NEWS

As Operation Epic Fury slogs on for a 26th day, Iranian officials have publicly dismissed the Trump administration’s efforts to negotiate a way out of the crisis. Both sides have exchanged demands for any settlement of the war as Pakistan has agreed to hold peace talks, but there appears to be no quick off ramp to this conflict. Meanwhile, the missile and drones keep launching and the bombs keep falling.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt on Wednesday said Iran “refused to come to a deal,” adding that President Donald Trump “does not bluff and is prepared to unleash hell.”

The Iranians claimed that they rejected any move to stop the fighting because of the demands made by the White House and, what they state, is their ongoing successful defensive strategy. They also hit back with their own peace deal demands.

Though the U.S. has started “efforts to establish a ceasefire and start indirect negotiations with Iran… Tehran considers a ceasefire and negotiations currently unjustifiable,” the official Iranian FARS news agency proclaimed on Wednesday. “While U.S. diplomatic movements for a ceasefire have increased in the past five days with mediation by some countries, experts describe the change in Donald Trump’s rhetoric as a sign of Washington’s retreat in the face of Iran’s resistance. However, according to observers, the U.S. government’s effort to maintain its prestige has caused these requests to be presented wrapped in military and media threats.”

“…the Islamic Republic of Iran, before making any decision regarding the ceasefire request presented by U.S. intermediaries, emphasizes achieving its strategic goals in confrontation with the hostile front, and only upon their fulfillment will there be a possibility to end the war (not just a ceasefire),” FARS added. “Political analysts also believe that Iran’s comprehensive resistance against the U.S., the Zionist regime, and their allies has narrowed the maneuvering space for the enemy, forcing them to seek a way out of the current situation.”

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum praises services from Cuban doctors, who often work in underserved rural areas.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has confirmed that her country will continue receiving Cuban medical workers, as part of a longstanding programme meant to build goodwill between the island and other Latin American countries.

Her remarks on Wednesday come as the United States pressures Latin American countries to sever their ties to Cuba’s medical programme.

Sheinbaum, however, told reporters during a news conference that the agreement was a benefit to Mexico. Thousands of Cuban medical workers have deployed there since 2022 to work largely in poor, rural areas.

“We have a very good agreement that’s also been a great help to us. It’s a bilateral agreement that’s been very beneficial for Mexico,” said Sheinbaum.

“It’s hard to get Mexican doctors and specialists to go out to many rural areas where we need medical specialists, and the Cubans are willing to work there.”

In February, the US passed a law that opens the door to sanctions on countries that continue to participate in the programme.

It called for the US secretary of state to issue a report within 90 days about which countries continue to pay the government of Cuba for the “coerced and trafficked labour of Cuban medical professionals”.

The move comes amid a wider push to further isolate Cuba and topple the government in Havana, a longtime target of US ire. So far, countries including the Bahamas, Honduras, Guatemala, Jamaica and Guyana have ended their participation in the Cuban medical exchange programme.

Cuba has long depicted the decades-old programme as a means of signalling solidarity with other countries. It has also become an important source of foreign revenue for the island nation, which has been under a restrictive US economic embargo since 1960.

The administration of US President Donald Trump, however, has depicted the programme as akin to forced labour.

“Basically, it’s human trafficking,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters in February.

“I mean, they’re barely even being paid. Their freedom of movement is tightly restricted. And we want these countries to understand that’s what they’re participating in.”

Experts at the United Nations have also raised similar concerns, including about the confiscation of passports, which the Cuban government justifies as a means of preventing trained doctors from fleeing the country after their state-sponsored studies.

The pressure on the Cuban medical missions is part of a broader push under Trump’s second term to seek regime change on the island.

By threatening tariffs on Cuba’s trading partners, Trump has largely cut the island off from accessing the foreign oil necessary to power its electrical grid.

Trump has also said that he hopes to “take” Cuba and install a new government that will be more pliant to US demands.

The Mexican government has tried to balance its friendly relations with Cuba with the US’s demands.

In the absence of energy shipments, Sheinbaum’s government has sent vessels with humanitarian aid to the island.

Caracas, March 25, 2026 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Venezuelan Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has reiterated calls for foreign investment in the Caribbean nation.

Addressing the FII PRIORITY Miami Summit, Rodríguez showcased Venezuela’s economic growth and lauded the investment opportunities in the country’s vast oil, natural gas, gold, and other mineral resources. The Venezuelan leader highlighted the recent pro-business overhaul of the country’s Hydrocarbon Law and other upcoming reforms as key in generating “flexibility,” “guarantees,” and “security” for investors.

“The new Hydrocarbon Law creates important mechanisms for private sector control over production and commercialization,” Rodríguez said in her video message from Caracas. “It also creates flexible fiscal arrangements and establishes alternative conflict-resolution processes such as international arbitration.”

The acting president added that 64 percent of the price of a barrel is up for “negotiations with investors” in terms of reduced royalties and taxes, as well as dividends. 

Approved in late January by the Venezuelan National Assembly, the new Hydrocarbon Law allows the executive to reduce taxes and royalties at its discretion. The reform also grants expanded control to private corporations, curtailing the state’s sovereignty over the industry established under Hugo Chávez under the 2001 Hydrocarbon Law and subsequent reforms.

In her remarks, Rodríguez urged “de-ideologization,” vowing, “regardless of different [political] views, a favorable climate can be created so that investors have the mechanisms so that their investments foster returns.” She added that she has met with representatives from 120 multinational corporations since January. 

“Our reforms are a call for investors to participate,” Rodríguez stated. She went on to press for greater Latin American economic integration and for an end to unilateral sanctions against Venezuela, though she refrained from mentioning the US by name.

The Future Investment Initiative (FII) Institute is a non-profit run by Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund and holds regular conferences bringing together business executives, analysts, and political leaders.

Rodríguez’s participation in the Saudi initiative came amid unprecedented energy market volatility as a result of the US and Israeli war against Iran. In spite of strong Venezuelan ties with Iran over the past 25 years, the Rodríguez administration has not taken a firm stance on the conflict, having published and later withdrawn a controversial statement. Caracas expressed solidarity with Qatar and the UAE after Iran retaliated against US military assets in the region.

The Venezuelan leader’s Wednesday message to investors in Miami followed a meeting with business executives at Miraflores Presidential Palace on Tuesday. The companies represented were not disclosed, though Houston-based oil giant Exxon Mobil has confirmed it has a team in Caracas “looking to assess the state of the resource that’s there.”

Rodríguez delivered a similar pitch hailing Venezuela’s natural resource potential and the prospects for foreign conglomerates opened by ongoing reforms. She appealed for the full lifting of sanctions, arguing that US Treasury licenses hurt investor confidence.

Since January, the Trump administration has issued a number of sanctions waivers allowing Western entities to engage with the Venezuelan energy and mining sectors. The licenses block transactions with companies from China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Russia.

Additionally, the Treasury exemptions mandate that all royalty, tax, and dividend payments destined for Venezuelan state entities be deposited in US-run accounts. Washington currently controls Venezuelan oil proceeds, having returned a reported US $500 million, out of an initial $2 billion agreement, to Caracas.

On Tuesday, Rodríguez likewise announced the imminent departure of a Venezuelan diplomatic mission to Washington. Félix Plasencia, slated to become the country’s ambassador to the US, will lead the delegation.

“Our delegation will manage this new stage of diplomatic relations and dialogue between our two countries,” she affirmed.

Caracas and Washington fast-tracked a diplomatic rapprochement in the wake of the January 3 US attacks against Venezuela and kidnapping of President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores. The two governments reestablished diplomatic relations in early March after a seven-year hiatus. The Trump administration went on to recognize Rodríguez as Venezuela’s “sole leader” days later.

Rodríguez, who had served as vice president since 2018, assumed the presidency in an acting capacity on January 5 with the endorsement of the Venezuelan National Assembly and Supreme Court, which declared Maduro’s absence as temporary.

Maduro and Flores pleaded not guilty to charges including drug trafficking conspiracy and will have a court hearing on Thursday. US officials have not presented evidence to sustain reiterated “narcoterrorism” accusations against Venezuelan leaders, while data from specialized agencies has found Venezuela to play a marginal role in global narcotics trafficking.

Edited by Lucas Koerner in Fusagasugá, Colombia.

Settler attacks, restrictions on aid, and land seizures marked a week that was supposed to be one of celebration for Palestinians. Al Jazeera’s Nida Ibrahim and Tareq Abu Azzoum explain what’s been going on in the occupied West Bank and Gaza.

