but reverting back to steam and hydraulics on future ships in the class would require a major redesign. Such a costly and time-consuming process would risk creating new delays in the delivery of new carriers, which are already running years behind schedule, and could put the future fleet into crisis.

The directive regarding the catapults and weapons elevators on the future Doris Miller, which is also known by the hull number CVN-81, is contained in a larger memo President Trump sent out yesterday titled “Rebuilding the United States Navy and America’s Shipbuilding Industrial Base.” The Wall Street Journal was first to report on the memo, which also orders various parts of the U.S. government to take new steps to boost U.S. maritime industrial capacity. This includes plans for the establishment of a fifth government-owned naval shipyard, sourcing new ships from foreign shipbuilders and otherwise increasing cooperation with them, improvements to the management of spare parts for submarines, and a broad overhaul of Naval Sea Systems Command (NAVSEA).

The section on the catapults and weapons elevators is brief, but stands out as a particularly significant development. It reads, in full:

“Within 60 days of the date of this memorandum, the Secretary of War, in consultation with the Secretary of the Navy, shall provide to the President, through the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (APNSA), a plan on the required measures to replace the Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System and Advanced Weapons Elevators with steam and hydraulic systems for the construction of CVN-81, including timelines and resourcing requirements.”

The Wall Street Journal‘s report said that the expectation is that this redesign would carry over to all future Ford class carriers, but that the first three examples would retain their EMALSs and the AWEs. Currently, the USS Gerald R. Ford, hull number CVN-78, is the only ship in the class in operational service. The future USS John F. Kennedy (CVN-79) is currently undergoing another round of sea trials ahead of its expected official delivery to the Navy later this year. The future USS Enterprise (CVN-80) is also now under construction, having been laid down in 2022.

Beyond Doris Miller, the Navy has assigned names to two more future Ford class carriers – USS William J. Clinton and USS George W. Bush – but has not yet placed formal orders for those ships. The service has stated plans to acquire at least 10 members of the Ford class, in total.

The Navy also has 10 older Nimitz class aircraft carriers, all of which are equipped with steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators.

USS Nimitz (CVN-68) Flight Deck Operations

TWZ has reached out to the Navy for comment on yesterday’s memo from the White House.

As noted, Trump has railed against the EMALS and AWEs for years now, tracing back to his first term in office. In 2017, he publicly said he would order the Navy to abandon those features, but never followed through. During a visit to the Nimitz class carrier USS George Washington in Japan in October 2025, he again said that he would force the Navy to go back to using steam and hydraulics on future carriers.

“They had steam, which worked so beautifully, and it has for 50 years, right? So we’re gonna go back. Seriously, fellas, I want to make that change. I’m gonna do an executive order,” Trump said last October. “I’m not going to let them continue to do this thing. They’re trying to make it work, they’re trying so hard, and they have something that’s perfect. So we’re going to go back on that and the magnets.”

As we have written in the past:

“In principle, EMALS, together with the Advanced Arresting Gear (AAG), is supposed to give Ford class carriers a significant boost in capability over their predecessors when it comes to the speed at which they can launch and recover aircraft. The software-controlled EMALS and AAG, the latter of which has also faced issues over the years, have lower reset times than the steam-powered systems found on Nimitz class carriers.”

Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS)

“The EMALS and AAG can also be more fine-tuned in terms of the forces they exert on aircraft during launch and recovery, expanding the range of types they can accommodate and adding additional margins of safety. This notably helps open the door for embarking smaller and more fragile types on Ford class carriers in the future. This flexibility could be particularly critical for supporting carrier-based drone operations down the line. Wear and tear on individual aircraft can also be reduced.”

“The electromagnetic AWEs are intended to further help improve the overall efficiency of flight operations on Ford by reducing the time it takes to get ordnance and other stores to where they need to go.”

Watch the Advanced Weapons Elevators on the aircraft carrier Gerald R. Ford

At the same time, as we have repeatedly pointed out, Trump’s criticisms are grounded in very real problems that have plagued the catapults and weapons elevators on the Ford over the years. TWZ has covered the issues with both of these systems, as well as other long-troubled aspects of the ship’s design, in detail. The Navy has been working to mitigate these problems, but has continued to face hurdles. Maintenance demands and heavy reliance on contractors to perform that work remain particular challenges.

“The reliability and maintainability of CVN 78’s EMALS and AAG continue to adversely affect sortie generation and flight operations, which remains the greatest risk to demonstrating operational effectiveness and suitability in IOT&E [initial operational test and evaluation],” the Pentagon’s Office of the Director of Test and Evaluation (DOT&E) stated in an annual report covering developments in the 2025 Fiscal Year (FY25), which was released in March. “Data collected during CVN 78’s FY25 pre-deployment workup cycle indicate that EMALS reliability remains consistent with developmental and operational test data collected in FY23 and FY24. Engineering upgrades to hardware and software have produced gradual improvements in cumulative reliability and availability. Reliance on off-ship technical support remains a challenge. NAVAIR is continuing development on improvements.”

When it comes to the AWEs, “the Ford class has yet to build and transfer ordnance to the flight deck at rates reflective of the Design Reference Mission. DOT&E expects the sustained SGR [Sortie Generation Rate] live demonstration to be the first operationally representative demonstration of high ordnance throughput,” the report, which has since been taken offline, also said. “Of note, the crew is still reliant on off-ship technical support for correction of AWE hardware and software failures.”

The video below shows flight deck operations aboard the USS Gerald R. Ford in March 2026 while the carrier was supporting Operation Epic Fury against Iran.

USS Gerald R Ford Continues Epic Fury On Iran • (MAR 2026)

The SGR live demonstration mentioned here was conducted in February of this year.

“While the Navy is still analyzing the data, preliminary reports from the Sortie Generation Rate test program show that the flight deck design in conjunction with EMALS and AAG have contributed to an increased sortie generation rate compared to that of a Nimitz class carrier,” the Navy subsequently declared. “As of today, these systems are operating as designed, and the Ford continues with scheduled mission tasking.”

“While operating in the Southern Command area of responsibility CVN 78 completed a successful four-day sustained Sortie Generation Rate demonstration in February,” according to a Modernized Selected Acquisition Report (MSAR) on the Ford class program that the Pentagon produced in April, but which was only released publicly more recently. “The event resulted in the collection of over 40,000 data points to support the modeling and simulation of the full 30-day Key Performance Parameter.”

“As of March 2026, 36,863 EMALS launches have been completed aboard CVN 78,” that same report also noted. “Logistics products are maturing and are being prioritized for high use components to support phased depot stand-up which commenced in FY 2022. Logistics contracts are in place with General
Atomics for EMALS sustainment support and interim spares.”

USS Ford Launches, Recovers Fighters With Electromagnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS)

In April, then-Secretary of the Navy John Phelan also confirmed that a major review of the Ford class program, centered on planning for the future USS William J. Clinton and the USS George W. Bush, was underway. Questions were raised at that time about whether major changes could be on the horizon, including the potential cancellation of planned orders for more carriers in the class or a transition to a new design.

“Trust me, we measure and monitor a lot of things in the Navy, including that – the airframes and how that works. So I think it’s a function of just understanding it, for example, is the sortie rate generation that much greater? And then what are the cost implications of this electric catapult, and did it really generate the savings?” Phelan told TWZ and others at a roundtable on the sidelines of the Navy League’s Sea Air Space 2026 exposition. “You know, the Navy would like to say we’ve saved $5 billion in terms of savings in number [sic] of men and maintenance. I just need to check that back up, and that’s what I mean by that.”

“I think, like anything, it’s both understanding the cost-benefit analysis of it, because we really want to make sure we’ve got a good handle on the costs,” he added. “I think one of the things we have to do a better job of in the Navy is kind of what I call total cost of ownership. So what does it really cost to sustain and maintain these things? I think we do a reasonable job at that, to be honest. But the infrastructure needs on these are also costs you have to understand going in.”

Trump fired Phelan unexpectedly just days after he made these and other remarks at Sea Air Space 2026. There have been reports that disagreements over separate plans for new Trump class battleships, specifically, as well as other more general friction within the Trump administration, factored into his sudden dismissal.

As mentioned, any plans now to eliminate the EMALS catapults and AWEs from the Ford class design, even just on future carriers like Doris Miller, would be a major undertaking. The core physical structure of the ship, as well as its power generation requirements and other key elements of the design, are heavily rooted in these features. All-new steam piping and the large piston systems, among other elements, would have to be installed in spaces not currently designed to accommodate them. The ship’s flight deck would have been reconfigured, as well.

As a result of the base design decisions, the nuclear reactor plant on the Ford class is also notably set up to generate less steam overall compared to the one on the Nimitz class, according to a past report from the Project on Government Oversight (POGO), an independent non-profit. All of this, in turn, raises additional questions about how much time and effort it would take to retrofit future Ford class carriers to use steam catapults, in particular.

General Atomics, the prime contractor behind the EMALS and the AAG, has unsurprisingly already come out against Trump’s new directive.

“The decision will have broader implications for carrier readiness, national security, and U.S. technological superiority, potentially creating opportunities for adversaries to close the capability gap,” the company said, according to The Wall Street Journal. “It also comes at a time when strengthening the U.S. supplier industrial base is a national priority, making workforce stability, production capacity, and the ability to sustain critical technologies more important than ever.”

It is worth noting here that China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) now has two ships with electromagnetic catapults, the Type 003 carrier Fujian and Type 076 amphibious assault ship Sichuan. The U.S. government previously approved the transfer of EMALS technology to India, which could make it way into the country’s future carrier INS Vishal. Other nations have also been considering EMALS-type catapults for future carriers and other naval vessels.

Huntington Ingalls Industries, which builds the Ford class carriers through its Newport News Shipbuilding division in Virginia, said it would “work closely with the Navy to implement any potential changes to ships under construction,” according to that outlet. At the same time, there are serious questions now about that yard’s ability to meet current timelines for delivering new carriers, which have already been delayed repeatedly.

Around the Yard at NNS: John F. Kennedy (CVN 79) Ship Turn Around

The Navy’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget proposal, released earlier this year, confirmed that the projected timeline for Doris Miller’s delivery had slipped from 2032 to 2034. “The primary schedule driver for CVN-81 is the lack of available shipyard construction space for large assemblies due to delays on CVN-80,” a Navy official told Military Times back in May.

The Navy originally expected to receive Enterprise in 2028, but that timeline has since slipped to 2031. The future USS John F. Kennedy was also originally scheduled to be delivered back in 2022. All of these delays have come along with continued cost growth, as well.

“In December 2025, the Secretary of the Navy notified Congress he was increasing the Cost Limitation Baseline for CVN 79 from $12.936 billion to $13.529 billion,” according to the aforementioned April MSAR report. “The Cost Limitation Baseline for CVN 80 and CVN 81 remain unchanged at $13.529 billion and $14.016 billion respectively.”

As mentioned, Trump’s memo yesterday also focused heavily on further steps to address now long-standing concerns about U.S. naval shipbuilding capacity across the board. America’s specific ability to produce new nuclear-powered surface warships and submarines has now become even more of a focal point in these discussions with the addition of the plans for the Trump class battleships. In May, the Navy confirmed the Trump class warships will have nuclear propulsion using the same type of reactors developed for the Ford class.

The Navy has not acquired a new nuclear-powered surface combatant in decades. Newport News is currently the only U.S. shipyard producing nuclear-powered surface vessels of any kind, and is already heavily strained by current demands, which also include production of new non-nuclear warships. There is only one other yard in the country that produces nuclear-powered vessels of any kind, and is focused on submarine production.

In a time of peace, without all the threats and operational demands the United States is currently facing, or if there was any kind of surplus carrier capacity, making fundamental changes to the Ford class carrier program might very well have been a logical decision. However, all of this also comes at a time when the Navy’s operational carriers are experiencing exceptional pressure. The Nimitz class carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, which has been on a marathon deployment in the Middle East, has become something of a poster child for growing readiness concerns amid reports of severely flagging morale and mental health among the crew. The Navy is now moving to relieve Lincoln.