A California jury found ⁠Alphabet’s Google and Meta liable for $3m in damages in a landmark social media addiction lawsuit that accused the companies of being legally responsible for the addictive design of their platforms.

The decision was handed down by a Los Angeles-based jury on Wednesday after more than 40 hours of deliberation across nine days, and more than a month after jurors heard opening statements in the trial.

Among those who testified in the case were Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg and Instagram head Adam Mosseri, although YouTube chief executive Neal Mohan was not called to testify.

The plaintiff in the case, referred to as KGM or Kaley, was awarded $3m in damages. The 20-year-old said she became addicted to social media at a young age, which exacerbated her mental health issues. She began using YouTube at age six and Meta-owned Instagram at age nine.

Kaley’s legal team alleged that the social media giants used designed features intended to hook young users, including notifications and autoplay features.

“Today’s verdict is a historic moment — for Kaley and for the thousands of children and families who have been waiting for this day. She showed extraordinary courage in bringing this case and telling her story in open court. A jury of Kaley’s peers heard the evidence, heard what Meta and YouTube knew and when they knew it, and held them accountable for their conduct. Today’s verdict belongs to Kaley,” lawyers for the plaintiff said in a statement shared with Al Jazeera.

Jurors were instructed not to consider the content of the posts and videos Kaley saw on the platforms. That is because tech companies are shielded from legal responsibility for user-posted content under Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act.

Meta consistently argued that Kaley had struggled with her mental health separate from her social media use, often pointing to her turbulent home life. Meta also said, “not one of her therapists identified social media as the cause” of her mental health issues in a statement following closing arguments. But the plaintiffs did not have to prove that social media caused Kaley’s struggles — only that it was a “substantial factor” in causing her harm.

YouTube focused less on Kaley’s medical records and mental health history and more on her use of the platform itself. The company argued that YouTube is not a form of social media, but rather a video platform, akin to television, and pointed to her declining use as she got older.

According to company data, she spent about one minute per day on average watching YouTube Shorts since its inception. YouTube Shorts, which launched in 2020, is the platform’s section for short-form, vertical videos that include the “infinite scroll” feature that the plaintiffs argued was addictive.

“We disagree with the verdict and plan to appeal. This case misunderstands YouTube, which is a responsibly built streaming platform, not a social media site,” Jose Castaneda, a spokesperson for Google, told Al Jazeera.

Meta did not respond to Al Jazeera’s request for comment.

Snap and TikTok were previously named in the suit but settled with the plaintiff for undisclosed terms before the trial began.

Shifting momentum

The verdict is the latest in a wave of lawsuits targeting social media companies. There is a looming federal social media addiction case slated to begin in June in Oakland, California.

On Tuesday in New Mexico, a jury found that Meta violated state law by misleading users about the safety of Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp, and by enabling child sexual exploitation on those platforms.

This case has been closely watched by legal experts, who say the verdict will shape future litigation.

“The fact the jury found Meta and Google liable represents that these cases have real exposure to the social media giants, and are going to frame how future litigation will proceed. Although this case will certainly be appealed, I would not be surprised if Meta and Google are already making changes within their platform to reflect the real exposure, and hopefully, the states will start to enact laws regulating social media in a manner congruent with the ruling,” entertainment lawyer Tre Lovell told Al Jazeera.

Professor Eric Goldman, associate dean for research at the Santa Clara University School of Law, echoed Lovell’s assessment.

“The Los Angeles jury verdict is the first of three bellwether trials in Los Angeles, with more bellwether trials to follow in summer, in the federal case. As such, today’s verdict is just one datapoint about liability and damages. The other trials could reach divergent outcomes, so this jury verdict isn’t the final word on any matter.”

Despite the ruling, Meta’s stock has not taken a hit, as it came the same day CEO Mark Zuckerberg was appointed to a new White House advisory council. The stock is up 0.7 percent. Alphabet’s stock, however, is trending downward in midday trading on the heels of the verdict, down 1 percent.

The proposals request that Iran must “commit never to pursue nuclear weapons“, pledge to dismantle nuclear facilities and to hand over the enriched amounts of uranium it possesses to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN nuclear watchdog, which is to monitor the issue going forward.

The U.S. Army says it hopes to see production of a finalized version of the next-generation M1E3 Abrams tank begin next year. The exact timeline will depend on the performance of early prototype tanks in testing by operational units, which is slated to kick off later this year.

Brent Ingraham, Assistant Secretary of the Army for Acquisition, Logistics, and Technology, discussed current plans for the M1E3 program with TWZ and other outlets at a media roundtable on the sidelines of the Association of the United States Army’s (AUSA) annual Global Force Symposium yesterday. The Army officially unveiled the first early prototype M1E3 at the Detroit Auto Show in January, which was delivered years ahead of the program’s original schedule.

“That will again be this summer, early fall,” Ingraham said when asked about the schedule for M1E3 early prototypes arriving at so-called Transformation In Contact (TIC) units. These are operational formations that have been given a test role as part of the Army’s larger TIC effort, which is intended to help accelerate the fielding of new and improved capabilities, as well as tactics, techniques, and procedures to go with them.

Beyond that, the central goal for the M1E3 program is “to get to production as fast as possible,” Ingraham continued.

The Army’s top acquisition official added that “it’s going to depend on how well they [the early prototypes] perform,” but that “hopefully” production of the new tanks will then start “in the next 12 months or so.”

It also remains to be seen how the M1E3’s configuration may evolve between now and production start. Whether the next-generation tanks will be entirely new production vehicles is also not entirely clear. The early prototype shown at the Detroit Auto Show featured a substantially reworked hull and now uncrewed turret, but that was clearly still derived from the configuration of the latest M1A2 System Enhancement Package Version 3 (SEPv3) Abram variant. Prime contractor General Dynamics Land Systems had previously rolled out an AbramsX next-generation demonstrator with a much more significantly evolved design.

AbramsX Technology Demonstrator on the Move

That being said, the M1E3 early prototype does differ in a host of other very important ways from the M1A2 SEPv3. At the top of that list is a new hybrid propulsion in place of the fuel-hungry gas turbine found on previous Abrams models. The new propulsion configuration includes a modified Caterpillar C13D six-cylinder diesel engine and an ACT1075LP transmission from SAPA. Army officials have previously said the M1E3 will be between 40 and 50 percent more fuel efficient compared to previous versions.

The M1E3 also has new lightweight tracks from American Rheinmetall and a hydropneumatic suspension system understood to have come from Horstman Group. In a post on X in January, the latter firm noted that switching “to external hydropneumatic suspension” helps “free up crew space by removing torsion bars,” but did not explicitly confirm its involvement in the program. A suspension system of this kind, which has been tested on Abrams in the past, also allows for the hull of the tank to be raised and lowered in ways that can help improve survivability and offer other operational benefits.

The M1E3 tank employs an external hydropneumatic suspension system developed by Horstman, a company headquartered in Bath, United Kingdom. A defining feature of this suspension is that it eliminates the need for torsion bars.

This design frees up a significant amount of internal… https://t.co/OPglnoWxxY pic.twitter.com/jQkGj0h7oq

— 笑脸男人 (@lfx160219) January 26, 2026

The M1E3’s crew configuration differs significantly from existing variants, as well. The next-generation tank’s turret is intended to be entirely remotely operated, with the truncated three-person crew (instead of the traditional four) moved down into the front of the hull. The loader role is eliminated, and an autolaoder is set to be utilized instead. Historically, the U.S. military, as well as many Western armed forces, have eschewed autoloaders in their tanks. Soviet and now Russian tank designs, along with Chinese ones, have more typically had this feature. In terms of the M1E3’s main gun, the Army otherwise looks to be sticking with the same 120mm smooth-bore type used on Abrams variants now.

Interestingly, what has been seen so far of the expected crew compartment for the M1E3 is also similar in many broad respects to the design of Russia’s T-14 Armata. Despite having made its public debut in 2015, the T-14 has, at best, seen very limited operational service. In addition, the M1E3’s driver will operate the tank via a controller that looks like one that might come with a video game console, which the Army has said is a deliberate choice.