Still, this is a worrisome situation that has already been building for many years, due in large part to a succession of global crises, and has now been further exacerbated by the ongoing conflict with Iran. Even so, the Navy is trying to keep to its existing schedule for inactivating aging Nimitz class carriers, though the date for when the USS Nimitz is set to leave service has now been pushed back until next year. Retiring existing carriers will only create further strains if the arrival of new members of the Ford class continues to be pushed back.

With the various timelines the Ford class program is looking at now, whether the future Doris Miller or other forthcoming carriers ultimately make the switch back to steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators very much remains to be seen. Trump’s current term will end in January 2029, at which point Doris Miller could easily still be in a relatively early stage of construction. Any incoming administration could revert back to the original plan for the ship’s configuration.

Congress could also step in sooner, including to block spending any funds on changing the Ford class design. There is already separate friction emerging between lawmakers on both sides of the political aisle and the White House over the Trump class battleship program, and concerns about how that could impact other naval shipbuilding priorities.

As it stands now, the Navy has roughly two months to at least devise a path forward for returning to steam-powered catapults and hydraulic weapons elevators on the future USS Doris Miller.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

Moroccan authorities intercepted dozens of migrants seeking to cross into the Spanish North African exclave of Ceuta on Saturday, reports say.

More than 100 people were blocked trying to make their way to the border on the outskirts of the town of Fnideq, according to Moroccan security sources cited by Spanish media and the Reuters news agency.

It comes a fortnight after roughly 78,000 migrants arrived in the exclave by sea in a matter of hours – 100 of whom died, according to the city’s mayor, who also said the vast majority of arrivals had returned to Morocco.

Security had been stepped up in the area after the influx and amid suggestions on social media of a second mass crossing attempt this weekend.

The security sources said 111 people had been detained in or around Fnideq – known in Spanish as Castillejos – about 3km (1.8 miles) from the border, the majority of whom were from sub-Saharan Africa.

Moroccan police – including some in riot gear – reportedly used tear gas to disperse groups of migrants gathered on nearby hills.

Earlier this week, Rabat said it was monitoring “the circulation of social media posts and messages of unknown origin” calling for a mass crossing Saturday, warning it would prosecute organisers and participants.

Twenty-six more bodies have been recovered from the ferry that capsized on a lake in Zimbabwe on Tuesday, increasing the death toll to 72.

Police investigations suggest that the boat was overloaded when it overturned on Lake Kariba. It was carrying an estimated 153 people when it left Kariba town harbour, but its maximum authorised capacity was for just 90 passengers.

Among the victims were at least 18 children, including 16 under the age of 10, according to state broadcaster ZBC. Among the youngest identified victims were one-year-old Wendy Ndandarika and 14-month-old McDonald Nyasha Gumpo and Hailly Tauro, according to local media reports.

The captain, Sign Patsikadova, 59, is also among the confirmed dead.

Search and recovery operations involving police divers, military personnel and local fishermen continued on Saturday, authorities said.

Disaster management officials said 77 people were rescued shortly after the vessel capsized. Many were taken to a nearby island before being transferred to health facilities in Kariba town.

Survivors told reporters that high winds generated choppy waves that flooded the boat shortly after departure. Passengers had urged the operator to turn back towards the shore, but the vessel continued into open water before rolling over.

Some homes have lost more than one relative.

The government has declared a national disaster and deployed welfare agencies to distribute food to affected households.

“It has been difficult to know who to console first, as almost every homestead has lost a relative, and the worst cases more than five relatives at once,” Solomon Machipisa told local outlet The Herald.

The ferry served as a vital lifeline for remote fishing communities along the lake, connecting them to food supplies, markets and essential services. Its loss has already begun affecting food deliveries, with shops that depended on the vessel facing shortages, residents told The Herald.

Accidents on the lake, the world’s largest man-made reservoir by volume, are relatively rare, making the sinking one of the country’s worst maritime disasters in decades.

Lake Kariba lies on Zimbabwe’s border with Zambia, more than 300km (186 miles) northeast of the capital Harare.

The last time Real Madrid went two consecutive seasons without a major trophy (2008-2010), they eschewed Galacticos and brought in Jose Mourinho who built the team from the back.

So after the last two trophyless seasons, they brought Mourinho back.

That means ultra-conservative tactics, plus a slew of central defenders and outside backs, not something that would normally excite Madridistas.

But even a superstar-studded attack does not work without a solid, veteran back line.

Welcome, then, Marc Cucurella, Denzel Dumfries, Ibrahima Konate. But Real Madrid President Florentino Perez did not forget about scoring goals.

He also added Yan Diomande and Bernardo Silva to an attack featuring Jude Bellingham, Kylian Mbappe and Vinicius Junior, along with Brahim Diaz, Endrick, Arda Guler and Rodrygo.

Recent failures aside, Real Madrid remains ambitious. Los Blancos expect to compete for both the Champions League title and La Liga.

Perez is not going to easily give in to Paris Saint-Germain’s newfound Champions League pre-eminence, or Barcelona’s attempt at a La Liga three-peat.

Real Madrid tops the Champions League charts with 15 titles, and has won La Liga 36 times, seven more than Barca.

Al Jazeera takes a look at the key questions before the new season for Real Madrid.

Second time a charm at Real Madrid for Jose Mourinho?

Mourinho’s first Real Madrid stint followed a two-year trophy drought, and the solution worked, sort of. The Portuguese won La Liga once and reached three Champions League semifinals from 2011-13.

Improvement, but not what the Merengues were looking for when Mourinho arrived on the heels of capturing the 2010 Champions League with Inter Milan.

These days, Mourinho’s stock has not exactly risen, and he is still looking for another Champions League success. But after last season’s coaching fiasco – Xavi Alonso being replaced by Alvaro Arbeloa mid-season – Perez is apparently hoping conservatism and discipline will bring out the best in the most expensive roster in La Liga.

The preseason presented a preview of Mourinho-ball, with Real Madrid winning the Trofeo Teresa Herrera last week. So, Los Blancos carried off a rather bulky trophy, though not a major one.

And the 1-0 victory over Deportivo A Coruna was classified as a preseason friendly, complete with 19 substitutions. They were, though, playing to win at all costs, judging by Antonio Rudiger’s first-half hip-check that sent Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang flying.

Good transfer business for Real Madrid?

Madridistas expected the arrival of a high-profile transfer, such as Alessandro Bastoni, Achraf Hakimi, Michael Olise, or Vitinha – not to mention Rodri. That did not happen, but the newcomers provide upgrades that could make a difference.

Cucurella, replacing Ferland Mendy, brings guile and tactical savvy, supporting Vinicius Junior on the left. He also happens to be Real Madrid’s only World Cup winner with Spain’s national team.

Dumfries might not compare with Hakimi, but he presents an alternative to Trent Alexander-Arnold. The Dutch defender is a dependable, physical right back, who captured two Serie A scudetti and reached two Champions League finals with Inter.

Silva contributes composure, and his ability to settle the midfield fills a need lacking since the departure of Luka Modric. Konate provides physicality and recovery ability in central defence, and could challenge Dean Huijsen and Rudiger for a starting spot.

Diomande burst onto the scene with Red Bull Leipzig and starred for Ivory Coast in the World Cup. Diomande was “discovered” in northern Florida in the United States by Leganes last year, after being passed over in Major League Soccer tryouts.

He earned a 125 million euro ($144.5m) transfer that could be considered excessive, as rival suitors dropped from the scene, leaving Real Madrid to essentially bid against itself. Real Madrid will hope the investment in Diomande pays dividends, as he resembles a dynamic, younger version of Vinicius Junior, and can perform on either wing.

A number 9 for Real Madrid, anybody?

Endrick wears the number 9, but does not fit the profile of a hold-up striker. Nor does Mbappe, though he has made the position his own. Endrick, 20, failed to meet expectations after arriving on a 47.5 million euro ($54.9m) transfer from Palmeiras. He ended up on loan to Olympique Lyon, scoring five times, including a hat-trick against Metz.

At 6-foot-4-inches, Carlos Espi represents Mourinho’s conception of the number-9 role. The 21-year-old lacks experience but showed promise with Levante, converting 11 goals last season.

Perez, though, is sticking with his investment in Endrick. Last year, he let Nico Paz go to Como, and, this year, Gonzalo Garcia to Fulham.

Two go-to guys, but not enough goals?

Few can match Mbappe’s ability to stretch defences and finish.

Last season, Mbappe totalled 42 goals, plus another 10 for France in the World Cup. But should Mbappe be a lone striker, or should he be breaking down defences on the wing?

As for Vinicius Junior, his effectiveness on the left wing is unquestioned. The problem has been capitalising on the talent of Mbappe and Vinicius Junior. Despite Mbappe’s goal explosion, Real Madrid’s La Liga totals declined from 87 in 2023-24 to 78 the next season and 77 last season.

In the past, Mourinho’s forwards have sacrificed scoring to concentrate on defending. Not exactly what Mbappe or Vinicius Junior signed up for, but Mbappe indicated he is ready to go along with the programme in an interview with Real Madrid TV. Mourinho, Mbappe said, “is a coach that knows how to win.”

Time for Bellingham to go on the offensive?

As a 20-year-old, just arrived from Borussia Dortmund, Bellingham converted 10 goals in his first 12 La Liga games in 2023. Bellingham’s scoring tailed off after that, and he’s fallen into a complementary role in midfield. But after a breakout World Cup, maybe Bellingham will reassert himself as an attacking midfielder.

Performing for England, Bellingham ignited the offence, driving through the midfield, setting up teammates, and also converting seven goals. He also displayed leadership qualities, rallying the team in difficult conditions in Mexico City and leading a comeback against Norway.

Bellingham has plenty of midfield support at Real Madrid, playing alongside Aurelien Tchouameni and Federico Valverde. But will Mourinho allow Bellingham to go forward at will, as he did prior to the arrival of Mbappe, or have him thinking defence first?

What about Arda Guler?

Guler was a regular from last season’s opener on; his 51 appearances were second on the team to Vinicius Junior’s 53. And Guler is expected to be a sure starter this season. The arrival of Silva, though, could create a squeeze for playing time.

Mourinho favours experienced players, and also appears to be on a wavelength with Silva, partly because of their Portuguese backgrounds. Guler can be spectacular, breaking past opponents on the dribble, sparking the attack. But the threat of a reduced role has led to reports that Guler is considering a return to Fenerbahce.

The U.S. Army will be getting the Robinson R66 Turbine as the primary trainer for its new Flight School Next program, putting the light helicopter at the center of a sweeping overhaul of how the service trains its entry-level rotary-wing pilots.

The Army on August 13 awarded M1 Support Services a potentially $10-billion contract to run the new training enterprise at Fort Rucker, Alabama. An aviation training services specialist based in Texas, M1 will provide the aircraft, maintenance, simulators, flight and academic instruction, and other support under a contractor-owned, contractor-operated (COCO) model.

Robinson R66 Army Trainer Helicopter | Press Conference & Official Reveal | AAAA in Nashville

Flight School Next is planned to train between 800 and 1,500 Army helicopter pilots each year. The Army currently produces about 1,250 new aviators annually through its Initial Entry Rotary-Wing Flight Training program.

The contract has a potential 26-year duration, although the first task order is expected to cover three to four years as M1 transitions the training operation to the new system.

After narrowing down the initial selection of six helicopter manufacturers and contractors, M1’s R66-based solution defeated a rival bid from Bell, which offered its Model 505 for the program.