M1E3 used Fanatec Gaming Controller. Colonel Ryan Howell, Program Lead for the M1E3, said:“It now takes just 30 seconds to train a young soldier to drive that tank—something that used to take us days, even weeks……I’ll share a quote from one of the soldiers who helped us early… https://t.co/6y3VGXmVzU pic.twitter.com/fWNGyZ8AtO

— 笑脸男人 (@lfx160219) January 15, 2026

“It now takes just 30 seconds to train a young soldier to drive that tank – something that used to take us days, even weeks,” Col. Ryan Howell, the program manager for the M1E3, told Fox News back in January in Detroit. “I’ll share a quote from one of the soldiers who helped us early in the process. When we first sat him down at the crew station, he was already in the process of transitioning out of the Army, but he was assisting us by informing key design decisions. He told us, ‘If I had known I could work on a platform like this, I would have stayed in the Army.’”

These various design elements are key to the Army meeting its goals for the overall weight of the M1E3. The service has previously said that it hopes the next-generation tank will tip the scales at around 60 tons. Weight creep has been a major issue for the Abrams since it first entered service in the 1980s, with the latest M1A2 SEPv3 variant coming in at 78 tons.

“This next-generation Abrams is designed to transform how armored units operate globally,” Michelle Link, the Army’s Deputy Capability Program Executive for Ground Combat Platforms, had said in a press release in January. “By streamlining its sustainment needs and increasing deployment speed, the M1E3 Abrams ensures faster movement from ports to the front lines, making it more agile and accessible in any environment.”

In terms of other capabilties, the M1E3 early prototype presented in Detroit had a Leonardo DRS Stabilized Sight System (S3), which features a mix of electro-optical and infrared cameras, and a remote weapon station (RWS) from EOS on top of the turret. The RWS was armed with a 40mm automatic grenade launcher, a 7.62x51mm machine gun, and a Javelin anti-tank guided missile. The M1E3’s complete armament package could still expand, including with the addition of launchers for loitering munitions.

The Army currently says the M1E3 will be fitted with a version of the Israeli-design Iron Fist active protection system (APS). The service is already fielding that APS, which it has now designated as the XM251, on the M2A4E1 variant of the Bradley infantry Fighting Vehicle. It is also expected to be integrated onto 8×8 Stryker wheeled light armored vehicles and the future replacement for the Bradley family, tentatively designated the XM30. Iron Fist’s prime contractor, Elbit Systems, notably just recently disclosed that the system has at least some capability to defeat incoming kamikaze drones, as well as anti-tank guided missiles and other infantry anti-armor. The Army is also now pursuing add-on passive anti-drone armor for existing Abrams tanks and other armored vehicles, which could make its way onto the M1E3.

Iron Fist APS | Active Protection System for Armored Vehicles

In Detroit, other cameras were seen positioned at various points around the M1E3’s hull and turret, providing the crew with what looks to be a distributed vision system. This would allow the crew to ‘see’ through the hull of the tank while sitting nestled under its armor with all the hatches sealed. The camera feeds could be integrated into a helmet-mounted system and paired with augmented reality to create an overlay with various important data.

The next-generation tank is also expected to feature a variety of other advanced systems, including new targeting capabilities and other onboard sensors, as well as a networked communications suite.

The Army clearly expects the M1E3’s design to further evolve, at least to some degree, based on Soldier feedback and other data collected during testing that will start later this year. Time will tell how different the final configuration is from the early prototype the service unveiled in January.

If the core design performs well and the program otherwise keeps to its aggressive schedule, production of the Army next main battle tank could well start next year.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com

With the war on Iran disrupting the global supply of oil, could this be the moment Africa breaks its dependency on foreign energy?

Guests: Rolake Akinkugbe-Filani of EnergyInc Advisors and Cheta Nwanze of SBM Intelligence.

As the United States-Israeli war on Iran rages on, schools across Israel have been closed, cultural venues shuttered and large gatherings cancelled under police orders.

Dissent against the war, if there is much at all, has little chance of being aired.

A few demonstrations against the war, such as those staged by the Israeli-Arab activist group Zazim, still flicker through central cities, but they do so under heavy supervision, with officers warning crowds to disperse when sirens sound or when assemblies grow beyond what commanders deem safe.

The effect is a public sphere constrained less by decree than by the constant threat hanging overhead.

“Kids aren’t going to school, while employers are insisting their parents go to work,” Zazim’s co-founder and executive director, Raluca Ganea, says. Everyone is too overwhelmed by the daily grind to voice any dissatisfaction, she adds.

“We’re enduring multiple missile attacks daily, which means people aren’t sleeping. It’s like a manual for tyrants. It’s how you suppress protest or opposition and it’s working so far,” she added.

“We’ve attempted a couple of protests, but people are just too tired to engage,” Ganea says of Zazim’s efforts to resist the war. “It’s not so much that people are telling you that you can’t so much as protesting becomes impossible when a missile attack could happen at any time.”

Support for the war on Iran has remained strong in Israel, a fact borne out by polls. But as exhaustion grows and resentment builds over having their fates decided by often distant leaders such as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump, who have shown little investment in their welfare, the societal fractures that came to define the war on Gaza are almost inevitable, she warns.

“It’s depressing,” she says. “The only response people have is to feel helpless when their fate is in the hands of people like Trump and Netanyahu, who really don’t care about them.”

Those who have put their heads above the parapet to object openly to the war are shunned anyway, as 19-year-old Itamar Greenberg knows only too well. People spit at him in the street.

“It comes in waves,” he says of the criticism he faces for his opposition to the war on Iran on the streets of his hometown, near Tel Aviv. “Sometimes they follow me, shouting ‘traitor’ or ‘terrorist’.”

Itamar is clear enough that he isn’t a terrorist, though he seems ready to accept the label of traitor if it means halting the war on Iran.

“At my university, everywhere, they say my opposition to the war on Iran is somehow crossing a red line. For instance, because of the [danger to the Israeli] hostages, some people could understand opposition to the genocide on Gaza, but opposing the war on Iran, the great evil, is somehow too much,” he says.

Rising censorship

Across Israel, journalists and activists like Itamar describe a pervasive atmosphere of self-policing and censorship that, they say, has left people less informed about the consequences of the war than the citizens in Iran, whom many in their media encourage them to pity.

In a country largely unified against a threat that, for generations, politicians have told them is existential, criticism, dissent or opposition is, for the majority, beyond the pale.

This way of thinking is baked into Israeli society. The systems employed by the country’s military censor today to curtail media reporting predate the establishment of Israel in 1948.

Furthermore, new wartime restrictions on what can and cannot be broadcast of the Iranian missile barrages targeting Israel, where they land and what damage they have done – introduced on March 5 – mean these largely go entirely unreported, Israeli journalists say.

Reporting on the new media restrictions in mid-March, the Israeli magazine +972 documented one instance when journalists were permitted to report on debris that had hit an educational facility, but did not mention the actual strike by an Iranian missile, which had successfully hit its intended target nearby. Nor were they allowed to examine the site.

In another case reported by +972, journalists photographing damage to a residential block said they were approached by a man they believed to be linked to a security agency. He asked police to stop reporters from recording the real target of the attack, which was located behind them. The police officer replied that the journalists would not have noticed that site at all had it not been pointed out, since the visible destruction was concentrated on the civilian building.

The censorship, which had been growing more relaxed in recent years, had been tightened once more during the current war, Meron Rapoport, an editor at +972’s sister paper, Hebrew language Local Call, told Al Jazeera, “We don’t really know what is being or with what explosives,” he said, “The IDF [Israeli army] announcements always refer to strikes being on ‘uninhabited areas,’ which is peculiar, because there aren’t that many uninhabited areas in Tel Aviv. It’s a very compact city.”

Indeed, Iran has launched multiple missiles at Tel Aviv, some of which have resulted in damage and injuries – either by the missiles themselves or by debris falling following interception. Most recently, on Tuesday, missiles triggered air raid sirens in the city, where gaping holes were ripped through a multistorey apartment building.

Israel’s Magen David Adom emergency medical service said: “Six people were lightly injured at four different sites.”

“It’s curious,” Rapoport says. “Israeli commentators are always saying how the Iranian public has no real idea how badly they’re being hit. The irony is that they probably have a better idea of how hard Israel is being hit than most Israelis.”

Israel has been trying to make the case for its war on Iran by portraying the country as a threat to European cities, warning Iranian missiles could reach capitals like London and Paris.

GCC states, UN rights chief Volker Turk warn of grave repercussions amid war on Iran.

Gulf states’ representatives have told the United Nations Human Rights Council that Iranian attacks on their territories amount to a gross violation of state sovereignty, as the UN’s rights chief warned that the Middle East is nearing an “unmitigated catastrophe” as the US-Israel war on Iran approaches the one-month mark.

Saudi Arabia’s representative to the UN, Abdulmohsen Majed bin Khothaila, condemned Iranian attacks during ⁠an emergency meeting called by Gulf states in Geneva on Wednesday, saying the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states were being attacked despite not being involved in the conflict.

“[Iranian attacks] violate the UN Charter and international law. We must call things by their name,” Majed bin Khothaila said.

“To target a neighbour is a violation of the principles of good neighbourly relations. To target a mediator betrays all efforts aimed at peace and undermines any constructive initiative. To target states that are not party to the hostilities amounts to unacceptable and unjustifiable attacks that cannot be passed over in silence.”

Qatar’s representative to the UN, Hend bint Abd al-Rahman al-Muftah, said Iran’s attacks had “grave repercussions” that were “not only affecting peace and security in the world, but also human rights”.

“These attacks amount to a great source of concern for us, and we can no longer remain silent,” she added.

“To attack the electricity and desalination plants also involves serious environmental consequences and undermines rights that should be guaranteed by human rights provisions.”

The Qatari representative also noted that the de facto closure of the Strait of Hormuz was “a source of great concern, given the dire consequences it can have on the economy and supply routes”.

Kuwait’s ambassador, Naser Abdullah Alhayen, told the council that the Gulf was “seeing an existential threat to international and regional ⁠security”.

“This aggressive approach is undermining international law and sovereignty,” Alhayen added.

The UN’s rights chief, Volker Turk, warned that the war has created an “extremely dangerous and unpredictable” situation that is pushing the Middle East towards an “unmitigated catastrophe”.

“The only guaranteed way to prevent this is to end the conflict, and I urge all states, and particularly those with influence, to do everything in their power to achieve this,” he said.

Al Jazeera’s Zein Basravi, reporting from Dubai, said the “GCC countries are looking for a seat at the table” at negotiations between the United States and Iran.

“As Iran is going to look for guarantees going forward from the US and Israel, Gulf states will be looking for guarantees from Iran,” he said.

Basravi added that while the volume of incoming attacks in Gulf countries seemed to be going down in recent days, a small attack from Iran “can still create the same level of disruption since the beginning of the war”.

For a long time, people in Bultu-Briya have lived in anguish; their environment seems to be at war with them, and they spend most of their lives fighting back. Climate crises like desert encroachment is eating deep into the community, killing fertile lands, and uprooting trees and homes. Drought has brought a plague to the land, drying up rivers and wells in the locality and across many communities in the Yusufari Local Government Area of Yobe State, northeastern Nigeria.

The climate crisis has triggered food and water scarcity, forcing villagers to move to urban areas in Lagos and Abuja, while hundreds of others have migrated to neighbouring countries like the Niger Republic and Cameroon. Those who refused to leave became the victims of the climate crisis. In far-to-reach communities like Tulo-Tulo and Bula-Tura, dunes have moved so close that hundreds of families have been displaced into the shadows of despair. Thirty miles away, in Zakkari town, locals say they have not harvested in more than seven years. Farmers have had to abandon farming for other menial jobs, as famine crept into the communities.

The curious cases of terrorism and insurgency have made lives even more difficult for people battling environmental crises. Thousands have been killed and displaced in the northeastern region due to recurring attacks from terrorists subjugating communities under the influence of radical Islamist ideologies. Local and state authorities appear to have lost touch with remote villages affected by the climate crisis, transforming once-populated areas into ghost communities.

The scourge of extreme weather and ecological collapse in the region has exacerbated a vicious cycle of poverty, food insecurity, and mass displacement, providing a fertile environment for extremist groups like Boko Haram to thrive. Environmental shifts have devastated climate-sensitive industries such as farming and fishing, which support 70 per cent of the regional workforce, leaving the youth highly vulnerable to radicalisation as a means of survival, according to a study by the Growing Thought Leadership Award.

“Climate change seems to act as a threat multiplier, since it worsens every component of the cycle of issues harming the area of Lake Chad,” said Camilla Carlesi, the author of the study. “The tendency to produce suicide bombers is greater in a community defined by mass misery and joblessness than in one in which the basic needs of food, education, health, housing, and sanitation are met.”

The reporting approach

For six months in 2025, HumAngle travelled to the fringes of villages affected by drought and desertification in Yobe State. Working with local journalists in Cameroon and the Niger Republic, we tracked the stories of Nigerian climate migrants seeking greener pastures in the neighbouring countries. 

What we found shows that state authorities’ mismanagement of climate funding has left communities helpless amid harsh environmental realities. Our reporting has however triggered some positive action by the government.

Our reporting documented first-hand accounts from villagers in the affected area. Most of them told HumAngle that contaminated water sources and barren fields have led to forced migration. HumAngle also conducted cross-border reporting across the Sahel, spotlighting the lives of climate migrants who are lost in host communities. We documented journeys into Libya, Cameroon, and Niger Republic, exposing the realities of forced migration as a transnational crisis rather than a localised problem.

Using satellite imagery and land-cover analyses from sources such as NASA’s GRACE mission and Landsat datasets, we validated villagers’ testimonies by showing vegetation loss, shrinking water bodies, and advancing desert dunes. The report also blends local testimonies, expert analysis, and UN predictions to triangulate the findings. For instance, villagers’ accounts of poisoned wells are juxtaposed with UNHCR warnings about climate-driven displacement, and expert commentary from the Global Centre for Climate Mobility provides policy-oriented perspectives. 

By tracking billions of naira earmarked for climate adaptation projects and contrasting them with the absence of results on the ground, the investigation exposes governance gaps and leadership failures in the state. 

Strategy for impact

To reach a wider audience, the investigation was produced in English, French, and Hausa, across four media organisations in Nigeria, Cameroon, and the Niger Republic. 

We published on HumAngle to target policymakers in the disaster and humanitarian sectors across the Sahel. TheCable, the Nigerian online newspaper, syndicated the story to a broader Nigerian audience. Echo Du Niger published the story in French to grab the attention of the Niger Republic audience. In Cameroon, we published both online and print versions via the Guardian Post to target young and traditional news consumers. We also produced a short video explainer in English and Hausa to reach local audiences.

These distribution plans were effective in educating locals and prompting them to hold the government accountable. Following the investigation, we launched online campaigns for change in local languages. One such campaign by HumAngle’s local reporting partner, Usman Adamu, caught attention on Facebook, garnering thousands of reactions and comments. In October 2025, Usman addressed the locals’ concerns about contaminated water in their rivers and wells, which was making life even more challenging. He noted that in the past, a local from Bultu-Briya village in Yusufari LGA had called him in a state of extreme distress and panic, about their current situation, as their water source had become completely contaminated – as we reported. 

“As it stands, the residents have to travel long distances to various valleys or neighbouring villages just to find water for their daily use and consumption,” Usman said.

HumAngle’s impact-driven reporting caught the attention of state and local officials, who reached out, promising to swing into action. For months, we didn’t just rely on their promises; we followed up with calls and messages.

A flicker of hope

In December 2025, the Yobe State Government, through the Agro-Climatic Resilience in Semi-Arid Landscapes (ACReSAL) project, handed over 10 designated sites for the construction of hybrid solar-powered boreholes across 10 oasis communities in the Yusufari LGA to cushion the effects of climate-induced crises contaminating water sources in the area.  State officials said the intervention would enhance access to clean water, support livelihoods, and strengthen environmental stability in areas severely affected by water scarcity and climate-induced challenges.

Shehu Mohammed, the ACReSAL State Project Coordinator, remarked that the initiative aligns with Governor Mai Mala Buni’s directive to focus on communities without dependable water sources and those facing severe shortages. He said the effort is part of a broader strategy to restore oases and improve the living conditions of rural households.

“Let me assure you that by the grace of Almighty God, your communities will have access to safe and clean water within the next three months. This intervention is a direct response to the governor’s commitment to addressing water scarcity and improving community resilience,” Shehu stated.

The benefiting communities include Kafi-Kere, Boridi, Gaptori, Bula Ariye, Lawan Ganari, and Bulamari, all in Yusufari LGA. They were selected based on their urgent need for sustainable water solutions. Speaking on behalf of the contracting firm, AI-Import & Export, Mohammed Ali, the project manager, assured ACReSAL and the state government of quality service delivery and timely completion of the project. He emphasised the company’s commitment to carrying out the borehole operations in full compliance with the contract’s technical specifications.

Although the project has not been completed as of the time of reporting, locals told HumAngle that the initiative has given them a flicker of hope that a good water system will be installed in their communities after decades of drinking from contaminated wells.