Bell 505: Ideal Trainer

The R66, a single-turbine engine design, is best known as a five-seat light rotorcraft on the commercial market. The aircraft is currently in widespread civilian service as a trainer, passenger, and utility helicopter. Powered by a Rolls-Royce RR300 turboshaft and closely related in layout and handling to Robinson’s ubiquitous piston-powered R44, the relatively simple design, low operating costs, and commercial availability of the R66 make it well suited to high-volume basic flight training. The aircraft’s Garmin avionics provide a modern digital cockpit, improving situational awareness while familiarizing students with the kinds of systems they will encounter on more advanced aircraft.

The R66 already has something of a foothold with the U.S. military, with the TH-66 Sage having been used to train U.S. Army and Navy helicopter operators under contract, as part of a test program by Helicopter Institute. This saw the TH-66 train military aviators according to the Civilian FAA Part 141 curriculum, providing students with private pilot, rotorcraft helicopter, and instrument helicopter certifications before they advance to formal military helicopter training. 

Under the Flight School Next program, the R66 will be a significant departure from the current Army training fleet, which relies on the Airbus Helicopters UH-72A Lakota, a twin-engine design that can accommodate up to nine troops as well as two crew.

While the Lakota is considered an advanced and reliable airframe, Army officials have acknowledged that its extensive automation and sophisticated avionics can become a crutch for inexperienced pilots. Instructors argue that new aviators should first develop a strong command of the fundamentals by learning to fly aircraft with simpler controls.

The Army ultimately sought to overhaul its aviator training approach and return to those fundamentals in an effort to reduce future accidents, particularly as helicopter mishaps have drawn increased scrutiny from lawmakers. Maj. Gen. Clair Gill, the program acquisition executive of Maneuver Air, told Breaking Defense last fall that the service was therefore looking for a “very simple aircraft.”

The original solicitation for the Flight School Next requirement also called for a single-engine rotary-wing aircraft, which fits with the Army’s broader interest in getting students back to fundamental helicopter-flying skills before introducing them to increasingly automated and complex military aircraft.

The service says the new program will use a streamlined commercial fleet and modern simulators while consolidating several existing training contracts into a single operation.

M1 will own and operate the new training aircraft and provide the instructors and maintenance needed to run the school. The Army will retain control of training standards, safety requirements and overall outcomes.

“Flight School Next delivers a critical improvement in our Initial Entry Rotary-Wing Training model,” said Maj. Gen. Clair A. Gill, commander of the U.S. Army Aviation Center of Excellence. “Simply put, it delivers new military helicopter pilots with far better foundational skills.”

The new syllabus is intended to produce pilots proficient in basic aircraft handling, visual and instrument flight, terrain flight, navigation and tactical mission planning.

The Army also expects the new arrangement to reduce long-term training costs.

“This is a major step forward in modernizing how we train our aviation force,” explained Assistant Secretary of the Army for Acquisition, Logistics and Technology Brent G. Ingraham. “Flight School Next delivers the next generation of training capabilities our aviators need to succeed in increasingly complex operational environments.”

As for the R66, in addition to the TH-66 Sage, the uncrewed Turbinetruck variant was awarded a U.S. Marine Corps contract earlier this year. The Turbinetruck is one of at least two new autonomous cargo helicopters that will be tested as that service looks to field new platforms that can rapidly resupply Marines in contested environments. The Turbinetruck inserts Sikorsky’s MATRIX autonomy system in the R66 airframe and could provide a route to further increasing the design’s footprint with the U.S. military.

The Army says its Flight School Next program is intended to provide a sustainable training system through 2030 and beyond, combining commercial aircraft and training expertise with Army oversight of the standards required of its aviators.

The service is betting that a smaller, commercially derived helicopter can produce better pilots before they ever reach a frontline airframe. If the model works as advertised, Flight School Next could reshape not just what Army aviators train on, but how they are trained from day one.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

As the United States-Iran conflict draws renewed global attention to energy security, a quieter transformation is underway. Driven by the combined effects of El Niño and accelerating warming, the Gulf region is heating up significantly. Rising temperatures, prolonged droughts, and intense precipitation events are intensifying water scarcity and straining critical infrastructure.

For economies built on oil and gas, this environmental pressure creates complex compound risks. Unlike agriculture-based nations that face immediate crop shocks, Gulf countries confront structural vulnerabilities. Their heavy reliance on international grain markets exposes them to global price volatility, while a high dependence on energy-intensive seawater desalination ties water security directly to power consumption. Furthermore, rapid urbanization leaves critical infrastructure like power grids, ports, and data centers vulnerable to extreme weather and global supply chain disruptions.

Not surprisingly, recent adjustments to energy and water systems are no longer treated merely as environmental policies. They represent a fundamental restructuring of national development logic. In this era of extreme climate, long-term competitiveness depends less on hydrocarbon reserves and more on the upgrade of national capability systems.

Historically, the energy systems of Gulf countries focused primarily on supporting domestic growth and resource exports. Today, that strategic role has expanded to ensure the survival of modern society. Extreme heat drives up summer cooling demand and increases electricity consumption for critical infrastructure like desalination plants, transportation, and communications. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), cooling and seawater desalination will account for roughly 40% of new electricity demand in the Middle East and North Africa by 2035.

This shift has transformed how governments view energy security. If energy systems determine whether Gulf countries can operate stably, water resources dictate the ceiling for their development. Long reliant on seawater desalination to overcome natural constraints, these nations now face soaring operating costs driven by rising temperatures and extreme weather. Vulnerabilities vary across the region. Countries like Kuwait, Qatar, and Bahrain depend almost entirely on desalination and remain highly sensitive to energy price fluctuations. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are advancing water-saving technologies, wastewater recycling, and renewable-powered desalination to build resilience.

According to the World Bank’s Water-Energy-Food Nexus framework, Gulf countries must integrate energy supply, water management, wastewater treatment, and fiscal policy. A shock to any single component can amplify risks across the entire economy. For resource-based nations, while oil dictates the scale of wealth, water security increasingly governs the quality of development and the long-term viability of modern cities.