Help is coming

Following HumAngle’s investigation, the Yusufari LGA chairperson, Adam Jibrin, said that at the local level, his government is committed to building solar-powered water systems in communities not covered by ACReSAL’s interventions. Adam wondered why the state government refused to work with them on the ACReSAL’s solar-powered water system projects.

“There hasn’t been effective stakeholder engagement before deciding to construct the boreholes. As LG officials, we are supposed to be contacted because we are closer and more aware of the needs of our citizens,” he said.

Adam had reached out to the affected communities spotlighted in HumAngle’s investigation to understand how to intervene. He said he had lobbied for more funding to execute massive water projects in the area, but there had been delays until recently. Adam became the LGA chairperson in December 2025, after the sudden death of his predecessor, who had laid the groundwork for the water projects upon reading HumAngle’s story.

“As I speak to you, I am in Damaturu to follow up about it so that the approval will be given. But even without the approval, we look at other opportunities to see how we can support our communities,” he told HumAngle. “You know the water issue is very broad and big in Yusufari. Since I became the chairman following my predecessor’s death, we have rebuilt many boreholes to use solar power. And of all the communities we have visited, they are severely in need of the water (like in Bultu-Briya).”

In Yusufari, hand pumps were installed in many communities, but the LGA chairperson said he has directed the Department of Works to conduct an assessment to convert all of them to solar-powered water systems. Adam said that when he went to Bultu-Briya, he confirmed HumAngle’s report that water sources are causing diarrhoea and stomach pain.

“You know this is government work, and we are only doing what is possible within our means; there’s a lot of concern regarding this water issue,” he added. “I know some used to travel far to get it, while others will not get it even if they travel. For Bultu-Briya, we reached out to them a few weeks ago to construct a hand pump, but they said they don’t want a hand pump; they want a solar-powered borehole.”

He noted that, following HumAngle’s story, the late LGA chairperson had ordered someone to go to Bultu-Briya to assess the need for a hand pump, but the villagers insisted they wanted a solar-powered one. “After my swearing in, the people of Bultu-Briya have come to my office regarding the water issue. I told them that, since they don’t want the hand pump, I will mobilise funds to construct the borehole to their needs. You know, the terrain of the place is also an issue, but that will not deter us from doing what is expected.”

The local administrator made these commitments when contacted over the phone earlier in March. Later that month, however, Yusuf Abdullahi, a community stakeholder in Bultu-Briya, told HumAngle that plans to install a solar-powered water system in the village had commenced. He said engineers have recently visited the construction sites and have pledged to complete the project as soon as possible.

Amid these developments at the local level, some climate migrants who left Nigeria for Cameroon joined hundreds of refugees repatriated into the country. About 300 Nigerians taking refuge in Cameroon’s Far North, including climate migrants, have voluntarily left the Minawao refugee camp to return home. On Jan. 27, they were transported in five buses, as part of an ongoing scheme to repatriate a total of 3,122 refugees from the camp. Most of them were displaced many years ago by a hail of insurgency and environmental collapse in the northeastern region.

UN human rights chief Volker Turk says the war on Iran is spreading across the region, with civilians bearing the brunt.

Police source tells Al Jazeera the attack hits positions of the Iran-aligned PMF, which the US has increasingly targeted.

An aerial attack on a military base in western Iraq’s Anbar province has killed seven fighters and wounded 13, according to Iraq’s Ministry of Defence.

The strikes on Wednesday targeted the military healthcare clinic at the base in Habbaniyah, according to the ministry. It called the attack “a heinous crime” that violated “all international laws and norms”.

An Iraqi police source told Al Jazeera the attack targeted positions of the Iraqi military’s Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), a paramilitary force that includes some Iran-aligned brigades and reportedly shares the base with members of Iraq’s regular army.

“What we understand from the military here is that air strikes were carried out and then further strikes carried out on that same position,” said Al Jazeera’s Assed Baig, reporting from Baghdad. He said it appeared to be the first time the PMF was hit alongside the broader Iraqi military.

Iraq has denounced the attack as the country has been dragged into the United States-Israeli war on Iran. On Tuesday, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani’s office said Baghdad would summon the Iranian and US ambassadors over the recent strikes.

‘Right to respond’

A security official quoted by the AFP news agency said the strike occurred at the same base that suffered a deadly attack the day before.

Tuesday’s strike, which the PMF blamed on the US, was the deadliest in Iraq since the start of the war on Iran on February 28, It killed 15 fighters, including a commander.

The attack prompted Iraq’s government to grant the PMF a “right to respond” to any attack against it, a position Baghdad reaffirmed on Wednesday.

“We reserve our full right to take all necessary measures to respond to this aggression within the established legal frameworks,” the Defence Ministry said.

Since the war began, pro-Iran armed groups have claimed responsibility for attacks on US interests in Iraq and across the region while strikes have also targeted these groups, including at government-linked positions.

The US Department of Defense has acknowledged that combat helicopters have carried out strikes against pro-Iran armed groups in Iraq during the current conflict.

Baig said the latest strikes demonstrate “an escalation in terms of the PMF being targeted”.

“Increasingly, Iraq is becoming a battlefield between Iraqi armed factions and the United States,” he said.

Iran’s military has said the United States is failing in its war and negotiating with itself to save face, dismissing claims by US President Donald Trump that talks are under way to end the conflict.

“Has the level of your inner ⁠struggle reached the stage ⁠of you negotiating with yourself?” Ebrahim Zolfaqari, spokesperson for the unified command of Iran’s armed ⁠forces, Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, said on Wednesday in comments carried by Iran’s semiofficial Fars news agency.

“Don’t call your failure an agreement,” he added, mocking US leadership.

The statement is the latest official Iranian denial that Tehran is engaged in diplomacy with Washington, even as Trump insists talks are ongoing and reports circulate of the US sending a peace proposal.

Speaking to reporters at the White House yesterday, the US president said Washington is speaking to the “right people” in Iran, which he claimed wants to make a deal “so badly”.

“They are talking to us, and they’re making sense,” said Trump.

Trump’s position marks a stark shift from days earlier, when he threatened to strike Iran’s power plants if Tehran did not fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz, where it has threatened vessels from “enemy” nations. Hours before the ultimatum expired on Monday – and US markets reopened for the trading week – Trump said he would delay any planned attack by five days, citing diplomatic progress. Iranian officials denied this.

Zolfaqari said there would be no return to previous oil prices or the prior regional order “until our will is done”.

‘Obscurity in Iran’

Questions over possible diplomacy were amplified by US media reports that Washington had sent Tehran a 15-point plan to end the war.

The Wall Street Journal, quoting unnamed officials, reported that the plan calls on Iran to dismantle its three main nuclear sites, end any enrichment on its soil, suspend its ballistic missile programme, curb support for its regional allies and fully reopen the Strait of Hormuz. In return, Iran would have nuclear-related sanctions lifted and the US would assist the country’s civilian nuclear programme, according to the Journal.

Al Jazeera’s Mohamed Vall, reporting from Tehran, said there is “total confusion” in Iran over the status of potential negotiations.

“Contrary to the clarity with which Donald Trump seems to speak, there is obscurity in Iran,” said Vall. “What we hear instead are the officials and politicians here saying the complete opposite. They say there is no negotiation.

“There is total confusion, total obscurity, and it’s really making this situation very interesting and very strange,” he added.

While there is a “cloud of mistrust” between the US and Iran, Tehran is engaged diplomatically with several regional countries, including Pakistan, said Al Jazeera’s Tohid Asadi, also reporting from Tehran. Islamabad, which appears to have emerged as a possible mediator in the conflict, delivered the US’s plan to Tehran, according to The New York Times.

Israel, Iran trade strikes

Amid the competing claims about negotiations, Israel continued to strike Iran, and the US reportedly prepared to send more troops to the Middle East.

Israel’s military said it carried out a series of late-night strikes on infrastructure in Tehran. Iran’s Fars news agency reported at least 12 people killed and 28 wounded in an “enemy attack” on the residential area of Varamin in southern Tehran.

Iran, for its part, claimed to fire more missiles at Israel, including targeting a military base in the northern Israeli city of Safad, as well as sites in the cities of Tel Aviv, Kiryat Shmona and Bnei Brak. There were no immediate reports of casualties from that missile salvo, though an earlier rocket attack by Hezbollah killed one woman in northern Israel.

Meanwhile, the US was expected to send at least 1,000 soldiers from the Army’s elite 82nd Airborne Division to the ⁠Middle East, adding to some 50,000 US soldiers already in the region, the Reuters and AP news agencies reported.

“As the US is preparing for peace talks, it’s also preparing for war,” said Al Jazeera’s John Hendren from Washington, DC. “Diplomacy and military moves are going on at the same time.”

Multiple recent drone incursions over U.S. bases housing strategic military assets amplify concerns The War Zone has been documenting for years about highly worrisome drone flights over these installations and critical capabilities. These incidents, as we’ve noted, present a risk to national and local security.

One of the drone overflights took place earlier this month at Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, home of B-52 Stratofortress bombers and nuclear weapons storage facilities, and a key part of the airborne leg of America’s nuclear triad. Another was at an unspecified installation last month, the commander of U.S. Northern Command mentioned in recent written testimony for the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC). Both situations took place after the U.S. began bombing Iran in a campaign that has included B-52, B-1 Lancer and B-2 Spirit bombers. It is unknown at this point if there is a connection, however, as we have frequently reported, the military is highly concerned about drones operating with near impunity over its facilities. In addition to interfering with flights and their potential use as weapons, drones can surveil and map the electronic emissions throughout a base, gaining insight into vulnerabilities. They can also photograph key areas and operations, providing additional valuable intelligence for any adversary.

One of these incidents spurred NORTHCOM to deploy its new counter-drone fly-away kit, designed to give installation commanders the ability to detect, quantify, and defeat small drones that they cannot defend against on their own. We’ll discuss that in greater detail later in this story.

The incursions at Barksdale began the week of March 9, a spokesperson for the 2nd Bomber Wing at the base told us, offering few details about what happened beyond saying “we are working closely with federal and local law enforcement agencies to investigate these incursions.”

The incident sparked a shelter-in-place order lifted later that day.

According to ABC News, a confidential briefing document dated March 15 stated that the “drones came in waves and entered and exited the base in a way that may suggest attempts to ‘avoid the operator(s) being located,’” the network reported. “Lights on the drones suggested the operators ‘may be testing security responses’ at the base.”

“Between March 9-15, 2026, BAFB Security Forces observed multiple waves of 12-15 drones operating over sensitive areas of the installation, including the flight line, with aircraft displaying non-commercial signal characteristics, long-range control links and resistance to jamming,” the document stated. “After reaching multiple points across the installation, the drones dispersed across sensitive locations on the base.”

The document added that more drone incursions could be expected and that they “pose a significant threat to public safety and national security since they require the flight line to be shut down while also putting manned aircrafts already inflight in the area at risk.”

It is not publicly known if there have been any additional incursions since the document was issued. Base officials declined to tell us.

Another incident took place at an unspecified location in February as the U.S. was beginning to attack Iran.

“In the early hours of Operation EPIC FURY last month, a deployed [fly-away kit] successfully detected and defeated sUAS operating over a strategic U.S. installation,” Air Force Gen. David M. Guillot, the commander of NORTHCOM, explained in a written statement to SASC on March 19.

Guillot did not say which base or provide any other details. On Tuesday, a NORTHCOM spokesperson declined to specify which base Guillot was referring to but confirmed there were multiple incursions and personnel used the flyaway kit’s “jamming protocol.”

“We will not name the base nor the type of installation where our Flyaway Kit is deployed in order to preserve operational security,” NORTHCOM added. “Specifically, connecting the Flyway Kit to a specific base can potentially illuminate that base’s vulnerabilities to an adversary. Additionally, by confirming a specific Counter-small Unmanned Aircraft System (C-sUAS) platform, we would potentially give an adversary an advantage in circumventing our C-sUAS capabilities at that location.”

So far, NORTHCOM has only one fly-way kit, but more should be delivered “in the Spring of 2026,” Guillot added in his written statement.

The kit currently deployed is produced by Anduril. The company describes it as a “rapidly deployable, modular, and battle-tested counter-UAS system designed to detect, track, identify, and defeat Group 1-3 drones.” It uses Anduril’s Pulsar system for radio-frequency detection and electromagnetic effects to jam radio signals controlling drones. There are also drone-on-drone interceptors. You can read more about that in our story about the system here. 

While Guillot offered scant details in his written testimony, he provided some additional insights into the military’s efforts to counter drones over the homeland. His command is tasked with coordinating those efforts.

“We’ve seen an increase from last year in the number of detections over military installations over the course of the year.,” he said in response to a question from Sen. Eric Schmitt (R-MO), who represents Whiteman Air Force Base, home of B-2s used in Epic Fury. “Some of that might be due to the fact that we have more detection capability now than we did in the past, and then our ability to defeat them has improved. Whereas a year ago, almost every one that was detected was not defeated, now about a quarter of the ones that we detect we’re able to defeat. I pay particular attention to Whiteman and other strategic bases, whether submarine silos or aircraft, and work very closely with Admiral [Richard. A] Correll at STRATCOM to make sure that either through the services or through our own capabilities at NORTHCOM, we are protecting those vital locations from UASs.”

Northcom, Southcom Commanders Testify Before Senate Armed Services Committee 03.19.2026

Whiteman declined to comment about whether that base has seen any drone incursions, citing operational security concerns.

The incursions over Barksdale are reminiscent of those that took place over Langley Air Force Base in December 2023 that The War Zone was the first to report. It remains publicly unknown who operated those drones, which has been the case with incursions at military installations across the U.S. and Europe as well that we also were the first to write about.

That these latest drone flights took place in the wake of Epic Fury is alarming. Iran’s drone capabilities loom large in the mind of U.S. intelligence even here in the homeland. Also, it’s worth noting that B-52s at Barksdale sit almost entirely out in the open and, with just 76 of these airframes available across the force, they are extremely valuable assets and thus potentially very high-value targets. This is especially true since there are just a few that could be regenerated if any are lost. Moreover, Stratofortresses are expected to provide a large portion of U.S. conventional and nuclear aerial strike capabilities for decades to come.

We have been warning about the threat to American aircraft on flightlines from even the lowliest of drones for many years. These warnings have taken on new urgency after last year’s Ukrainian near-field attacks on Russian long-range aviation, dubbed Operation Spider Web. This operation alone suddenly turned what were once theoretical nightmares into very real possibilities.

We will continue to monitor this situation and provide updates when warranted.

Contact the author: howard@thewarzone.com

The early morning of January 3, 2026, marked a turning point in Venezuela’s recent history. An operation carried out by US forces combined airstrikes on Caracas and strategic military areas with a ground incursion that culminated in the abduction of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and their subsequent rendition to New York. The operation left more than 90 dead, including 32 members of the Cuban special forces who fought to protect Maduro, inflicting some damage on the imperialist forces before being killed.

While it is certainly strange that the United States could carry out the operation to kidnap Maduro and his wife without encountering significant resistance—beyond that offered by the innermost security ring, most of whom were of Cuban origin, like the aforementioned 32 martyrs—perhaps even more surprising are the statements made by Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López. Weeks after Maduro’s kidnapping, Padrino asserted that it was impossible to deploy fighter jets at the time of the attack given the United States’ air superiority, with 150 aircraft. He thus acknowledged that, with the exception of the president’s personal guard and a few soldiers stationed near the residence, the Venezuelan Armed Forces did not respond to the imperialist aggression. 

We cannot speculate on military matters, since we are not experts and do not have all the necessary information on the issue. That falls outside our purview. In any case, Padrino López’s own words and the events that unfolded during the attack indicate that, for some reason or another, the decision was made not to respond militarily to the Delta Force attack in the early hours of January 3 in Caracas. 

To the surprise of many, Maduro’s abduction did not lead to an immediate or complete institutional collapse. Vice President Delcy Rodríguez assumed the interim presidency, backed by the Supreme Court and the National Assembly, headed by Jorge Rodríguez. This “two-pronged approach” allowed for a certain degree of formal stability to be maintained while the administration of the country’s strategic resources was reorganized and the implementation of policies to adapt to the new context was accelerated.

Coordination with Washington was immediate. On January 15, CIA Director John Ratcliffe – who just days earlier had overseen the aggressive operation alongside Donald Trump in Florida – visited Caracas and met with Delcy Rodríguez. A few days later, the reform of the Organic Law on Hydrocarbons was presented and approved. This timeline reveals an almost symbiotic alignment between Venezuelan authorities and the US administration aimed at ensuring that oil wealth flows under the empire’s supervision, while simultaneously safeguarding the interests of large corporations and international creditors. Whether this link is the result of betrayal or capitulation is, for now, irrelevant. However, what is becoming clearer every day is that, if this were a tactical retreat, it seems unlikely that it could be corrected without strategic direction. And the latter appears to be beyond the reach of the country’s new authorities.