Faced with these structural pressures, Gulf strategies are shifting from risk mitigation to the cultivation of new global advantages. With annual global climate adaptation funding gaps remaining substantial, demand is surging for resilient infrastructure, water management, flood control, and smart agriculture. Armed with fiscal strength and large-scale engineering experience, Gulf nations are positioning themselves to capture these markets. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are deploying capital through sovereign wealth funds like the Public Investment Fund (PIF) and Mubadala into green hydrogen, smart cities, and sustainable infrastructure.

At the same time, the rapid expansion of artificial intelligence is creating new strategic demands. Global data center electricity consumption is projected to rise sharply by 2030, driven heavily by AI applications. For the Gulf, building large-scale computing centers in high-temperature environments demands robust power supplies and advanced cooling capacities. Sovereign wealth funds are increasingly utilizing their capital to back AI hubs and digital infrastructure, cementing their role in shaping future industries.

This evolution creates significant opportunities for international partnerships, particularly with China. China holds scale and industrial advantages in photovoltaics, energy storage, power grid equipment, desalination, and digital infrastructure. Meanwhile, the Gulf offers capital, markets, and robust green investment demand. As global competition extends from resource endowments to climate adaptation capabilities, Gulf nations are working to transform their resilience strategies into international competitiveness. Ultimately, the measure of a nation’s strength in the future will depend not only on the wealth beneath its soil, but on the safety, resilience, and adaptability of its development systems.

New Delhi, India — Authorities dispatched workers early to New Delhi on the morning of July 26 to paint over the graffitied walls near the Jantar Mantar observatory.

A day earlier, protests over an exam leak scandal, led by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), had led to the ousting of India’s Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

The entry curve of the protest strip read: “#2026 Gen-Z REVOLUTION!!!”

A man in his early twenties climbed a tree carrying a powerful loudspeaker and blasted a song. “Azadi, give me freedom! Azadi, give me freedom! Azadi, give me freedom!” The crowd followed the words, with their hands raised in the air.

Azadi, translated as “freedom” in English, a popular hip-hop song from the Bollywood film Gully Boy, became the anthem of the student protests in one of the biggest challenges to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government in years.

Fast-paced video footage of police personnel beating students at New Delhi’s Parliament Street gave a new lease of life to the nearly decade-old track.

It was not just in Delhi – the chants reverberated in other cities such as Jaipur, Lucknow and Mumbai.

Just a decade ago, Azadi was among the most radioactive words — and criminalised protest slogans — in Delhi, for which student leaders were jailed for treason.

After thousands of protesters returned home following the minister’s resignation last month, the lights at Jantar Mantar had gone out. But rows of bright-yellow metal police barricades still lined the street. Many of them were painted over by protesters. One of them read, in red: “Umar, Sharjeel, Gulfisha were here before you”.

The journey of the Azadi chant — from Pakistan’s feminist movement, the Kashmiri resistance, to the mainstream in India — charts the evolution of both a political slogan and student politics and activism in India under Modi’s rule over the last decade.

‘Criminalising university spaces’

December 9, 2016, was supposed to be a casual evening at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), one of India’s premier public universities that for decades has also been a cauldron of political activism.

A group of students coming together to meet was just another banal event. This meeting was to discuss capital punishment in India, looking at the case of a Kashmiri, hanged for an armed attack on India’s parliament in 2001.

At least, that’s how Banojyotsna Lahiri, a close friend of Umar Khalid and one of the organisers of the event, who spoke to Al Jazeera, remembered that winter evening.

Indian TV media channels, seen as friendly to Modi’s government, made the event a national political flashpoint, repeatedly airing footage of students chanting Azadi slogans, led by then JNU student union president Kanhaiya Kumar.

Pro-Modi media labelled the students as “sympathisers of terrorists” and some channels even aired doctored clips about the event.

Students like Khalid and JNU became household names as the controversy “blew out of proportion,” Lahiri said.

“Intense media trial picked up. It was a targeted campaign: propagating that antinational students lived off taxpayers’ money,” Lahiri recalled. Within days, sedition charges and arrests followed, with Khalid and others released on bail a few weeks later.

The JNU has been a traditional bastion of left-liberal politics, which also puts it in the crosshairs with the country’s Hindu majoritarian right, especially under Modi. But it was not the only university with popular anti-establishment politics at the time.

After a Dalit student, Rohith Vemula, died by suicide in Hyderabad, in southern India, alleging caste discrimination, the Central University there erupted in protests, followed by a government crackdown.

These events in early 2016 kicked off a government campaign that gradually eroded space for dissent and expression in India’s public universities. Students said this has worsened over the years.

Right-wing goons attacked student leaders. Khalid was shot at in New Delhi. Universities blocked permissions to hold discussions, film screenings or protests.

“It requires a lot of courage to be a student activist or leader in India, after coming from small towns,” Apoorvanand, a professor of Hindi at Delhi University, said.

“It is the first time in independent India where the government has undertaken a coordinated, well-thought-out attack on student activism.”

Lahiri said that the media campaign led to serious repercussions for those involved in the protests.

“The tag of antinational was accepted in wider Indian imagination, outside universities and these students [like Khalid] could never shed it,” Lahiri said.

In 2019, protests erupted against proposed amendments to India’s citizenship laws, which were seen as discriminatory against Muslims and rendering them second-class citizens.

Several Muslim student leaders in Delhi shot to national prominence for their fiery speeches and organising protests against the proposed Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

The government appeared to step back from a nationwide screening of who qualifies as an Indian citizen amid the protests.

Another crackdown followed, jailing dozens of prominent student activists and burying their cases under piles of charges, including terrorism.

After the citizenship protests in 2019, which ran into 2020, students say the spaces in universities for protest shrank even further.

Police presence and inquiries were beefed up; students allege that several politically biased appointments to university administrations were made, and funding for research and institutions was slashed.

Six years on, student leaders like Khalid, who was rearrested, and Sharjeel Imam continue to be imprisoned without trial.

The journey of ‘Azadi’

After the controversy in 2016, the visuals of JNU reverberating with Azadi slogans inspired a music producer, Dub Sharma, to layer electronic beats over the crowd chants, which flows as the central melody.

Those slogans called for freedom from caste-based hierarchy, capitalism, hunger, and to break free from the influence of the right-wing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological fountainhead of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party.

Three years later, the track was tapped by director Zoya Akhtar for her 2019 Bollywood flick, Gully Boy, inspired partly by the poverty of rappers in Mumbai’s slums. Sharma recreated the song for the movie — and recruited popular Mumbai artist Divine to rap to it.

But the revised version of the song only retained “freedom from hunger” from the crowd’s original chants, omitting other calls for social justice. The film’s team faced criticism for hollowing out the original track but they defended it, arguing that the track was altered to suit the film’s own arc.

Seven years ago, in the recreated version, Divine rapped about income inequality, politicians’ privileged children and called on people to take over a corrupt system — all of which have become the central theme of Gen Z protests across the world.

Under Modi, India has continued to slide in multiple democratic indices. This year, Sharma’s rehashed score became the anthem of the students’ resistance, calling for wider educational reforms.

The earliest modern political life of the Azadi chant can be traced to Pakistan’s feminist resistance to General Zia-ul-Haq’s military dictatorship in the 1980s. The late Indian feminist activist Kamla Bhasin recalled being inspired by the chant’s fluidity and adopting it to the Indian subcontext, making the calls suitable to specific protests.

Kashmiri resistance to Indian occupation adopted the slogan in the late 1980s as well. The left liberal movement in New Delhi caught up, too. But their calls to freedom were specific to their unique contexts.

A year before Bhasin passed away in 2021, she referred to the Azadi chants in an interview as “a living, breathing slogan”.

“This slogan grows every day, it evolves every day. Its meaning is not set in stone.”

Beginners’ guide to protesting in Delhi

A month after India’s chief justice controversially equated India’s unemployed youth with cockroaches and parasites, the insult caught the national imagination last June.

A Boston University graduate, Abhijeet Dipke, casually wondered: “What if all cockroaches come together?” in a post on X. He then started a social media campaign, under the self-named Cockroach Janta Party, and went viral on the internet. It gained more than 22 million followers on Instagram, more than double Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has been in power since 2014.

Dipke returned to India, pledging to launch an agitation, channelling support in calling for education reforms starting with the resignation of the former education minister, after a series of examination scandals that affected millions of Indian students.

On June 6, he landed in New Delhi and came straight to the Jantar Mantar protest site, where he stood with Neha Bora, the national president of All India Students Association (AISA), the student wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist).

Bora, a slight 29-year-old, had been with AISA for eight years, since her college days in Delhi’s JNU.

“[The Cockroach movement] did not have any idea about what might happen, or what to expect here,” she told Al Jazeera, sitting cross-legged in a loose T-shirt. “They didn’t know what to do. They were excited but also scared.”

Bora said student unions, like hers, “helped the protest stand” and take shape.

After the protest occupied the Jantar Mantar strip, defying frequent police orders to vacate, Bora’s AISA, alongside the Student Federation of India (SFI), another prominent left-wing student organisation, organised a protest camp. Six students joined educator-turned-activist Sonam Wangchuk, 59, on a hunger strike.

For a month, student volunteers from these organisations took shifts at the protest site, making sure it was occupied at all times. They gave the protest slogans, placards, and a voice that helped bring it international prominence.

“Sit-in means a lot of repetition for those people who you’re appealing to join,” Bora said, describing challenges. “As a student organisation, we knew the science behind keeping protest alive: bring in different sections of society to support the movement, like lawyers, professors and farmers.”

The Jantar Mantar protest was particularly remarkable in ways that experienced protest organisers — whose politics for years has been criminalised or sidelined — quietly equipped a younger generation to organise what, from the outside, appeared to be a leaderless movement, political analysts say.

With this came the same playbook from opponents to delegitimise the students, said Bora. For weeks, they fought back against “baseless conspiracies and allegations of being antinationals or foreign-funded”. At one point, Education Minister Pradhan called the protesters the “B-team of terrorists”.

However, this time, criminalising the young protesters did not work, and the demonstration continued to grow in popularity. Rather, the movement, campaigning on education issues, gave the student organisation a shot at gaining a foothold in national politics, said Apoorvanand.

Rediscovering ‘Azadi’

This summer, the grammar of Indian politics appeared to flip in the Gen Z protest wave. A stroll through the protest strip, reverberating with Azadi chants, raised a question: what had changed in New Delhi since 2016?

Before peeling back the layers, Lahiri, Khalid’s friend, insists that one needs to settle on a baseline: “The earlier citizenship protests were for Muslims, led by Muslims. Their names were Muslims, therefore [they were] easier to criminalise.” Several political analysts agree.

By contrast, none of the most prominent names in this year’s student protests was Muslim — though the organisers repeatedly called out the “hate and divisive politics” of the ruling government, which has been criticised for alleged targeted attacks on minorities.

Mohammad Junaid, a volunteer at the site, became the most visible Muslim face at the Jantar Mantar strip. Even before everyone had returned home after the protest ended, Junaid and his family members were picked up and harassed by police, he said.

At one point, the Cockroach leaders asked the protesters to refrain from chanting “negative” Azadi slogans. That made no difference among the crowd, though.

N Sai Balaji, a student activist who served as AISA’s national president from 2019 to 2023, said there is a clear difference between the student leaders’ pre and post-citizenship protests, where they have moved on from being objects of representation to owning the narrative.

“It’s just not the same kind. They are tech-savvy 1786809159, know how to integrate their message, and they know the language of the internet so well because they grew up there,” he told Al Jazeera. He compared this with his own generation growing up watching TV.

“That is why the traditional media was useless for them. Rather, they became the media themselves,” Balaji said. “They owned their story. Something we could not do.”

Balaji stressed that social media influencers and alternative media spaces reported the protest and became the main medium of amplification. Many began boycotting traditional media outlets seen as friendly to the government. “And no one was calling them antinationals in this new space,” he said.

Instead, for instance, when videos of Bora on hunger strike were watched by millions, Balaji said, it made people question the status quo. “India’s aspirational class, who felt betrayed by the government’s broken promises, found hope in people who were sitting selflessly,” Balaji stressed.