The liquidation of oil sovereignty: from Chávez to Delcy Rodríguez

The recent reform of the Organic Law on Hydrocarbons (LOH) is not a minor amendment to the previous law, but rather the culmination of a process of gradual neoliberal regression that finally took shape in the substantial repeal of the 2001 law – a cornerstone of the Chavista social project and a historic achievement in the assertion of Venezuelan sovereignty.

The original 2001 law, enacted by Hugo Chávez as an Enabling Law, alongside subsequent reforms in 2006 and 2007, marked the peak of Venezuela’s oil nationalization. It established exclusive state ownership of hydrocarbons in the subsoil, PDVSA’s monopoly on international marketing, majority state control in all joint ventures, state planning of investment, and the priority allocation of revenue to social development.

Throughout the various phases of Maduro’s administration, and in the face of the economic crisis caused by brutal US-led sanctions, revenue-seeking policies were implemented in an effort to secure liquidity and foreign currency, which gradually eroded the Chavista socioeconomic structure. This laid the groundwork for the gradual privatization of national resources, even though commercial control and ownership of the oil remained formally in the hands of the state.

Furthermore, during the 2019–2024 period, Maduro granted operating licenses to Chevron and other foreign corporations that allowed for direct exploitation and marketing in certain areas, setting precedents for private control over production. These agreements, presented as “temporary exceptions” to revive output and alleviate the social burden of sanctions, established the framework of dependency that the 2026 reform ultimately consolidated legally.

The January 2026 reform promoted by the Delcy Rodríguez administration, designed in accordance with the requirements of January 9 Trump administration Executive Order 14373, completes this process of erosion and represents a substantial rollback of the economic foundations of Chavista social transformation. Many of the changes introduced reflect mechanisms imposed under the Anti-Blockade Law (2020) and the Special Economic Zones Law (2022), which loosened restrictions on the private sector’s role, primarily through broad tax exemptions and trade incentives, while the 2026 LOH eliminates any remaining obstacles to private operational control of that sector. Or, in other words: what under Maduro were exceptions designed to circumvent sanctions – particularly pressing in the context of the pandemic and post-pandemic period – are formalized in Rodríguez’s reform to institute open subordination.

First, the exclusive state ownership of hydrocarbons in the subsoil – which the 1999 Constitution reaffirmed as an inalienable principle and which even Maduro formally upheld – has been rendered meaningless. While Article 5 of the 2001 law stated that “hydrocarbons in the subsoil are the property of the Republic,” the 2026 reform establishes that foreign private operators can acquire property rights over production from the moment of extraction, allowing them to market it directly without the state involvement that characterized the original Chavista model. The qualitative difference from the Maduro era is that this direct commercialization is now generalized across the entire sector, and the geographical and temporal restrictions that maintained a prospect of state control have been eliminated.

Second, the reform permanently eliminates the state monopoly on international commercialization. The 2001 law and subsequent reforms stipulated that PDVSA was the only entity authorized to export. The 2026 reform allows Western conglomerates such as Chevron, ExxonMobil, Shell, and Repsol to directly market all or portions of production, thereby undermining the state’s sovereign authority to decide to whom to sell, under what conditions, and at what price. Private companies now determine the destination of shipments, negotiating directly with refiners and distributors, while the Venezuelan state receives only royalties and dividends subject to external control mechanisms.

This commercial subordination is further reinforced by a restrictive framework imposed by Washington: General Licenses 46, 50A, and 52 issued by the US Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) strictly prohibit Venezuelan crude oil from reaching entities based in Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, or Cuba, extending the ban to any company that maintains ties of ownership or control with individuals from those countries. Far from restoring commercial autonomy, the 2026 reform institutionalizes these barriers: while transnational corporations are given carte blanche to negotiate directly with Western refiners, all transactions with Chavismo’s historical partners remain prohibited. The Venezuelan state is reduced to collecting royalties under foreign supervision, with no capacity to direct oil flows toward those markets that for years guaranteed the sustainability of the Bolivarian project. This leads to a situation as deplorable as it is surreal, where the Zionist entity has been able to receive Venezuelan crude without hindrance, while Cuba is left helpless against Washington’s strangulation.

Third, the reform abolishes state control over investment and exploitation. The 2001 law reserved for the state the right to plan investment. The 2026 reform allows private operators to unilaterally determine investment levels, the technology to be used, and reserve policy, eliminating any need for approval from Venezuelan authorities beforehand. Foreign companies acquire the right to import equipment and personnel without restrictions, operating under a regime of fiscal and legal extraterritoriality.

Fourth, the reform dismantles the framework for protecting social investments. The 2001 law stipulated that oil revenues must be allocated primarily to economic and social development. The 2026 reform includes provisions allowing for international arbitration to resolve disputes, prioritizing the protection of private investments over any social claims. Funds derived from oil production are subject to foreign control mechanisms. 

Lastly, the aforementioned OFAC licenses effectively establish an architecture of fiscal subordination that privileges foreign interests, with Venezuelan oil proceeds deposited in US Treasury-run accounts. By accepting these licenses – and with the additional stipulations of the reform – the Delcy Rodríguez administration is effectively subject to mechanisms for external validation of its budgets.

Oil reform and foreign oversight are not isolated processes: they constitute a neocolonial arrangement disguised as economic normalization, which maintains formal sovereignty while relinquishing operational control. In strategic terms, Venezuela has gone from being an actor with a relative capacity to define its energy policy— despite sanctions and threats — to a subordinate whose critical decisions are dictated by the United States. 

Condemning Iran: geopolitical alignment as submission

Structural subordination is also evident in foreign policy. In the face of the recent imperialist aggression against Iran, launched jointly by the United States and the Zionist entity on February 28, 2026, which left more than 200 dead in the first few hours (including 148 girls killed in the bombing of an elementary school in Minab), the Delcy Rodríguez government rushed to abandon its traditional alliance with Tehran. 

In an initial statement, it took a stance condemning both the imperialist aggression and the response of the attacked country, falling into a shameful and ridiculous position of neutrality. This official statement, issued on February 28 stated that the Venezuelan government “condemns and deeply regrets that the military option was taken against Iran” and expressed dismay over the civilian casualties. However, the text then went on to refer to “Iran’s inappropriate and reprehensible military reprisals against targets in various countries in the region.” In doing so, the Delcy Rodríguez administration denied the bombed country the right to self-defense, placing the aggressor and the victim on the same level.

This statement, which Foreign Minister Yván Gil ended up deleting from his social media accounts hours later, marks a definitive break with the anti-imperialist stance that Venezuela had been building for two decades. The condemnation of the response by Tehran – a historic ally of Chavismo and high-level strategic partner since 2022 – shows that alignment with imperialism is now a fait accompli.

The Venezuelan communiqué cannot be understood without considering the context: the complete opening of the oil sector to foreign capital, the aforementioned reception in Caracas of the CIA director, and the subsequent arrival of US Chargé d’Affaires Laura Dogu as a diplomatic representative, along with visits by US Secretary of Energy Chris Wright, US Interior Secretary Doug Bergum, and the head of US Southern Command, General Francis Donovan; all within a few weeks, prior to Trump’s own recognition of Delcy Rodríguez as Venezuela’s president.

The Rodríguez administration not only hands over the oil and refuses to stand up to the empire, but also politically legitimizes US hegemony, breaking with the internationalist and popular legacy that Chavismo had always fostered, defended, and pushed forward. The condemnation of the Iranian resistance – which undoubtedly amounts to a condemnation of the entire anti-Zionist Axis of Resistance and all peoples oppressed by the colonial entity – is presented as “international responsibility” and a “commitment to peace.” The new Venezuelan administration thus disguises its surrender of diplomatic sovereignty and buries the solidarity-driven, internationalist Venezuela that Chavismo led, both during Chávez’s and Maduro’s tenures.

Cabral’s Dilemma: betrayal of the Chavista project or class suicide

To fully understand what has happened in Venezuela, it is quite helpful to examine it in light of the political theory of Amílcar Cabral, the independence leader of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde and one of the most incisive thinkers of African and Third World liberation. Cabral first formulated the concept of “class suicide” in his 1964 message to Guinean militiamen, later developing it in numerous speeches throughout the 1960s and 1970s, particularly in his address, “The Weapon of Theory,” delivered at the First Tricontinental Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, held in Havana in January 1966.