“That’s where the whole propaganda vanishes. Suddenly, the so-called antinationals become humans too,” he added.

Lahiri said the current generation of student leaders broke through traditional moulds of activism. “With their language, imagery, and Instagram reels, people outside universities are now able to connect more,” she said.

And with spaces inside universities criminalised, the students’ politics are yet again spilling out onto the streets, added Lahiri. She went a step further to note that unlike her own generation, the new student protesters are “trying to do politics under even harsher circumstances”.

Call it shallow, Lahiri argued, breaking into a laugh, but just saying, “Fu** Modi,” is more of a slap in the face, instead of our sentiments coated in academic language.

Out of the flood of online memes and posters, one stayed with Lahiri. It read: “Umar Khalid walked, so Gen Z could run.” She is not sure if Khalid would agree with this, but she does.

For Bora’s part, she told Al Jazeera, the 2019 citizenship movement led by Muslims “inspired a revolution inside” her, which keeps her going even today.

Painting her predecessors as antinationals and traitors of India, Bora said, the Modi government criminalised the mere expression of the word Azadi by “creating so much noise around it.”

However, “when students faced police brutality — when the wounds of those batons were fresh on their bodies — one understands that the Azadi slogan is the most radical assertion of fundamental rights in India”, Bora said.

Welcome to Bunker Talk. This is a weekend open discussion post for the best commenting crew on the net, in which we can chat about all the stuff that went on this week that we didn’t cover. We can also talk about the stuff we did or whatever else grabs your interest. In other words, it’s an off-topic thread.

This week’s caption reads:

BALLYMENA, NORTHERN IRELAND – FEBRUARY 4: The communal recreation room at a nuclear bunker site on the Woodside Road industrial estate on February 4, 2016 in Ballymena, Northern Ireland. The underground shelter has been put up for sale by the offices of the Northern Ireland First and Deputy First Minister. The bunker which was completed in 1990 was built to hold up to 235 people in the event of a nuclear bomb and is complete with kitchen facilities, dormitories and decontamination chambers. The site, one of approximately 1,600 nuclear monitoring posts built in the UK since 1955, is on the housing market with an asking price of £575,000. (Photo by Charles McQuillan/Getty Images)

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Indian PM said the Maoist-influenced Naxalite armed rebellion is largely gone, but its ideological backers still pose threat.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said the country has largely eliminated a Maoist rebellion which it battled for decades but still faces a threat from the movement’s ideological backers.

Speaking on India’s Independence Day on Saturday, Modi said India had succeeded in “getting rid of armed Naxals” – referring to members of the Maoist-influenced Naxalite movement that challenged state authority across swaths of central and eastern India.

However, he said “dimagi Naxals” (intellectual Naxals) are looking for opportunities to create violence, and need to be “identified and isolated”.

The phrase “dimagi Naxal” echoes the politically charged label “urban Naxal,” a term Modi and leaders of his Bharatiya Janata Party have previously used for activists, academics, intellectuals and other government critics.

The remarks come weeks after a youth-led protest movement, the Cockroach Janta Party, emerged as a rare challenge to Modi’s government and helped force the resignation of his education minister.

While Modi did not mention the protests, he repeatedly highlighted initiatives aimed at young Indians, including AI skills training and free online coaching for competitive exams.

He said India had transformed from a “fragile” economy into the world’s fastest-growing major economy over the past decade and reaffirmed his government’s goal of turning the country into a developed nation by 2047, the centenary of its independence.

India’s Naxalite movement began in 1967 with an uprising in the village of Naxalbari in eastern India, and grew into a decades-long armed rebellion championing the rights of landless farmers, the rural poor and Indigenous communities. Thousands of civilians, rebels and security personnel died in the fighting.

Modi said the Maoist movement had “destroyed the future” of generations of young people and credited his government’s security and development policies with sharply reducing Maoist violence since taking office in 2014.

Rights groups have for years accused India’s government of using anti-terror laws, sedition-related provisions and foreign-funding rules to squeeze civil society and target activists, journalists and groups critical of its policies.

Seven-time Grand Slam winner Venus Williams defeated 6-2, 6-2 by Emiliana Arango in the first round of Cincinnati Open.

Venus Williams’s losing streak in singles play has reached 13 matches.

The seven-time major champion was defeated 6-2, 6-2 by Emiliana Arango late on Friday in the first round of the Cincinnati Open.

The 46-year-old Williams received a wild-card entry to the WTA 1000 event. She has not won a singles match since July 2025.

Arango, a 25-year-old qualifier from Colombia ranked 95th, needed 1 hour, 5 minutes to defeat Williams on the grandstand court at Lindner Tennis Center.

Williams had her serve broken in the first game of the match and faced an uphill battle the rest of the way. Arango was 4 of 5 on converting break points and won 71 percent of her first-serve points.

Williams was unable to convert on her lone break opportunity and was only 41 percent on first-serve points.

“That kind of eased my nerves a little bit of having maybe a little bit of breathing room. And then I think I just did a good job of staying on it, trying to make her play as much as possible,” Arango said about getting ahead early.

Arango will face No 7 seed and defending Cincinnati champion Iga Swiatek in the second round.

Williams’s last singles victory came last year in Washington, when she defeated Peyton Stearns.

“I think that at all times I was really controlling the point, but unfortunately didn’t finish it the way I wanted to,” said Williams, who is making her 11th appearance in the tournament. “The encouraging part is that I’m controlling the shots, but I have to just get a little more consistent on that last part.”

Williams will remain in Cincinnati to play doubles with her sister, Serena, after they received a wild-card entry. They last played doubles together at the 2022 US Open.

The Williams sisters were slated to play doubles at Wimbledon before an injury to Serena. They will play Marta Kostyuk and Peyton Stearns in the first round.

The doubles portion of the tournament starts on Sunday.

“I’m excited and hope that we can both go into it fresh, on our toes and ready. I’ll be preparing for that,” Venus Williams said.

Venus is also slated to play mixed doubles at the US Open later this month with Alexander Bublik.