In the context of Guinea-Bissau’s liberation struggle, Cabral further developed this theory by applying it to that specific reality in his work Guinea-Bissau: An African Nation Forged in Struggle, posthumously published in 1974. The Guinean petty bourgeoisie, formed under the Portuguese colonial administration, had to choose between joining the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC) and its peasant base, renouncing their privileges as colonial officials, or remaining on the sidelines and eventually collaborating with Portugal. Cabral had no illusions about the difficulties of this choice. The historical dilemma of this petty bourgeoisie, according to Cabral, is strictly binary: “either it betrays the Revolution or it commits suicide as a class.” There is no third way, no middle ground, and no possible compromise. Any attempt to maintain a neutral stance ends, sooner or later, in subordination to imperialism and the betrayal of national interests.

Class suicide did not mean the physical disappearance of individuals, but rather the destruction of their particular class status. It entailed a radical and conscious transformation. As Cabral explained, the petty bourgeoisie had to “renounce the class position it occupies in social life” and “integrate itself with the popular forces – that is, with the workers and the peasants.” In other words: voluntarily abandon their privileges as an intermediate class, cease to be a class separate and distinct from the people, and fully identify with the popular forces as part of a project of national and social liberation. 

The betrayal of the revolution – the other option in this dilemma – occurs when the bourgeoisie preserves its class existence and its intermediary privileges through subordination to imperialism. It does not renounce its position, does not identify with the people, and does not dismantle its networks of privilege. On the contrary, it negotiates its corporate survival with the enemy, becoming a comprador bourgeoisie. This betrayal is not always explicit or conscious. It often presents itself as “realism,” “pragmatism,” or “tacticism.” But its result is always the same: the consolidation of structural dependence and the blocking of any emancipatory project aimed at true sovereign independence, an indispensable requirement for delinking from the imperialist system.

The theory of class suicide has profound methodological implications for political analysis. First, it establishes that national liberation cannot be led by the national bourgeoisie or by the petty bourgeoisie unless they have committed class suicide. Second, it demonstrates that formal independence does not equate to real liberation if the political leadership retains its character as a subordinate intermediary class. Third, it points out that the class struggle continues during the revolutionary process and that the principal contradiction is not always between the people and external colonialism, but also between the people and their own leadership that resists class suicide.

What sets the Venezuelan case apart is that the petty bourgeoisie – whether treacherous or capitulationist – is not the traditional colonial class that Cabral analyzed, but rather a bureaucratic bourgeoisie forged in the very process of revolutionary change. Over two decades of Chavismo, this class has accumulated experience in state administration, built autonomous power networks, developed a distinct corporate identity, and created a social base of support. Class suicide would mean renouncing all this historical accumulation, dissolving into the popular masses, and reconfiguring the project from the ground up by aligning with the proletariat and the communal project. Betrayal, on the other hand, allows for the preservation of bureaucratic and clientelist power structures by adapting them to the new framework of subordination. A bureaucratic bourgeoisie that controls the state and oil revenues has its own material interests that may conflict with a direct confrontation against imperialism.

In the wake of the rapid and radical changes implemented by the Delcy Rodríguez administration that we have described, we can observe with bitterness how the national bourgeoisie has ceased to administer independence – the original purpose of the Chavista project – and has instead come to manage dependence.

All of this is being presented, as one would expect, under the guise of Bolivarian continuity, the preservation of symbols, and rhetoric about historical responsibility, all of which serve to obscure the surrender of oil revenues to imperialist control, demolishing what was once the cornerstone of the Chavista social project. This is accompanied by a rupture or abandonment of historic alliances such as with Iran and Cuba, with national resources destined for the Zionist entity without question, in a shameful capitulation to US interests.

The 2026 oil reform is the key element of this submission: state ownership of oil – a pillar of the sovereign development project – is being dismantled in favor of corporate control and placed at the mercy of the US Treasury. This constitutes a sophisticated form of neocolonial domination because it hinders resistance to the brutal imperial agenda. Indeed, the masses are not facing an enemy in the form of a foreign occupation, but rather an elite that speaks their language, appropriates their symbols and folklore, and maintains a patriotic rhetoric, all while systematically dismantling the core foundations that Chavismo built over decades in its quest for a historic break with dependency.

Conclusion

The history of liberation struggles teaches us that if the revolutionary project is the lighthouse, the revolutionary class must be its operator. As such, its cause must be anchored in a historical strategy capable of guiding even the most difficult tactical retreats. But there can be no tactical retreat without strategy, nor strategy without the material foundations on which to sustain it. Economic independence is not a mere ideological ornament of the revolutionary process: it is its condition of possibility. When a nation’s sources of wealth are handed over to the empire’s management, when the revenue that fueled the social project is subjected to external control, and when the state voluntarily relinquishes the instruments that allowed it to decide on its own development, there is no room left for future strategic maneuvering. What is presented as prudence or realism is nothing more than, at best, the institutionalization of capitulation; at worst, of betrayal. 

Those same processes of national liberation have also shown that no revolution has survived without cadres willing to take on the risks demanded by the confrontation with imperial power. Revolutionary leaders are not called upon merely to manage structures, but to embody a historic will capable of sustaining the conflict to its final consequences. In the early hours of January 3, as the Venezuelan state apparatus sealed its commitment to servile negotiation, those willing to give their lives for that cause were the Venezuelan soldiers and 32 Cuban internationalists who fell defending the presidential residence. And in that event, both brutal and symbolic, lies the essence of the dilemma Cabral articulated decades ago: in the face of imperialism, there is no lasting middle ground between class suicide and betrayal. Everything else – the rhetoric, the symbols, the appeals to tactics – are merely transient ways of naming a decision that, sooner or later, history ultimately reveals.

Joan López and Alejandro Pedregal are members of the Anti-Imperialist Network (AIN), anti-imperialist.net.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Source: El Salto Diario

Note: there have been minor edits to the original version to clarify certain aspects of the oil reform.

This is first big step by the ChatGPT maker to focus its business on potentially more lucrative areas, such as coding tools.

OpenAI is shutting down its social media app Sora, which went viral towards the end of last year as a place to share short-form videos generated by artificial intelligence but also raised alarms in Hollywood and elsewhere.

OpenAI said in a brief social media message on Tuesday that it was “saying goodbye to the Sora app” and that it would share more soon about how to preserve what users had already created on the app.

“What you made with Sora mattered, and we know this news is disappointing,” it said.

The company behind ChatGPT released Sora in September as an attempt to capture the attention, and potentially advertising dollars, that follow short-form videos on TikTok, YouTube or Meta-owned Instagram and Facebook.

But a growing chorus of advocacy groups, academics and experts expressed concerns about the dangers of letting people create AI videos on just about anything they can type into a prompt, leading to the proliferation of nonconsensual images and realistic deepfakes in a sea of less harmful “AI slop”.

OpenAI was forced to crack down on AI creations of public figures – among them, Michael Jackson, Martin Luther King Jr and Mister Rogers – doing outlandish things, but only after an outcry from family estates and an actors’ union.

Disney, which made a deal with OpenAI last year to bring its characters to Sora, said in a statement on Tuesday that it respects “OpenAI’s decision to exit the video generation business and to shift its priorities elsewhere”.

But Disney did not see the move coming, the Reuters news agency reported.

On Monday evening, Walt Disney and OpenAI teams were working together on a project linked to Sora. Just 30 minutes after the meeting, the Disney team was blindsided with word that OpenAI was dropping the tool altogether, a person familiar with the matter said.

OpenAI announced the move publicly on Tuesday.

“It was a big rug-pull,” according to the person, who requested anonymity to discuss the matter.

Messy process

The move is the first big step by the ChatGPT maker to focus its business on potentially more lucrative areas, such as coding tools and corporate customers.

But the abrupt cancellation of Sora illustrates how messy the streamlining process may become as OpenAI prepares for a stock market debut that could come as early as later this year.

The Sora decision means the end of a blockbuster $1bn deal between Disney and the ChatGPT maker that was announced a little more than three months ago. As part of the three-year deal, Disney said it would invest $1bn in OpenAI and lend more than 200 of its iconic characters to be used in short, AI-generated videos.

But the transaction between the companies never closed, two other people familiar with the matter said, and no money changed hands.

US media is reporting the Trump administration has proposed a temporary ceasefire and a 15-point plan to end the war on Iran. The reports emerge as Trump claims the US is already talking to Iranian officials – a claim Iran has vehemently denied.